Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu24.2023.109
B. N. Mironov
In 1938–1989, Supreme Soviets of the USSR and Union Republics were the successors of the Congresses of Soviets and performed the same functions assigned to them by the ruling party — to approve and convert the decisions of the Сommunist Party into laws, to support the policy pursued by the party and the government, to legitimize the existing regime. The Soviets performed these functions quite successfully due to the fact that the deputy corps included people from all social groups loyal to the regime and at the same time influential, authoritative, and well-known throughout the country. A simple Soviet citizen believed in the deputies and the real power of the Supreme Soviets, thanks to which the Soviets, having no real power, had great symbolic power, which allowed them until 1989 to maintain the trust of the people in the Soviet system and the communist project. In 1938–1989, the composition of the deputies of the Supreme Soviets of the USSR and the union republics underwent important changes: there was an in increase in the proportion of workers and peasants, women, educated people, and people of mature and senior age; the proportion of employees, Russians and semi-literate people decreased. The deputies’ corps became more balanced in all respects and significantly more educated, but members and candidates of the Communist Party, men, employees, intellectuals, functionaries, were still overrepresented, and non-party workers, peasants and Russians were underrepresented. In general, the deputy corps was comprised of the elite; the Supreme Soviets of the Union and Autonomous Republics — of the national elite of the titular peoples. They were not professional politicians, as in Western parliaments, but the elite. For the majority of deputies, activity in the Soviets was not the main profession, but an honorable part-time job on a voluntary basis.
{"title":"Collective Portrait of Deputies of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR and Union Republics in 1938–1989","authors":"B. N. Mironov","doi":"10.21638/spbu24.2023.109","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2023.109","url":null,"abstract":"In 1938–1989, Supreme Soviets of the USSR and Union Republics were the successors of the Congresses of Soviets and performed the same functions assigned to them by the ruling party — to approve and convert the decisions of the Сommunist Party into laws, to support the policy pursued by the party and the government, to legitimize the existing regime. The Soviets performed these functions quite successfully due to the fact that the deputy corps included people from all social groups loyal to the regime and at the same time influential, authoritative, and well-known throughout the country. A simple Soviet citizen believed in the deputies and the real power of the Supreme Soviets, thanks to which the Soviets, having no real power, had great symbolic power, which allowed them until 1989 to maintain the trust of the people in the Soviet system and the communist project. In 1938–1989, the composition of the deputies of the Supreme Soviets of the USSR and the union republics underwent important changes: there was an in increase in the proportion of workers and peasants, women, educated people, and people of mature and senior age; the proportion of employees, Russians and semi-literate people decreased. The deputies’ corps became more balanced in all respects and significantly more educated, but members and candidates of the Communist Party, men, employees, intellectuals, functionaries, were still overrepresented, and non-party workers, peasants and Russians were underrepresented. In general, the deputy corps was comprised of the elite; the Supreme Soviets of the Union and Autonomous Republics — of the national elite of the titular peoples. They were not professional politicians, as in Western parliaments, but the elite. For the majority of deputies, activity in the Soviets was not the main profession, but an honorable part-time job on a voluntary basis.","PeriodicalId":53957,"journal":{"name":"Noveishaya Istoriya Rossii-Modern History of Russia","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67790657","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu24.2023.110
N. Chernova, N. N. Makarova
The history of humor is not new to the Russian historiography. At the same time, over the last decade, the research into laughter has been in demand and relevant, especially within the study of the history of emotions. The author suggests a specific example of the study of laughter in the local context. The article examines laughter during the period of the Great Patriotic War based on the newspaper “Magnitogorskii rabochii” in two ways. The first layer is made up of “guest” humorous sketches presented by the works of “TASS Windows” and front-line newspapers. The second — feuilletons, cartoons, humoresques posted on the pages of the city newspaper. Their authors were local journalists and artists. Local authors are understood as those who resided in the city during the Great Patriotic War. The former basically broadcast images of front-line life, explained military events, consoled people demonstrating shortcomings of the enemy and the dignity of the Soviet army. The latter, during the most difficult moments on the fronts, shifted the attention of residents to pressing urban problems, largely typical of Magnitogorsk: officials, roads, baths, etc. The article pays special attention to the influence of front-line events on laughter practices, forms of humor, themes and functions performed by it. The latter underwent significant changes during the war years. If at the beginning of the war, laughter performed an explanatory and anesthetic function helping the townspeople to cope with the difficult time of incomprehension of the events, of mobilization, of the first losses, etc., then in 1942 the substitution function became key: front-line humor was replaced by local humor. The end of the war required humor to make an effort to revive positive moods in the city, to ensure a gradual return to a peaceful existence.
{"title":"Laughter during the Great Patriotic War in the Newspaper Magnitogorskii rabochii","authors":"N. Chernova, N. N. Makarova","doi":"10.21638/spbu24.2023.110","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2023.110","url":null,"abstract":"The history of humor is not new to the Russian historiography. At the same time, over the last decade, the research into laughter has been in demand and relevant, especially within the study of the history of emotions. The author suggests a specific example of the study of laughter in the local context. The article examines laughter during the period of the Great Patriotic War based on the newspaper “Magnitogorskii rabochii” in two ways. The first layer is made up of “guest” humorous sketches presented by the works of “TASS Windows” and front-line newspapers. The second — feuilletons, cartoons, humoresques posted on the pages of the city newspaper. Their authors were local journalists and artists. Local authors are understood as those who resided in the city during the Great Patriotic War. The former basically broadcast images of front-line life, explained military events, consoled people demonstrating shortcomings of the enemy and the dignity of the Soviet army. The latter, during the most difficult moments on the fronts, shifted the attention of residents to pressing urban problems, largely typical of Magnitogorsk: officials, roads, baths, etc. The article pays special attention to the influence of front-line events on laughter practices, forms of humor, themes and functions performed by it. The latter underwent significant changes during the war years. If at the beginning of the war, laughter performed an explanatory and anesthetic function helping the townspeople to cope with the difficult time of incomprehension of the events, of mobilization, of the first losses, etc., then in 1942 the substitution function became key: front-line humor was replaced by local humor. The end of the war required humor to make an effort to revive positive moods in the city, to ensure a gradual return to a peaceful existence.","PeriodicalId":53957,"journal":{"name":"Noveishaya Istoriya Rossii-Modern History of Russia","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67790667","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu24.2023.101
M. Suprun
The article deals with the place of Svalbard in the strategy of opposing coalitions during the Second World War in the various stages of the war. Since 1939 until the Tehran Conference, the main strategy of the Anti-Hitler Coalition had been the British strategy of “tightening the ring”. Therefore, the Arctic in the frame of this strategy was considered to be an important segment of the “ring”, and Svalbard — as the ice shore of the “channel” through which the route of the northern convoys ran, and the main battles of the war at sea took place. With the adoption of the new coalition strategy of “direct action” in 1943, the role of Svalbard changed accordingly. In the global warfare strategy, this role became auxiliary. At the same time, as the war was nearing its end, the archipelago obtained a special significance in the national defense doctrines of the circumpolar states as well as in the post-war world order, in particular, in the Soviet doctrine of “creating a belt of friendly states” and in the Norwegian strategy of “building bridges”. In accordance with the changes in the main coalition strategy and national doctrines of the Arctic states, the article examines military operations in the archipelago as well as the policy of these states towards Svalbard at the end of war. In this regard, it is noted that during those military operations not only the liberation of the Norwegian territory was accomplished but also a direct military cooperation between Norway and the USSR. On the basis of the recently declassified documents, the author examines the role of Svalbard in the constructing of the post-war Europe, in particular, in solving the so called “Polish question”, in abandoning operation “Unthinkable”, and in establishing a zone of “limited forms and purposes for military activity” in Northern Norway bordering the USSR.
{"title":"Svalbard in the Strategy of the Great Powers During the Second World War (1939– 1945)","authors":"M. Suprun","doi":"10.21638/spbu24.2023.101","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2023.101","url":null,"abstract":"The article deals with the place of Svalbard in the strategy of opposing coalitions during the Second World War in the various stages of the war. Since 1939 until the Tehran Conference, the main strategy of the Anti-Hitler Coalition had been the British strategy of “tightening the ring”. Therefore, the Arctic in the frame of this strategy was considered to be an important segment of the “ring”, and Svalbard — as the ice shore of the “channel” through which the route of the northern convoys ran, and the main battles of the war at sea took place. With the adoption of the new coalition strategy of “direct action” in 1943, the role of Svalbard changed accordingly. In the global warfare strategy, this role became auxiliary. At the same time, as the war was nearing its end, the archipelago obtained a special significance in the national defense doctrines of the circumpolar states as well as in the post-war world order, in particular, in the Soviet doctrine of “creating a belt of friendly states” and in the Norwegian strategy of “building bridges”. In accordance with the changes in the main coalition strategy and national doctrines of the Arctic states, the article examines military operations in the archipelago as well as the policy of these states towards Svalbard at the end of war. In this regard, it is noted that during those military operations not only the liberation of the Norwegian territory was accomplished but also a direct military cooperation between Norway and the USSR. On the basis of the recently declassified documents, the author examines the role of Svalbard in the constructing of the post-war Europe, in particular, in solving the so called “Polish question”, in abandoning operation “Unthinkable”, and in establishing a zone of “limited forms and purposes for military activity” in Northern Norway bordering the USSR.","PeriodicalId":53957,"journal":{"name":"Noveishaya Istoriya Rossii-Modern History of Russia","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67789444","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu24.2023.212
R. Sokolov, I. Smirnova
Despite the abundance of researches into the question of the relationship between the Soviet government and the Orthodox Church, there still remain unexplored lacunae. One of them is the relationship of power with the clergy of the Court. The clergy, which was part of the Ministry of the Imperial Court, was abolished in January 1918, a few days before the Decree on Separation of Church from State was issued. This chronological discrepancy had its own reason. First of all, the clergy was connected with the fate of the Ministry, and, like a number of its subdivisions, fell under the control of the People’s Commissariat of Property of the Republic. Despite the generally accepted opinion about the exceptionally consistent anti-religious policy of the authorities, in March 1918 the leadership of the People’s Commissariat of Property issued a decree on the return to the clergy of part of the capital alienated by the January decree. This article examines this document and its appendices, which were not previously published, and also analyzes the possible reasons for the emergence of such a document, which contradicts the general course aimed at combating the church and religion carried out at that time on the national level.
{"title":"The People’s Commissariat of Property of the Republic and the Clergy of the Court during First Months of Soviet Power (Based on the Materials of the Central State Archive of Literature and Art of St Petersburg)","authors":"R. Sokolov, I. Smirnova","doi":"10.21638/spbu24.2023.212","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2023.212","url":null,"abstract":"Despite the abundance of researches into the question of the relationship between the Soviet government and the Orthodox Church, there still remain unexplored lacunae. One of them is the relationship of power with the clergy of the Court. The clergy, which was part of the Ministry of the Imperial Court, was abolished in January 1918, a few days before the Decree on Separation of Church from State was issued. This chronological discrepancy had its own reason. First of all, the clergy was connected with the fate of the Ministry, and, like a number of its subdivisions, fell under the control of the People’s Commissariat of Property of the Republic. Despite the generally accepted opinion about the exceptionally consistent anti-religious policy of the authorities, in March 1918 the leadership of the People’s Commissariat of Property issued a decree on the return to the clergy of part of the capital alienated by the January decree. This article examines this document and its appendices, which were not previously published, and also analyzes the possible reasons for the emergence of such a document, which contradicts the general course aimed at combating the church and religion carried out at that time on the national level.","PeriodicalId":53957,"journal":{"name":"Noveishaya Istoriya Rossii-Modern History of Russia","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67790189","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu24.2023.112
E. A. Fedosov
The aim of the article is to reveal and to elaborate on the figurative and symbolic frameworks in visualization of the topic of space in the Soviet print propaganda of 1957–1965 as well as to evaluate the effectiveness of the information and propaganda campaign in terms of public political sentiments. The source base is made up of several thousand of posters, caricatures, cartoons, and other thematic illustrations. The context of their creation, semantics, and distribution are reconstructed by means of bibliographic analysis and content-analytical methods. Analysis of personal sources (diary entries, memoirs, and “letters to the authorities”) is used to describe of the presence of the theme of space in everyday life. Visual propaganda embraced space in relation to almost all key aspects of the life of Soviet people through 1) political ideals; 2) self-identification as belonging to a particular entity; 3) a sense of active personal responsibility for the country; 4) understanding the USSR’s global role during the Cold War. In general, initially there were a genuine interest, pride for the country, and no rejection of propagandistic campaign about the space exploration. However, at the end of the period, some aspects were treated with skepticism due to a lack of novelty in the coverage of events and presence of problems in other fields. At the same time, visual propaganda contextually matched the Soviet citizens’ opinions, and some of them participated in creation of the “space” pictures, that indicate the audience’s attention to visual content. Anyway, its ideological role gradually underwent transformation from ideological to routine meaning.
{"title":"The “Space” Ideologeme in the Soviet Visual Propaganda of 1957–1965","authors":"E. A. Fedosov","doi":"10.21638/spbu24.2023.112","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2023.112","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of the article is to reveal and to elaborate on the figurative and symbolic frameworks in visualization of the topic of space in the Soviet print propaganda of 1957–1965 as well as to evaluate the effectiveness of the information and propaganda campaign in terms of public political sentiments. The source base is made up of several thousand of posters, caricatures, cartoons, and other thematic illustrations. The context of their creation, semantics, and distribution are reconstructed by means of bibliographic analysis and content-analytical methods. Analysis of personal sources (diary entries, memoirs, and “letters to the authorities”) is used to describe of the presence of the theme of space in everyday life. Visual propaganda embraced space in relation to almost all key aspects of the life of Soviet people through 1) political ideals; 2) self-identification as belonging to a particular entity; 3) a sense of active personal responsibility for the country; 4) understanding the USSR’s global role during the Cold War. In general, initially there were a genuine interest, pride for the country, and no rejection of propagandistic campaign about the space exploration. However, at the end of the period, some aspects were treated with skepticism due to a lack of novelty in the coverage of events and presence of problems in other fields. At the same time, visual propaganda contextually matched the Soviet citizens’ opinions, and some of them participated in creation of the “space” pictures, that indicate the audience’s attention to visual content. Anyway, its ideological role gradually underwent transformation from ideological to routine meaning.","PeriodicalId":53957,"journal":{"name":"Noveishaya Istoriya Rossii-Modern History of Russia","volume":"79 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67790209","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu24.2023.115
M. Y. Krapivin, E. N. Metelkin
{"title":"Documents of the Politburо of the AUCP(b) about the Numismatic Collection of Grand Duke Georgy Mikhailovich Romanov","authors":"M. Y. Krapivin, E. N. Metelkin","doi":"10.21638/spbu24.2023.115","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2023.115","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53957,"journal":{"name":"Noveishaya Istoriya Rossii-Modern History of Russia","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67790268","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu24.2023.216
S. V. Shebalkov
The review gives a detailed analysis of М. А. Vasilchenko’s monograph devoted to the problem of the revolt against the Soviet power by the units of the Volga (Penza) group of the Czechoslovak Corps in spring — autumn 1918. The theme of the Czechoslovak Corps’ revolt and its subsequent participation in the Russian Civil War usually causes ambiguous reception. The author of the monograph skillfully used a wide range of sources, including the materials in the Czech language. It enabled him to reconstruct the details of the military operations, identify the features of the everyday life of Czechoslovak legionnaires, as well as the ways of their interaction with anti-Bolshevik forces. In addition to the independent military operations of the Volga Group, the book describes the joint actions of the Czechoslovak forces and the People’s Army of Komuch. Some aspects presented in the monograph, for example, the procedure of the election of delegates to the first congress of the Czechoslovak Corps in Cheliabinsk, were studied in detail for the first time. The key feature of M. A. Vasilchenko’s research is the ambition to show the events through the perspective of the leadership of the Czechoslovak Corps, which determined the specificity of the final conclusions. The author justifiably notes that the Volga Group didn’t instigate the hostilities and points out that the Soviet government was also accountable for the unleashing of the revolt. The weaknesses of the research include the author’s insufficient coverage of the problem of Czechoslovak terror and the interaction of legionnaires with the local population of the Volga cities. Despite some omissions, the monograph makes a valuable contribution to the study of the Czechoslovak Corps’ revolt in the Middle Volga region.
本文对М进行了详细的分析。А。瓦西里琴科的专著致力于1918年春秋捷克斯洛伐克军团伏尔加(奔萨)部队反抗苏维埃政权的问题。捷克斯洛伐克军团的起义及其随后参与俄国内战的主题通常会引起模棱两可的接受。该专著的作者巧妙地使用了广泛的资源，包括捷克语的材料。这使他能够重建军事行动的细节，识别捷克斯洛伐克军团士兵的日常生活特征，以及他们与反布尔什维克部队的互动方式。除了伏尔加集团的独立军事行动外，这本书还描述了捷克斯洛伐克部队和科穆奇人民军的联合行动。在专著中提出的一些方面，例如在车里雅宾斯克举行的捷克斯洛伐克军团第一届代表大会的选举程序，是第一次详细研究。M. A. Vasilchenko的研究的关键特征是通过捷克斯洛伐克军团领导层的视角来展示事件的野心，这决定了最终结论的特殊性。作者合理地指出，伏尔加集团并没有煽动敌对行动，并指出苏联政府也要为发动叛乱负责。这项研究的弱点包括作者对捷克斯洛伐克恐怖问题的报道不足，以及退伍军人与伏尔加河各城市当地居民的相互作用。尽管有一些遗漏，但该专著对研究捷克斯洛伐克军团在中伏尔加河地区的叛乱做出了宝贵的贡献。
{"title":"1918 between Penza and the Urals [Rev. on: Vasilchenko M. A. Czechoslovak Corps in the Struggle for the Volga Region (May — November 1918). Saratov, 2021]","authors":"S. V. Shebalkov","doi":"10.21638/spbu24.2023.216","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2023.216","url":null,"abstract":"The review gives a detailed analysis of М. А. Vasilchenko’s monograph devoted to the problem of the revolt against the Soviet power by the units of the Volga (Penza) group of the Czechoslovak Corps in spring — autumn 1918. The theme of the Czechoslovak Corps’ revolt and its subsequent participation in the Russian Civil War usually causes ambiguous reception. The author of the monograph skillfully used a wide range of sources, including the materials in the Czech language. It enabled him to reconstruct the details of the military operations, identify the features of the everyday life of Czechoslovak legionnaires, as well as the ways of their interaction with anti-Bolshevik forces. In addition to the independent military operations of the Volga Group, the book describes the joint actions of the Czechoslovak forces and the People’s Army of Komuch. Some aspects presented in the monograph, for example, the procedure of the election of delegates to the first congress of the Czechoslovak Corps in Cheliabinsk, were studied in detail for the first time. The key feature of M. A. Vasilchenko’s research is the ambition to show the events through the perspective of the leadership of the Czechoslovak Corps, which determined the specificity of the final conclusions. The author justifiably notes that the Volga Group didn’t instigate the hostilities and points out that the Soviet government was also accountable for the unleashing of the revolt. The weaknesses of the research include the author’s insufficient coverage of the problem of Czechoslovak terror and the interaction of legionnaires with the local population of the Volga cities. Despite some omissions, the monograph makes a valuable contribution to the study of the Czechoslovak Corps’ revolt in the Middle Volga region.","PeriodicalId":53957,"journal":{"name":"Noveishaya Istoriya Rossii-Modern History of Russia","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67790311","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu24.2023.207
I. Magadeev
The article aims to define the content and the peculiarities of the position held by E. V. Tarle during the active discussions on the “French question” in the so-called ‘Litvinov commission’ of the Soviet Foreign Office. On the basis of the new evidence from the Archives of the Foreign policy of the Russian Federation, the author compares two Tarle’s roles: the one of the historian interested in the French studies for a long period and that of the foreign policy advisor whom he became exactly during the Great Patriotic war. The author concludes that the notions made by Tarle as a historian and as a foreign policy advisor were often not similar. Being a proponent of the affinity between the Russian and French interests on the pages of his historical studies, in 1943–1944, under the influence of critical stance of the Soviet leadership and diplomacy on the “French question” Tarle adopted a tougher position. He was skeptical about the revival of France as a Great Power and prioritized the relations with Washington and London over those with Paris. Being a part of the academic elite of the Stalin’s USSR and having the experience of the exile, he was ready to fit into the dominant consensus defined from above and acknowledged the limitation for his freedom of maneuver as an expert and adviser. At the same time, Tarle continued pursuing high academic standards, carefully hinted on the volatility of the international situation, and was respected by his French colleagues.
{"title":"Practical Historiography: E. V. Tarle and Discussions on the “French Question” in the Soviet Foreign Office (1943–1944)","authors":"I. Magadeev","doi":"10.21638/spbu24.2023.207","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2023.207","url":null,"abstract":"The article aims to define the content and the peculiarities of the position held by E. V. Tarle during the active discussions on the “French question” in the so-called ‘Litvinov commission’ of the Soviet Foreign Office. On the basis of the new evidence from the Archives of the Foreign policy of the Russian Federation, the author compares two Tarle’s roles: the one of the historian interested in the French studies for a long period and that of the foreign policy advisor whom he became exactly during the Great Patriotic war. The author concludes that the notions made by Tarle as a historian and as a foreign policy advisor were often not similar. Being a proponent of the affinity between the Russian and French interests on the pages of his historical studies, in 1943–1944, under the influence of critical stance of the Soviet leadership and diplomacy on the “French question” Tarle adopted a tougher position. He was skeptical about the revival of France as a Great Power and prioritized the relations with Washington and London over those with Paris. Being a part of the academic elite of the Stalin’s USSR and having the experience of the exile, he was ready to fit into the dominant consensus defined from above and acknowledged the limitation for his freedom of maneuver as an expert and adviser. At the same time, Tarle continued pursuing high academic standards, carefully hinted on the volatility of the international situation, and was respected by his French colleagues.","PeriodicalId":53957,"journal":{"name":"Noveishaya Istoriya Rossii-Modern History of Russia","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67790514","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu24.2023.211
I. Begum
The research aims to explore the causes of Russian reassertion in Afghanistan and delves into its impact on the peace process. Russia has a deep-rooted history in Afghanistan. At the peak of its power, it sent troops to Kabul to protect the communist regime but faced strong resistance from the Afghan people. The Soviet- backed Afghan regime and the Soviet forces tried to control the insurgency for ten years; eventually, it had to pull back all troops from Afghanistan. The extended engagement in Kabul worsened internal conditions in Russia which attempted to prevent them from the Afghan scenario. During the brief period of the government of Mujahedeen and later, under the rule of the Taliban*, it was concerned by the rise of Islamic militancy in Afghanistan that emerged as a peril for Russia and the Central Asian states where Moscow aspired to maintain a soft influence. The 9/11 incident transformed the political approach of the world community. The paper analyses the reasons for Russian support of the US in the war against terrorism, and Russian coordination with Central Asian states to facilitate the US in utilizing military bases of the former Soviet Union for the first time. Russia re-opened its embassy in Kabul in 2007. After two years, it endorsed a new strategy of the US President in Afghanistan based upon a troop surge, a withdrawal plan, and reconciliation with the moderate Taliban*. Russia also formed a multi-dimensional policy towards Afghanistan. Kremlin developed ties with the Afghan government as well as diplomatic engagement with the Taliban*. A hypothesis is made that due to the assertive Russian role in Afghanistan, the US had to speed up the peace process which resulted in the withdrawal of all foreign troops from Afghanistan.
{"title":"Russian Reassertion in Afghanistan: Implications of the Doha Peace Agreement 2020","authors":"I. Begum","doi":"10.21638/spbu24.2023.211","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2023.211","url":null,"abstract":"The research aims to explore the causes of Russian reassertion in Afghanistan and delves into its impact on the peace process. Russia has a deep-rooted history in Afghanistan. At the peak of its power, it sent troops to Kabul to protect the communist regime but faced strong resistance from the Afghan people. The Soviet- backed Afghan regime and the Soviet forces tried to control the insurgency for ten years; eventually, it had to pull back all troops from Afghanistan. The extended engagement in Kabul worsened internal conditions in Russia which attempted to prevent them from the Afghan scenario. During the brief period of the government of Mujahedeen and later, under the rule of the Taliban*, it was concerned by the rise of Islamic militancy in Afghanistan that emerged as a peril for Russia and the Central Asian states where Moscow aspired to maintain a soft influence. The 9/11 incident transformed the political approach of the world community. The paper analyses the reasons for Russian support of the US in the war against terrorism, and Russian coordination with Central Asian states to facilitate the US in utilizing military bases of the former Soviet Union for the first time. Russia re-opened its embassy in Kabul in 2007. After two years, it endorsed a new strategy of the US President in Afghanistan based upon a troop surge, a withdrawal plan, and reconciliation with the moderate Taliban*. Russia also formed a multi-dimensional policy towards Afghanistan. Kremlin developed ties with the Afghan government as well as diplomatic engagement with the Taliban*. A hypothesis is made that due to the assertive Russian role in Afghanistan, the US had to speed up the peace process which resulted in the withdrawal of all foreign troops from Afghanistan.","PeriodicalId":53957,"journal":{"name":"Noveishaya Istoriya Rossii-Modern History of Russia","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67790687","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu24.2023.310
B. N. Mironov
Parade of the sovereignties of the autonomous republics in 1990–1991 led to the disintegration of Azerbaijan, Armenia, Georgia and Moldova and brought the Russian Federation to the brink of collapse. The main centers of separatism in the Russian Federation were Chechnya and Dagestan, but separatist sentiments and movements were widespread in Ingushetia, Tuva, Tatarstan, Bashkortostan, Yakutia and Buryatia. In the 1990s from 31 to 75 points of ethno-territorial tensions in Russia were recorded. Researchers expresses different points of view on the reasons for the development of nationalism in the autonomous republics. According to one of them, in the republics, under the influence of Moscow’s national policy, ambitious national elites were formed, which became the driving force behind the development of separatism. In this article, this point of view is tested on the data of the all-Union population censuses of 1926, 1939, 1959, 1970, 1979, 1989. The analysis of the national composition of the governing bodies in 1917–1989 allows us to propose the following periodization of the process of indigenization of management in autonomies: 1) 1917–1939 — intensive increase in the ethno-political status of the titular peoples and national minorities in general and negative discrimination against Russians, 2) 1940–1956 — democratic alignment of ethnic statuses, 3) 1956–1989 — moderate increase in the ethno-political status of the titular peoples and non-Russian ethnic groups in general and negative discrimination against Russians. Increasing the representativeness and role of non-Russian ethnic groups and the decline in the representativeness and role of Russians in the administration of autonomies were the main trends in the Soviet period.
{"title":"Why Hadn’t the Russian Federation Collapse in 1991?","authors":"B. N. Mironov","doi":"10.21638/spbu24.2023.310","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2023.310","url":null,"abstract":"Parade of the sovereignties of the autonomous republics in 1990–1991 led to the disintegration of Azerbaijan, Armenia, Georgia and Moldova and brought the Russian Federation to the brink of collapse. The main centers of separatism in the Russian Federation were Chechnya and Dagestan, but separatist sentiments and movements were widespread in Ingushetia, Tuva, Tatarstan, Bashkortostan, Yakutia and Buryatia. In the 1990s from 31 to 75 points of ethno-territorial tensions in Russia were recorded. Researchers expresses different points of view on the reasons for the development of nationalism in the autonomous republics. According to one of them, in the republics, under the influence of Moscow’s national policy, ambitious national elites were formed, which became the driving force behind the development of separatism. In this article, this point of view is tested on the data of the all-Union population censuses of 1926, 1939, 1959, 1970, 1979, 1989. The analysis of the national composition of the governing bodies in 1917–1989 allows us to propose the following periodization of the process of indigenization of management in autonomies: 1) 1917–1939 — intensive increase in the ethno-political status of the titular peoples and national minorities in general and negative discrimination against Russians, 2) 1940–1956 — democratic alignment of ethnic statuses, 3) 1956–1989 — moderate increase in the ethno-political status of the titular peoples and non-Russian ethnic groups in general and negative discrimination against Russians. Increasing the representativeness and role of non-Russian ethnic groups and the decline in the representativeness and role of Russians in the administration of autonomies were the main trends in the Soviet period.","PeriodicalId":53957,"journal":{"name":"Noveishaya Istoriya Rossii-Modern History of Russia","volume":"29 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136003041","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：