if modern theater historians had told anyone at the Jacobean or Caroline court, or indeed anywhere in the upper reaches of English society in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, that English Renaissance theater was a male preserve, they would have found the claim incomprehensible. Troupes that performed publicly employed only male actors, but many court performances, initially of masques, but in the Caroline period of plays too, included women as an essential and often climactic part of the show. In aristocratic venues, women performers were ubiquitous; what were unknown in England until the Caroline era were professional English women performers. Moreover, even at the public theaters, though the actors were male, a large segment of the audience was female. English women went to playhouses alone with only a servant, or with other women, and unmasked, so they were recognizable. For the English, there was nothing surreptitious about women’s participation in theater. To generalize about the early modern stage without taking the audience into account is to ignore reality. By 1629 a French company with actresses could perform publicly in London—this is the visit about which G. E. Bentley claims that they were booed and “pippin-pelted,” but Arthur and Janet Ing Freeman have shown this to be a Collier forgery. In fact, the company played several times at London public theaters without incident; it is only theater history that finds this inconceivable. The essays in this special section offer a European context for the gender tensions of English Renaissance theater. Viewed from this perspective, it is clear that the Elizabethan, Jacobean, and especially the Caroline stage were not at all cut off from the continental theatrical world. Caroline Bicks’s revelatory account of Mary Ward’s “all-female theatricals that were designed to train girls
{"title":"Afterword","authors":"S. Orgel","doi":"10.1086/688686","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/688686","url":null,"abstract":"if modern theater historians had told anyone at the Jacobean or Caroline court, or indeed anywhere in the upper reaches of English society in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, that English Renaissance theater was a male preserve, they would have found the claim incomprehensible. Troupes that performed publicly employed only male actors, but many court performances, initially of masques, but in the Caroline period of plays too, included women as an essential and often climactic part of the show. In aristocratic venues, women performers were ubiquitous; what were unknown in England until the Caroline era were professional English women performers. Moreover, even at the public theaters, though the actors were male, a large segment of the audience was female. English women went to playhouses alone with only a servant, or with other women, and unmasked, so they were recognizable. For the English, there was nothing surreptitious about women’s participation in theater. To generalize about the early modern stage without taking the audience into account is to ignore reality. By 1629 a French company with actresses could perform publicly in London—this is the visit about which G. E. Bentley claims that they were booed and “pippin-pelted,” but Arthur and Janet Ing Freeman have shown this to be a Collier forgery. In fact, the company played several times at London public theaters without incident; it is only theater history that finds this inconceivable. The essays in this special section offer a European context for the gender tensions of English Renaissance theater. Viewed from this perspective, it is clear that the Elizabethan, Jacobean, and especially the Caroline stage were not at all cut off from the continental theatrical world. Caroline Bicks’s revelatory account of Mary Ward’s “all-female theatricals that were designed to train girls","PeriodicalId":53676,"journal":{"name":"Renaissance Drama","volume":"44 1","pages":"269 - 275"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/688686","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60605039","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
women’s theatrical participation in early modern France has attracted increased scholarly attention in recent decades. Nonetheless, intersections between women’s separate roles as performers, playwrights, and cultural arbiters have yet to be explored. Nor has much been written about the ways in which French women’s theatrical activities intersected with or diverged from those of their female counterparts in neighboring countries. To begin filling these gaps and in the hope of prompting further work on such questions, this essay considers both the development of mixed-gender troupes in late sixteenthand early seventeenth-century France and women’s contributions to French cultural life as playwrights and as members of salon gatherings. The larger movement toward greater theatrical visibility, agency, and mobility for women that this special section traces in early modern Europe did not develop at the same pace in France, we contend. It was during this period that professional troupes in the provinces and in Paris engaged actresses for the first time, and this was also the era when the first French women are known to have composed for the stage. When compared to other continental locales such as Spain and Italy, however, sixteenth-century France experienced a noticeable delay in the advent of mixed-gender professional troupes. To scholars of early modern drama used to thinking of England’s “all-male stage” as an anomaly, this fact may seem surprising. In seeking to work through this puzzle, though, we have come to the conclusion that this deferral occurred not because the French exhibited more pronounced ideological resistance to theater, to women, or to foreigners than existed in other countries. Rather, the French wars of religion—and related wars of succession—occurred just as humanist drama was
{"title":"The Advent of Women Players and Playwrights in Early Modern France","authors":"P. Gethner, Melinda J. Gough","doi":"10.1086/688689","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/688689","url":null,"abstract":"women’s theatrical participation in early modern France has attracted increased scholarly attention in recent decades. Nonetheless, intersections between women’s separate roles as performers, playwrights, and cultural arbiters have yet to be explored. Nor has much been written about the ways in which French women’s theatrical activities intersected with or diverged from those of their female counterparts in neighboring countries. To begin filling these gaps and in the hope of prompting further work on such questions, this essay considers both the development of mixed-gender troupes in late sixteenthand early seventeenth-century France and women’s contributions to French cultural life as playwrights and as members of salon gatherings. The larger movement toward greater theatrical visibility, agency, and mobility for women that this special section traces in early modern Europe did not develop at the same pace in France, we contend. It was during this period that professional troupes in the provinces and in Paris engaged actresses for the first time, and this was also the era when the first French women are known to have composed for the stage. When compared to other continental locales such as Spain and Italy, however, sixteenth-century France experienced a noticeable delay in the advent of mixed-gender professional troupes. To scholars of early modern drama used to thinking of England’s “all-male stage” as an anomaly, this fact may seem surprising. In seeking to work through this puzzle, though, we have come to the conclusion that this deferral occurred not because the French exhibited more pronounced ideological resistance to theater, to women, or to foreigners than existed in other countries. Rather, the French wars of religion—and related wars of succession—occurred just as humanist drama was","PeriodicalId":53676,"journal":{"name":"Renaissance Drama","volume":"44 1","pages":"217 - 232"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/688689","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60604690","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
for a long time, the third-century romance Aethiopica by Heliodorus of Emesa fell exclusively within the critical purview of novel specialists. Over the last fifteen year, a rich body of scholarship has emerged and shifted attention from the important formal innovations that the discovery of Heliodorus’s romance facilitated to the significance of the Aethiopica’s racial themes for the early modern cultural moment. This recent scholarship has focused, on one hand, on the reception of the Aethiopica in early modern English literature and theater and, on the other hand, on the reception of Heliodoric materials in continental visual culture starting in 1610. The present article means to connect those two discrete lines of critical inquiry by foregrounding a topic that has, to this day, received virtually no attention: stage adaptations of the Aethiopica in early modern France and their transnational influence on English seventeenthcentury theater.
{"title":"“Everyone Breeds in His Own Image”: Staging the Aethiopica across the Channel","authors":"Noémie Ndiaye","doi":"10.1086/688684","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/688684","url":null,"abstract":"for a long time, the third-century romance Aethiopica by Heliodorus of Emesa fell exclusively within the critical purview of novel specialists. Over the last fifteen year, a rich body of scholarship has emerged and shifted attention from the important formal innovations that the discovery of Heliodorus’s romance facilitated to the significance of the Aethiopica’s racial themes for the early modern cultural moment. This recent scholarship has focused, on one hand, on the reception of the Aethiopica in early modern English literature and theater and, on the other hand, on the reception of Heliodoric materials in continental visual culture starting in 1610. The present article means to connect those two discrete lines of critical inquiry by foregrounding a topic that has, to this day, received virtually no attention: stage adaptations of the Aethiopica in early modern France and their transnational influence on English seventeenthcentury theater.","PeriodicalId":53676,"journal":{"name":"Renaissance Drama","volume":"44 1","pages":"157 - 185"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/688684","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60604985","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
this series of essays takes as its central focus female theatrical agency in early modern Europe across linguistic and geographic borders, both at the heart of commercial theater in capital cities and in less frequently studied settings such as the convent, the court, and the salon. The four essays that make up this special section address women players, theater managers, and playwrights in Italy, Spain, France, and Bavaria, with a particular eye to their circulation of novel theatrical materials, forms, and practices within and across national theater traditions. These essays discuss mixed-gender as well as singlesex female troupes and consider their imbrication with cross-gender casting involving male actors both on the “all-male English stage” and on the continent. Conversation among contributors to this special section began with a 2015 Modern Language Association (MLA) roundtable on “Worldly Women: Cosmopolitanism and Transnational Female Performance in Early Modern Europe,” sponsored by the Society for the Study of Early Modern Women. The organizers of this session, Melinda Gough and Pamela Allen Brown, opted for a roundtable format with two main goals in mind. First, a typical conference panel structure would limit the session to three speakers, whereas a roundtable would accommodate a larger number of scholars representing fields usually kept separate, thanks to disciplinary distinctions established on the basis of linguistic or geographic focus. Second, the roundtable format would help to facilitate greater cross talk among speakers so that the particular expertise of each participant might be better harnessed toward new, collectively generated insights regarding early modern women’s theatrical participation, agency, resiliency, and movement. During the months that preceded our session, the task of generating “key
这一系列文章以现代早期欧洲跨越语言和地理边界的女性戏剧代理为中心，既在首都商业戏剧的核心，也在较少研究的环境中，如修道院、宫廷和沙龙。这四篇文章组成了这个特别的部分，讨论了意大利、西班牙、法国和巴伐利亚的女性演员、剧院经理和剧作家，特别关注了她们在国家戏剧传统内部和跨国家戏剧传统中的新颖戏剧材料、形式和实践的流通。这些文章讨论了混合性别和单一性别的女性剧团，并考虑了在“全男性的英国舞台”和欧洲大陆上，他们与涉及男性演员的跨性别演员的融合。2015年，现代语言协会(MLA)举办了一场圆桌会议，主题是“世界女性:早期现代欧洲的世界主义和跨国女性表演”，本专题撰稿人的对话由此开始。该会议由早期现代女性研究学会主办。这次会议的组织者梅琳达·高夫(Melinda Gough)和帕梅拉·艾伦·布朗(Pamela Allen Brown)选择了圆桌会议的形式，主要有两个目标。首先，一个典型的会议小组结构将会议限制为三个发言人，而圆桌会议将容纳更多的学者，他们代表的领域通常是分开的，这要归功于基于语言或地理重点建立的学科区分。第二，圆桌会议的形式将有助于促进演讲者之间更多的交流，这样每个参与者的特定专业知识可能会更好地用于新的，集体产生的关于早期现代女性戏剧参与，代理，弹性和运动的见解。在我们会议之前的几个月里，生成“密钥”的任务
{"title":"Introduction: Gender, Cultural Mobility, and Theater History Inquiry","authors":"Melinda J. Gough, Clare Mcmanus","doi":"10.1086/688687","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/688687","url":null,"abstract":"this series of essays takes as its central focus female theatrical agency in early modern Europe across linguistic and geographic borders, both at the heart of commercial theater in capital cities and in less frequently studied settings such as the convent, the court, and the salon. The four essays that make up this special section address women players, theater managers, and playwrights in Italy, Spain, France, and Bavaria, with a particular eye to their circulation of novel theatrical materials, forms, and practices within and across national theater traditions. These essays discuss mixed-gender as well as singlesex female troupes and consider their imbrication with cross-gender casting involving male actors both on the “all-male English stage” and on the continent. Conversation among contributors to this special section began with a 2015 Modern Language Association (MLA) roundtable on “Worldly Women: Cosmopolitanism and Transnational Female Performance in Early Modern Europe,” sponsored by the Society for the Study of Early Modern Women. The organizers of this session, Melinda Gough and Pamela Allen Brown, opted for a roundtable format with two main goals in mind. First, a typical conference panel structure would limit the session to three speakers, whereas a roundtable would accommodate a larger number of scholars representing fields usually kept separate, thanks to disciplinary distinctions established on the basis of linguistic or geographic focus. Second, the roundtable format would help to facilitate greater cross talk among speakers so that the particular expertise of each participant might be better harnessed toward new, collectively generated insights regarding early modern women’s theatrical participation, agency, resiliency, and movement. During the months that preceded our session, the task of generating “key","PeriodicalId":53676,"journal":{"name":"Renaissance Drama","volume":"44 1","pages":"187 - 200"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/688687","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60605082","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
women were abundantly and significantly present in public events and spaces as well as on theatrical stages in early modern Spain. Conventional wisdom has covered that presence with a veil of male protagonism. However, as the above-cited segment of Lope de Vega’s theatrical manifesto challenged them to do, women rightly negotiated the impossible with the verosímil (truthful imitation) when they appropriated the disfraz varonil (male disguise), and moved center stage in the world of comedia. They did so by be-
{"title":"Legally Bound: Women and Performance in Early Modern Spain","authors":"M. M. Carrión","doi":"10.1086/688690","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/688690","url":null,"abstract":"women were abundantly and significantly present in public events and spaces as well as on theatrical stages in early modern Spain. Conventional wisdom has covered that presence with a veil of male protagonism. However, as the above-cited segment of Lope de Vega’s theatrical manifesto challenged them to do, women rightly negotiated the impossible with the verosímil (truthful imitation) when they appropriated the disfraz varonil (male disguise), and moved center stage in the world of comedia. They did so by be-","PeriodicalId":53676,"journal":{"name":"Renaissance Drama","volume":"42 3 1","pages":"233 - 248"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/688690","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60605225","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
the first professional actresses in Italy emerged in sixteenth-century itinerant troupes, enabling an unprecedented period of innovation and geographic expansion by the players now known as the commedia dell’arte. It was not merely the novelty of their gender but the ability of leading actresses to display performative variety and virtuosity that spurred the comici to diversify their menu of tumbling, comedy, and farce and offer up plays in all three Renaissance genres: comedy, tragedy, and pastoral. At a time when few women were literate and even fewer traveled far from home, a few star actresses were extravagantly mobile and literary; some were published poets and others were musical prodigies, and the most gifted became sought-after celebrities. A vibrant new resource in theater of all kinds, the Renaissance actress played a crucial role in the rise of the avant-garde forms of tragicomic pastoral, tragicomedy, and opera. France, Spain, and England also had female perform-
{"title":"The Traveling Diva and Generic Innovation","authors":"P. Brown","doi":"10.1086/688691","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/688691","url":null,"abstract":"the first professional actresses in Italy emerged in sixteenth-century itinerant troupes, enabling an unprecedented period of innovation and geographic expansion by the players now known as the commedia dell’arte. It was not merely the novelty of their gender but the ability of leading actresses to display performative variety and virtuosity that spurred the comici to diversify their menu of tumbling, comedy, and farce and offer up plays in all three Renaissance genres: comedy, tragedy, and pastoral. At a time when few women were literate and even fewer traveled far from home, a few star actresses were extravagantly mobile and literary; some were published poets and others were musical prodigies, and the most gifted became sought-after celebrities. A vibrant new resource in theater of all kinds, the Renaissance actress played a crucial role in the rise of the avant-garde forms of tragicomic pastoral, tragicomedy, and opera. France, Spain, and England also had female perform-","PeriodicalId":53676,"journal":{"name":"Renaissance Drama","volume":"44 1","pages":"249 - 267"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/688691","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60605302","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
these uninspired lines of Petrarchan longing come from John Fletcher’s pastoral tragicomedy The Faithful Shepherdess (ca. 1608)—and, on the whole, they would seem to reaffirm the generally bad opinion critics have had of the play since its first, disastrous staging in the early seventeenth century. In their prefatory poems to the first edition, Ben Jonson, George Chapman, and Francis Beaumont all defended Fletcher’s play as too elegant and refined for the vulgar, illiterate, play-going rabble; it was (they assured him) “both a Poeme and a play,” a maligned masterpiece of “innocent
{"title":"Fletcher’s Promiscuous Poetics","authors":"Brian Pietras","doi":"10.1086/685788","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/685788","url":null,"abstract":"these uninspired lines of Petrarchan longing come from John Fletcher’s pastoral tragicomedy The Faithful Shepherdess (ca. 1608)—and, on the whole, they would seem to reaffirm the generally bad opinion critics have had of the play since its first, disastrous staging in the early seventeenth century. In their prefatory poems to the first edition, Ben Jonson, George Chapman, and Francis Beaumont all defended Fletcher’s play as too elegant and refined for the vulgar, illiterate, play-going rabble; it was (they assured him) “both a Poeme and a play,” a maligned masterpiece of “innocent","PeriodicalId":53676,"journal":{"name":"Renaissance Drama","volume":"44 1","pages":"53 - 72"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/685788","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60508912","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
e lizabeth Cary’s The Tragedy of Mariam (1613) has long been noted for its elusive dramatic structure: it is a play that evades any clear sense of distinction between stage and closet, public and private, theatrical and untheatrical. On the one hand, Mariam is categorized as a closet drama—a term that has itself been subject to a great deal of critical scrutiny—and, as such, it has often been understood as primarily a reading text and, thus, as untheatrical, self-consciously removed from the life of the public theaters. On the other hand, as Jonas Barish noted over two decades ago, this is not quite the entire story. Compared with contemporary closet plays by Fulke Greville, Samuel Daniel, and others, Mariam “in both its plotting and its language . . . approximates most closely the plays of the public theatre.” Barish, indeed, calls the play an “oddity” within the closet drama tradition. More recently, critics have developed and extended Barish’s insight by drawing attention to the ways in
{"title":"Dramaturgy and the Politics of Space in The Tragedy of Mariam","authors":"M. Dowd","doi":"10.1086/685787","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/685787","url":null,"abstract":"e lizabeth Cary’s The Tragedy of Mariam (1613) has long been noted for its elusive dramatic structure: it is a play that evades any clear sense of distinction between stage and closet, public and private, theatrical and untheatrical. On the one hand, Mariam is categorized as a closet drama—a term that has itself been subject to a great deal of critical scrutiny—and, as such, it has often been understood as primarily a reading text and, thus, as untheatrical, self-consciously removed from the life of the public theaters. On the other hand, as Jonas Barish noted over two decades ago, this is not quite the entire story. Compared with contemporary closet plays by Fulke Greville, Samuel Daniel, and others, Mariam “in both its plotting and its language . . . approximates most closely the plays of the public theatre.” Barish, indeed, calls the play an “oddity” within the closet drama tradition. More recently, critics have developed and extended Barish’s insight by drawing attention to the ways in","PeriodicalId":53676,"journal":{"name":"Renaissance Drama","volume":"44 1","pages":"101 - 122"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/685787","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60509131","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
in Francis Beaumont and John Fletcher’s tragicomedy Philaster, Or Love Lies A-Bleeding (1609), the couple at the center of the romance plot cannot do it alone. The Princess Arethusa loves Philaster, the beautiful and beloved Prince of a neighboring kingdom. Philaster loves her as well, but her tyrannical father has usurped Philaster’s throne and promised Arethusa in marriage to a boorish foreign prince, forcing the lovers to conduct their secret love under the watchful eyes of the court. The two lovers need, commission, and use a third party to negotiate the social, affective, and erotic demands of their prohibited love match. The messenger who serves as a conduit for their love is an ambiguously gendered transvestite: the beautiful servant “boy” who is secretly a girl, Bellario (or, as he/she is ultimately renamed, “Euphrasia”). Early on in the play, Arethusa asks her exiled lover how they will communicate, how they can “devise / To hold intelligence” between them. Philaster suggests, as a solution, the use of his secret servant “boy” as a message-bearer:
在弗朗西斯·博蒙特和约翰·弗莱彻的悲喜剧《菲勒斯特》(Philaster, Or Love Lies A-Bleeding)(1609年)中，浪漫故事的主角夫妇无法独自完成。阿雷修莎公主爱上了菲勒斯特，一个美丽而受人爱戴的邻国王子。菲勒斯特也爱她，但她的暴君父亲篡夺了菲勒斯特的王位，并将阿雷修莎许配给了一个粗鲁的外国王子，迫使这对恋人在宫廷的监视下进行秘密的爱情。两个恋人需要，委托，并使用第三方协商社会，情感和色情的要求，他们禁止的爱情比赛。传递他们爱情的信使是一个性别模糊的异装癖者:美丽的仆人“男孩”贝拉里奥(Bellario，他/她最终更名为“尤佛拉西亚”)，他/她是一个秘密的女孩。在戏剧的开头，阿雷莎问她被流放的情人，他们将如何沟通，如何在他们之间“设计/保存情报”。菲莱斯特建议，作为一个解决方案，使用他的秘密仆人“男孩”作为传递消息的人:
{"title":"Getting Used, and Liking It: Erotic Instrumentality in Philaster","authors":"Christine Varnado","doi":"10.1086/685785","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/685785","url":null,"abstract":"in Francis Beaumont and John Fletcher’s tragicomedy Philaster, Or Love Lies A-Bleeding (1609), the couple at the center of the romance plot cannot do it alone. The Princess Arethusa loves Philaster, the beautiful and beloved Prince of a neighboring kingdom. Philaster loves her as well, but her tyrannical father has usurped Philaster’s throne and promised Arethusa in marriage to a boorish foreign prince, forcing the lovers to conduct their secret love under the watchful eyes of the court. The two lovers need, commission, and use a third party to negotiate the social, affective, and erotic demands of their prohibited love match. The messenger who serves as a conduit for their love is an ambiguously gendered transvestite: the beautiful servant “boy” who is secretly a girl, Bellario (or, as he/she is ultimately renamed, “Euphrasia”). Early on in the play, Arethusa asks her exiled lover how they will communicate, how they can “devise / To hold intelligence” between them. Philaster suggests, as a solution, the use of his secret servant “boy” as a message-bearer:","PeriodicalId":53676,"journal":{"name":"Renaissance Drama","volume":"44 1","pages":"25 - 52"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/685785","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60509026","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This essay investigates the extent to which girlhood functions as a queer category in two theatrical representations of schoolgirls in early seventeenth-century England. It focuses on the depictions of schoolgirls in the anonymous The Wit of a Woman (1604), written for the all-male stage of the professional theatre, and in Robert White’s masque, Cupid’s Banishment (1617), performed by the young Ladies of Deptford Hall before Queen Anna of Denmark, to examine the intersections of age, gender, sexuality and education in early modern concepts of girlhood. Situating these plays within wider debates about female education and the history of the contested role of performance in the schooling of early modern girls, it argues that they deploy the category of girlhood to demonstrate the subversive potential of educating girls. Yet, this essay proposes, these plays simultaneously reveal the potential agency of young women who manipulate girlhood to claim their distinct sexual, aged and gendered states as girls. It argues that early modern girlhood is a state that might be performed by young women to disrupt normative expectations of feminine behaviour and desire. Placing dramatic representations of schoolgirls and the experiences of schoolgirls on the early modern stage side by side, this essay demonstrates that the schoolroom and performance are sites in which this transgressive potential is realised.
{"title":"“Shall we playe the good girles”: Playing Girls, Performing Girlhood on Early Modern Stages","authors":"Edel Lamb","doi":"10.1086/685786","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/685786","url":null,"abstract":"This essay investigates the extent to which girlhood functions as a queer category in two theatrical representations of schoolgirls in early seventeenth-century England. It focuses on the depictions of schoolgirls in the anonymous The Wit of a Woman (1604), written for the all-male stage of the professional theatre, and in Robert White’s masque, Cupid’s Banishment (1617), performed by the young Ladies of Deptford Hall before Queen Anna of Denmark, to examine the intersections of age, gender, sexuality and education in early modern concepts of girlhood. Situating these plays within wider debates about female education and the history of the contested role of performance in the schooling of early modern girls, it argues that they deploy the category of girlhood to demonstrate the subversive potential of educating girls. Yet, this essay proposes, these plays simultaneously reveal the potential agency of young women who manipulate girlhood to claim their distinct sexual, aged and gendered states as girls. It argues that early modern girlhood is a state that might be performed by young women to disrupt normative expectations of feminine behaviour and desire. Placing dramatic representations of schoolgirls and the experiences of schoolgirls on the early modern stage side by side, this essay demonstrates that the schoolroom and performance are sites in which this transgressive potential is realised.","PeriodicalId":53676,"journal":{"name":"Renaissance Drama","volume":"44 1","pages":"73 - 100"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/685786","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60509105","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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