Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu24.2023.313
S. V. Reshetnikov
The article is devoted to aspects of the repatriation of citizens and Soviet partisans of the French Resistance from France to the USSR. For the Soviet Union the first facts of the mass presence of its citizens on French territory began to appear even before the allied landings in Normandy, in 1944. After the liberation of most of French territory, in October 1944, the allies handed over to the USSR information about the presence in their zone of occupation of about 30.000 soviet citizens who became prisoners of war. The repatriation of Soviet citizens from France was one of the earliest repatriation activities for the USSR during the war years. The activity of the Soviet department for the repatriation of Soviet citizens began on 10 November, 1944 even before the signing of an agreement with the allies on the mutual return of their citizens. The publication examines the categories of Soviet citizens in France, the course of the organization of repatriation, as well as the problems that the Soviet mission has faced. The position of Soviet citizens at the time of their liberation on French territory, the attitude of Soviet citizens to their return to the USSR and their post-war fate are considered. It is noted that the factor of the presence among the repatriated “false partisans” and former soldiers of the ost-troops of the Wehrmacht for the worse affected the fate of some of the true heroes of the Resistance. The result of the study shows that most of the Soviet participants in the Resistance after the war were discriminated throughout their lives and were deprived of their rights, despite their contribution to the defeat of the enemy in a foreign land.
{"title":"Repatriation of Soviet Сitizens and Soviet Partisans of the French Resistance from France to the USSR","authors":"S. V. Reshetnikov","doi":"10.21638/spbu24.2023.313","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2023.313","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to aspects of the repatriation of citizens and Soviet partisans of the French Resistance from France to the USSR. For the Soviet Union the first facts of the mass presence of its citizens on French territory began to appear even before the allied landings in Normandy, in 1944. After the liberation of most of French territory, in October 1944, the allies handed over to the USSR information about the presence in their zone of occupation of about 30.000 soviet citizens who became prisoners of war. The repatriation of Soviet citizens from France was one of the earliest repatriation activities for the USSR during the war years. The activity of the Soviet department for the repatriation of Soviet citizens began on 10 November, 1944 even before the signing of an agreement with the allies on the mutual return of their citizens. The publication examines the categories of Soviet citizens in France, the course of the organization of repatriation, as well as the problems that the Soviet mission has faced. The position of Soviet citizens at the time of their liberation on French territory, the attitude of Soviet citizens to their return to the USSR and their post-war fate are considered. It is noted that the factor of the presence among the repatriated “false partisans” and former soldiers of the ost-troops of the Wehrmacht for the worse affected the fate of some of the true heroes of the Resistance. The result of the study shows that most of the Soviet participants in the Resistance after the war were discriminated throughout their lives and were deprived of their rights, despite their contribution to the defeat of the enemy in a foreign land.","PeriodicalId":53957,"journal":{"name":"Noveishaya Istoriya Rossii-Modern History of Russia","volume":"140 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135958431","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu24.2023.201
N. Bogomazov
The article examines the shortage of rails, fittings, and switches on the Russian railways during the First World War. With the beginning of the war, the necessity to repair and restore railways within the theater of operations became apparent, which required a large amount of railway track material. In 1914, these needs could still be met by the allocation of new orders to Russian factories, as well as at the expense of existing stocks. Nonetheless, at the beginning of 1915, it became obvious that the wartime needs significantly exceeded the capabilities of Russian enterprises. In the summer of 1915, the government placed a large order for track materials abroad, which was fully executed. Even though the Field Headquarters demanded that more rails should be ordered abroad, the government refused to place a new order abroad due to the need to buy foreign currency at unfavorable exchange rate, hoping that Russian enterprises could cover all the needs. But these plans failed, and since the summer of 1915 the lack of track materials had become one of the main problems of the Russian railways. The Ministry of Transportation was forced to take emergency measures to give the front the required number of rails, fittings, and switches. Firstly, the rear roads were asked to dismantle some of the secondary and inactive lines, then — to remove rails from fences, hitching posts and guard rails from the bridges. However, these measures, while worsening the general condition of the Russian railways, did not give the desired effect.
{"title":"Rail Crisis on the Russian Railways during the First World War and Efforts to Overcome It","authors":"N. Bogomazov","doi":"10.21638/spbu24.2023.201","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2023.201","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the shortage of rails, fittings, and switches on the Russian railways during the First World War. With the beginning of the war, the necessity to repair and restore railways within the theater of operations became apparent, which required a large amount of railway track material. In 1914, these needs could still be met by the allocation of new orders to Russian factories, as well as at the expense of existing stocks. Nonetheless, at the beginning of 1915, it became obvious that the wartime needs significantly exceeded the capabilities of Russian enterprises. In the summer of 1915, the government placed a large order for track materials abroad, which was fully executed. Even though the Field Headquarters demanded that more rails should be ordered abroad, the government refused to place a new order abroad due to the need to buy foreign currency at unfavorable exchange rate, hoping that Russian enterprises could cover all the needs. But these plans failed, and since the summer of 1915 the lack of track materials had become one of the main problems of the Russian railways. The Ministry of Transportation was forced to take emergency measures to give the front the required number of rails, fittings, and switches. Firstly, the rear roads were asked to dismantle some of the secondary and inactive lines, then — to remove rails from fences, hitching posts and guard rails from the bridges. However, these measures, while worsening the general condition of the Russian railways, did not give the desired effect.","PeriodicalId":53957,"journal":{"name":"Noveishaya Istoriya Rossii-Modern History of Russia","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67790319","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu24.2023.206
N. Dmitrieva
The paper considers the process of the evolution of the “Polish question” in the Russian legal liberal thought of the early 20th century. The specificity of this period lies in the attempts to transfer purely theoretical projects to the practical sphere during the formation of proto-party organizations and the development of drafts of the Fundamental State Law of Russia. The national component of these documents has largely remained beyond the scope of scholars’ interests, which explains the focus of the paper. The research relies on archival records and, on the one hand, aims to evaluate the contradictions with regard to this issue within the liberal camp , and on the other hand, to trace the complex process of reaching a compromise between representatives of Russian liberalism and the politically active Polish public in the context of growing opposition.to Russian autocracy. In an effort to keep the Russian Empire united and indivisible, representatives of the new liberalism were gradually beginning to perceive the “Polish question” as one of the directions for finding allies in the struggle to establish a constitutional law and order in the country. The main outcome of the examination by Russian liberals of the “Polish question” within the framework of the drafts of the Fundamental Law of Russia was their acknowledgment of the need to make the problem of Polish autonomy a separate item in the political program as well as to develop its borders in details.
{"title":"‘“Russian-Polish Dispute Resolved by History”: The Polish Question in the Liberal Projects of the Basic Law of Russia at the Beginning of the 20th Century","authors":"N. Dmitrieva","doi":"10.21638/spbu24.2023.206","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2023.206","url":null,"abstract":"The paper considers the process of the evolution of the “Polish question” in the Russian legal liberal thought of the early 20th century. The specificity of this period lies in the attempts to transfer purely theoretical projects to the practical sphere during the formation of proto-party organizations and the development of drafts of the Fundamental State Law of Russia. The national component of these documents has largely remained beyond the scope of scholars’ interests, which explains the focus of the paper. The research relies on archival records and, on the one hand, aims to evaluate the contradictions with regard to this issue within the liberal camp , and on the other hand, to trace the complex process of reaching a compromise between representatives of Russian liberalism and the politically active Polish public in the context of growing opposition.to Russian autocracy. In an effort to keep the Russian Empire united and indivisible, representatives of the new liberalism were gradually beginning to perceive the “Polish question” as one of the directions for finding allies in the struggle to establish a constitutional law and order in the country. The main outcome of the examination by Russian liberals of the “Polish question” within the framework of the drafts of the Fundamental Law of Russia was their acknowledgment of the need to make the problem of Polish autonomy a separate item in the political program as well as to develop its borders in details.","PeriodicalId":53957,"journal":{"name":"Noveishaya Istoriya Rossii-Modern History of Russia","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67790417","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu24.2023.208
D. Brandenberger
This article shows the problematic nature of modern studies that consider interrogation protocols of the Stalinist era to be reliable sources in their analyses. To begin with, these studies use primitive and inconsistent methodologies in their analysis of the interrogation protocols. Most of them approach the problem without the appropriate level of criticism, expressing little or no doubt about the content of these documents. Others, which claim to have adopted more specific methodological approaches, often base them on unverified hypotheses instead of empirically-proven principles. Secondly, these studies ignore recent work in neuroscience and cognitive, social, and clinical psychology that shows that coercion and torture undermine the ability of those under interrogation to give credible testimony. Biomedical studies have demonstrated that extremely stressful conditions (torture, coercion, blackmail, fear, deprivation of sleep and food, etc.) impair the function of the mind and erode its ability to retrieve reliable information from memory, especially affecting the accuracy and clarity of these recollections. Such techniques can significantly distort the testimony of detainees and even force those under interrogation to change their testimony, to repeat false information provided by the investigator or to falsely incriminate themselves. Thirdly, these studies overlook the fact that state security officials of that period systematically falsified interrogation protocols. Protocols, as a rule, were drawn up by the investigators and then were simply signed by those under interrogation — a practice that raises questions about how accurately these protocols convey the actual words, expressions and meanings contained in the elicited testimony. What’s more, many investigators are known to have often added details or to have embellished the confessions, while others made up entire conspiracies from scratch, before forcing the suspects to sign protocols recording their false confessions. This article illustrates these theses with evidence from the case of A. V. Putintsev, a state security investigator between 1941–1954.
这篇文章显示了现代研究的问题本质，这些研究认为斯大林时代的审讯协议是他们分析的可靠来源。首先，这些研究在分析审讯协议时使用了原始且不一致的方法。他们中的大多数人在处理这个问题时没有适当程度的批评，对这些文件的内容表示很少或没有怀疑。另一些声称采用了更具体的方法方法的人，往往是基于未经证实的假设，而不是基于经验证明的原则。其次，这些研究忽略了最近在神经科学和认知、社会和临床心理学方面的研究，这些研究表明，强迫和酷刑会破坏被审讯者提供可信证词的能力。生物医学研究表明，极度紧张的条件(酷刑、胁迫、勒索、恐惧、剥夺睡眠和食物等)会损害心智功能，削弱其从记忆中获取可靠信息的能力，特别是影响这些回忆的准确性和清晰度。这种方法可以严重歪曲被拘留者的证词，甚至迫使被审讯者改变证词，重复调查人员提供的虚假资料，或错误地自证其罪。第三，这些研究忽略了这一时期国家安全官员有系统地篡改审讯规程的事实。通常，议定书是由调查人员起草的，然后由被审讯者简单地签署，这种做法令人质疑这些议定书如何准确地传达所引证词中所包含的实际用词、表达和含义。更重要的是，众所周知，许多调查人员经常在供词中添加细节或加以修饰，而另一些人则从头开始编造整个阴谋，然后强迫嫌疑人签署记录他们虚假供词的协议。本文以1941年至1954年间的国家安全调查员a·v·普京采夫(a . V. Putintsev)一案的证据来说明这些论点。
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Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu24.2023.309
V. V. Kondrashin, O. A. Sukhova
Based on the materials of the Penza region, the problem of the formation of “Soviet modernity” in the consciousness and practices of political management of the regional elite during the 1960s–1970s is considered. The authors agree with M. David-Fox’s position on Soviet modernity as another type of industrial society, expressed through ideological and cultural representations and behavioral strategies established in the minds and psychology of the elite and society as a whole. The analysis of recruiting, social composition, mental attitudes and aspirations of the regional elite, the results of regional identity formation in the 1960s–1970s was carried out on the basis of the sources of mass origin, documents of Party and Soviet governing bodies, diary records and memoirs. The chronotope of development of the Penza region in this period was due to the later terms of the territorial organization, the processes of industrialization and regional specialization of industrial production. The general trend of changes can be characterized as a situation of unprecedented and unrestrained, in some ways rampant industrial construction, construction of housing and social and cultural facilities. The most important conditions for the formation of the local elite as carriers and generators of new attitudes and values are considered: the socio-economic transformation of the region, its transformation from a backward agricultural to one of the centers of the military-industrial complex of the USSR; as well as the process of mass promotion of leaders in the 1950s–1960s. Most of them were natives of the Penza region, people 30–40 years old, came from the workers and peasants, with higher, usually technical, education, hard military youth, about one-third — participants in the Great Patriotic War, about half — former Komsomol leaders.
{"title":"The Formation of “Soviet Modernity” and the Regional Elite in the 1960s–1970s","authors":"V. V. Kondrashin, O. A. Sukhova","doi":"10.21638/spbu24.2023.309","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2023.309","url":null,"abstract":"Based on the materials of the Penza region, the problem of the formation of “Soviet modernity” in the consciousness and practices of political management of the regional elite during the 1960s–1970s is considered. The authors agree with M. David-Fox’s position on Soviet modernity as another type of industrial society, expressed through ideological and cultural representations and behavioral strategies established in the minds and psychology of the elite and society as a whole. The analysis of recruiting, social composition, mental attitudes and aspirations of the regional elite, the results of regional identity formation in the 1960s–1970s was carried out on the basis of the sources of mass origin, documents of Party and Soviet governing bodies, diary records and memoirs. The chronotope of development of the Penza region in this period was due to the later terms of the territorial organization, the processes of industrialization and regional specialization of industrial production. The general trend of changes can be characterized as a situation of unprecedented and unrestrained, in some ways rampant industrial construction, construction of housing and social and cultural facilities. The most important conditions for the formation of the local elite as carriers and generators of new attitudes and values are considered: the socio-economic transformation of the region, its transformation from a backward agricultural to one of the centers of the military-industrial complex of the USSR; as well as the process of mass promotion of leaders in the 1950s–1960s. Most of them were natives of the Penza region, people 30–40 years old, came from the workers and peasants, with higher, usually technical, education, hard military youth, about one-third — participants in the Great Patriotic War, about half — former Komsomol leaders.","PeriodicalId":53957,"journal":{"name":"Noveishaya Istoriya Rossii-Modern History of Russia","volume":"140 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136003498","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu24.2023.307
V. I. Shishkin
The article analyzes the formation of the official image of the Soviet authority from its establishment at the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies until the end of the 1920s when the NEP was basically over. The author grounds the study on the fact that the supreme authority directly controlled the completion of this task, but its composition and subordination during the studied period changed significantly due to the rise of emergency state bodies and the governing structures of the party to the highest echelon of power, as well as gradual occupation by Communist party’s bodies of dominant positions over the Soviet ones. The article shows what factors influenced the content and structure of the image of authority and how it changed. The author believes that three key factors shaped the image of Soviet authority the most: the theory of Marxism, mainly the doctrine of the dictatorship of the proletariat; the views of the Bolshevik political elite, primarily the leader of the Bolsheviks, V. I. Lenin and in the late 1920s, the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the AUCP(b), I. V. Stalin; the objective international and domestic military-political and socio-economic situation in which Soviet Russia found itself. During the above period, the role of the first factor gradually decreased; the views of V. I. Lenin began to be praised in some ritual manner. In the second half of the 1920s, the pragmatic views of the Bolshevik elite became decisively important, which at first were diverse, but by the end of the decade were completely determined by I. V. Stalin, who identified himself as the successor of V. I. Lenin and the new leader of the party and the whole country. The author develops an idea that, due to the above reasons, the image of the Soviet authority was not stable.
{"title":"The Official Image of Soviet Authority in Russia (October 1917 — December 1929)","authors":"V. I. Shishkin","doi":"10.21638/spbu24.2023.307","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2023.307","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyzes the formation of the official image of the Soviet authority from its establishment at the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies until the end of the 1920s when the NEP was basically over. The author grounds the study on the fact that the supreme authority directly controlled the completion of this task, but its composition and subordination during the studied period changed significantly due to the rise of emergency state bodies and the governing structures of the party to the highest echelon of power, as well as gradual occupation by Communist party’s bodies of dominant positions over the Soviet ones. The article shows what factors influenced the content and structure of the image of authority and how it changed. The author believes that three key factors shaped the image of Soviet authority the most: the theory of Marxism, mainly the doctrine of the dictatorship of the proletariat; the views of the Bolshevik political elite, primarily the leader of the Bolsheviks, V. I. Lenin and in the late 1920s, the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the AUCP(b), I. V. Stalin; the objective international and domestic military-political and socio-economic situation in which Soviet Russia found itself. During the above period, the role of the first factor gradually decreased; the views of V. I. Lenin began to be praised in some ritual manner. In the second half of the 1920s, the pragmatic views of the Bolshevik elite became decisively important, which at first were diverse, but by the end of the decade were completely determined by I. V. Stalin, who identified himself as the successor of V. I. Lenin and the new leader of the party and the whole country. The author develops an idea that, due to the above reasons, the image of the Soviet authority was not stable.","PeriodicalId":53957,"journal":{"name":"Noveishaya Istoriya Rossii-Modern History of Russia","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136003740","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu24.2023.302
O. B. Mozokhin
The article reflects the process of influence of the German special services on the formation of numerous Ukrainian nationalist organizations. With the coming to power of Hitler, the ties of the OUN with the fascists are strengthening, while the leaders of the Ukrainian nationalists widely advertise not only their practical cooperation with fascism, but also their spiritual kinship with it. The Berlin center of the OUN becomes the body coordinating its work against the USSR. The establishment of Soviet power in Western Ukraine led to the defeat of the OUN, the leaders and most active members of nationalist organizations were forced to flee to the territory occupied by Germany, where the Germans created the most privileged position for them. The Germans began to use Ukrainian nationalists in conducting political and administrative events in occupied Poland. At the same time, measures are being taken to train military personnel from among the Ukrainian nationalists, espionage-terrorist and sabotage-insurgent activities are being intensified in case of intervention by the USSR. With the direct participation and assistance of the German command, Ukrainian nationalist-minded youth are trained in various military schools, training centers of the Abwehr. Under the patronage of Germany, the Ukrainian Uniate Greek Catholic Church operates in the General Government, which was used as a tribune through which nationalism was propagandized. Her plans included the unification of churches and the expansion of her influence not only in Ukraine, but also in the long term in the whole of Russia. A great influence on the Ukrainian population was exerted by various Ukrainian institutions and schools, where the Ukrainian nationalist ideology was formed.
{"title":"German Influence and the Creation of Ukrainian Nationalist Organizations in 1920–1940","authors":"O. B. Mozokhin","doi":"10.21638/spbu24.2023.302","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2023.302","url":null,"abstract":"The article reflects the process of influence of the German special services on the formation of numerous Ukrainian nationalist organizations. With the coming to power of Hitler, the ties of the OUN with the fascists are strengthening, while the leaders of the Ukrainian nationalists widely advertise not only their practical cooperation with fascism, but also their spiritual kinship with it. The Berlin center of the OUN becomes the body coordinating its work against the USSR. The establishment of Soviet power in Western Ukraine led to the defeat of the OUN, the leaders and most active members of nationalist organizations were forced to flee to the territory occupied by Germany, where the Germans created the most privileged position for them. The Germans began to use Ukrainian nationalists in conducting political and administrative events in occupied Poland. At the same time, measures are being taken to train military personnel from among the Ukrainian nationalists, espionage-terrorist and sabotage-insurgent activities are being intensified in case of intervention by the USSR. With the direct participation and assistance of the German command, Ukrainian nationalist-minded youth are trained in various military schools, training centers of the Abwehr. Under the patronage of Germany, the Ukrainian Uniate Greek Catholic Church operates in the General Government, which was used as a tribune through which nationalism was propagandized. Her plans included the unification of churches and the expansion of her influence not only in Ukraine, but also in the long term in the whole of Russia. A great influence on the Ukrainian population was exerted by various Ukrainian institutions and schools, where the Ukrainian nationalist ideology was formed.","PeriodicalId":53957,"journal":{"name":"Noveishaya Istoriya Rossii-Modern History of Russia","volume":"19 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136003743","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu24.2023.311
E. I. Volgin
The formation of electoral democracy in Russia coincided with the entry of the state into a crisis phase of systemic transformation. The position of the military became especially difficult, which turned into an impoverished “military electorate”, for whose votes various parties fought. The purpose of the article is based on the study of specialized literature, as well as the analysis of a wide range of sources (periodicals, sociological research, electoral legislation) to consider the electoral behavior of military personnel in an extremely difficult situation that has developed both in the army and in the country. The relevance of the topic is an attempt to identify contradictions between the true electoral sympathies of soldiers and officers and the desire of the high command to influence the process of the free expression of their subordinates, as well as to distort the voting results in a more favorable light to convince the authorities of the loyalty of the Armed Forces. The scientific novelty consists in conducting a comprehensive study using an interdisciplinary approach (formal legal, historical, sociological, etc.). The article examines the norms of electoral legislation that regulated the process of implementing the electoral and political rights of military personnel, reveals the socio-political phenomenon of the “military electorate”, examines the federal election campaigns of 1993–1999. Since 1993, genuine election results in the army environment have been characterized by a high level of protest voting. But as soon as in the late 1990s there were trends to improve the situation, as well as a leader who put defense and security issues at the forefront, the army immediately felt and supported these changes. At the same time, the Russian army itself in the 1990s did not try to act as a consolidated electoral force to influence the crisis.
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Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu24.2023.303
V. L. Piankevich
The author explores non-classical sources on the social history of besieged Leningrad — conversations, dreams and desires of the inhabitants of the city. Conversations, dreams and desires testify what is passionately desired, illusory and at the same time the most important for people. In relation to the history of the Siege of Leningrad, this has a special meaning, since it is a study of the fears, aspirations and hopes of a person in a catastrophe. The sources of studying of such specific forms of communication and auto-communication are reflections recorded in diaries, letters, memoirs, interviews. The author concludes that the dreams and desires of the inhabitants of besieged Leningrad, often remaining unfulfilled, reflected obvious and secret thoughts, fears, aspirations. Leningraders often told each other about their dreams, which were a bright moment of salvation to overcome the aching loneliness and stress. Thinking, speaking, dreaming about food, many have experienced or deliberately aroused in themselves a blissful, ecstatic state, returning with incredible pain to a deadly hungry reality. Men, women, children, people of different levels of education and culture were prone to daydreaming. The blockade present was so unbearable that the imagination painted a picture of well-being, comfort, satiety, peace in the past, which was experienced, familiar and sometimes seemed more real than the present and the future. The danger, often the practical impossibility of evacuation, transferred the physical movement to the space of sleep and dreams, where only the blockade could “act”. Such escapism allowed a person to escape the tyranny of blockaded reality. A very personal, private space which is a dream with the beginning of the war and especially the blockade, shrank to a very limited circle, the main ones in which were the lifting of the blockade and food.
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Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu24.2023.113
A. Puchenkov
The article describes the work prepared by the Moscow historian A. V. Ganin, the first scholarly biography of Ya. A. Slashchov, one of the most famous figures of the White movement in Southern Russia, a talented general and a prolific memoirist, the author of classic notes on the defense of the Crimea in 1920 and his relationship with the White dictator, General P. N. Wrangel. Slashchov is an exceptionally bright and charismatic figure, and evaluations of his activities are diametrically opposed, varying from enthusiastic to derogatory. Most clearly, Ya. A. Slashchov realised himself during the defense of the Crimea at the final stage of the Civil War in the South of Russia. A large number of myths have been formed around the figure of the general in memoirs — both about him as a military figure and about an administrator, and about him as a person. Thanks to the involvement of documents from seventeen archives from five countries, the book dispels many stereotypes, and recreates the life and professional path of Ya. A. Slashchov, from birth to death, in detail. Ganin describes unknown pages of Slashchov’s biography, in particular, the details of his service in the Russian Imperial Army, in the Nikolaevskaia Academy of the General Staff, as well as in the Volunteer Army in 1918–1919. The author manages to give a convincing explanation of the reasons for Slashchov’s success in the defense of the isthmuses of Crimea at the turn of 1919–1920. The undoubted merit of the monograph by A. V. Ganin are photographs illustrating a number of aspects of the book, in addition to documentary supplements, among which the memoirs of M. Mezernitskii, a regular soldier, a member of the White movement, who returned to his homeland with Slashchov at the end of 1921.
这篇文章描述了莫斯科历史学家加宁(a.v. Ganin)编写的第一部雅的学术传记。a·斯拉舍夫(a . Slashchov)是俄罗斯南部白人运动中最著名的人物之一，他是一位才华横溢的将军，也是一位多产的回忆录作者，曾撰写关于1920年克里米亚的防御以及他与白人独裁者弗兰格尔(P. N. Wrangel)将军关系的经典笔记。斯拉肖夫是一个非常聪明和有魅力的人物，对他的活动的评价截然相反，从热情到贬损。很明显，是的。A.斯拉肖夫在俄罗斯南部内战的最后阶段保卫克里米亚时认识到了自己。在回忆录中，围绕将军的形象形成了大量的神话——既有关于他作为一个军事人物的，也有关于他作为一个管理者的，还有关于他作为一个人的。借助来自5个国家17个档案馆的资料，本书打破了许多刻板印象，重现了雅的生活和职业道路。A.斯拉肖夫，从出生到死亡的细节。加宁描述了斯拉乔夫传记中不为人知的部分，特别是他在俄罗斯帝国军队、尼古拉耶夫斯卡亚总参谋部学院以及1918-1919年志愿军服役的细节。作者设法对斯拉什乔夫在1919-1920年之交成功保卫克里米亚地峡的原因给出了令人信服的解释。a·v·加宁的这本专著的无可置疑的优点是，除了补充的纪实资料外，还有说明这本书若干方面的照片，其中包括梅泽尼茨基先生的回忆录。梅泽尼茨基先生是一名正规军，是白军运动的成员，他在1921年底随斯拉肖夫回到了祖国。
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