Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu24.2022.401
M. Khodjakov
The article based on archival materials analyses a problem that has not received comprehensive coverage in the historical literature. In Soviet times, it was considered the height of cynicism to talk about the confectionery factories during famine and mass mortality in besieged Leningrad. Later the authors often preferred to focus on the real and fictitious abuses by the Leningrad leaders, who allegedly enjoyed sweet life even under the blockade. The analysis of documents, many of which were previously inaccessible for researchers, indicates that candy and chocolate factories did not cease their work during the blockade. Like all food industries facing the lack of supplies they had to actively use substitutes. As a result, new varieties of sweets emerged, produced with a minimum content of sugar and maximum filling with confectionery waste. At the same time, the factories switched to manufacturing products needed for the front and were engaged in the production of medical supplies and consumer goods. Since the autumn of 1941 the local party bodies supervised all the branches of industry in Leningrad. They had the final say on management decisions and planned performance, including the production of chocolate and sweets. The distribution of confectionery products had a clear focus. Its main consumers were the army, the navy and the population of the besieged city. However, the reduction in the production during 1941–1942 and conservation of a number of factories made chocolate and sweets a scarce product, inaccessible to many residents of Leningrad. The situation changed only after the blockade was breached in 1943 and the confectionery production was restored as its capacity increased.
{"title":"Confectionery Production in Besieged Leningrad. 1941–1943","authors":"M. Khodjakov","doi":"10.21638/spbu24.2022.401","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2022.401","url":null,"abstract":"The article based on archival materials analyses a problem that has not received comprehensive coverage in the historical literature. In Soviet times, it was considered the height of cynicism to talk about the confectionery factories during famine and mass mortality in besieged Leningrad. Later the authors often preferred to focus on the real and fictitious abuses by the Leningrad leaders, who allegedly enjoyed sweet life even under the blockade. The analysis of documents, many of which were previously inaccessible for researchers, indicates that candy and chocolate factories did not cease their work during the blockade. Like all food industries facing the lack of supplies they had to actively use substitutes. As a result, new varieties of sweets emerged, produced with a minimum content of sugar and maximum filling with confectionery waste. At the same time, the factories switched to manufacturing products needed for the front and were engaged in the production of medical supplies and consumer goods. Since the autumn of 1941 the local party bodies supervised all the branches of industry in Leningrad. They had the final say on management decisions and planned performance, including the production of chocolate and sweets. The distribution of confectionery products had a clear focus. Its main consumers were the army, the navy and the population of the besieged city. However, the reduction in the production during 1941–1942 and conservation of a number of factories made chocolate and sweets a scarce product, inaccessible to many residents of Leningrad. The situation changed only after the blockade was breached in 1943 and the confectionery production was restored as its capacity increased.","PeriodicalId":53957,"journal":{"name":"Noveishaya Istoriya Rossii-Modern History of Russia","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67789331","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.108
V. Batchenko
Based on declassified archival documents, this article examines key difficulties of the initial period of human preparation for space flight, carried out in the USSR at the Cosmonaut Training Center (CPC). In historiography, much has been said about the medical and psychological selection of the first group of cosmonauts, the physical exertion that the future conquerors of space experienced, but organizational and everyday difficulties remained behind the scenes. This work aims to identify the main problems faced by the CPC leadership and the first cosmonauts, and to place new emphasis on the problems of space exploration in the 1960s. The lack of a unified management of the space exploration process led to the fact that, on the one hand, the realities of the Cold War and the space race with the United States were pressing, and on the other hand, for more than ten years, cosmonauts-in-training had to put up with field training in centrifuges and for about twenty years in swimming pools, without the necessary equipment on the territory of the Center. The lack of balanced nutrition, the violation of rest and sleep, and failures in training due to the lack of instructors and equipment only added to this picture. The complexity of all the above-mentioned difficulties further illustrates the will of military pilots admitted to space flights to achieve the ultimate goal in any way. It is also important that the CPC leadership, being at the forefront of historical events, sought the status of a scientific institution for its organization, which allowed it to attract qualified personnel and develop the scientific potential of its employees. This problem, as well as the construction of the centrifuge, was solved only by the end of the 1960s.
{"title":"The Cosmonaut Training Center in the 1960s: Problems of Logistics and Organization","authors":"V. Batchenko","doi":"10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.108","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.108","url":null,"abstract":"Based on declassified archival documents, this article examines key difficulties of the initial period of human preparation for space flight, carried out in the USSR at the Cosmonaut Training Center (CPC). In historiography, much has been said about the medical and psychological selection of the first group of cosmonauts, the physical exertion that the future conquerors of space experienced, but organizational and everyday difficulties remained behind the scenes. This work aims to identify the main problems faced by the CPC leadership and the first cosmonauts, and to place new emphasis on the problems of space exploration in the 1960s. The lack of a unified management of the space exploration process led to the fact that, on the one hand, the realities of the Cold War and the space race with the United States were pressing, and on the other hand, for more than ten years, cosmonauts-in-training had to put up with field training in centrifuges and for about twenty years in swimming pools, without the necessary equipment on the territory of the Center. The lack of balanced nutrition, the violation of rest and sleep, and failures in training due to the lack of instructors and equipment only added to this picture. The complexity of all the above-mentioned difficulties further illustrates the will of military pilots admitted to space flights to achieve the ultimate goal in any way. It is also important that the CPC leadership, being at the forefront of historical events, sought the status of a scientific institution for its organization, which allowed it to attract qualified personnel and develop the scientific potential of its employees. This problem, as well as the construction of the centrifuge, was solved only by the end of the 1960s.","PeriodicalId":53957,"journal":{"name":"Noveishaya Istoriya Rossii-Modern History of Russia","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67779738","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.103
S. Reshetnikov
The article explores a little-known episode of the joint anti-fascist struggle of Russian emigrants and Soviet citizens on the French Island of Oléron during the Second World War. In the fall of 1943, the Germans began to transfer Eastern Wehrmacht troops, formed from Soviet citizens, to France. In the spring of 1944, one of the companies of these Eastern Wehrmacht troops arrived on the island of Oléron to guard the Atlantic coast. At that time, a group of Russian emigrants headed by V. B. Sosinskiy and V. L. Andreev lived on the island, and they decided to get to know the Soviet soldiers who had arrived there. Freed from German captivity, Sosinskiy decided to form a partisan group from these soldiers, which, after the first sabotage operation, officially became part of the French Resistance. Sosinskiy’s group, initially collecting only intelligence data, soon began active sabotage actions, which seriously reduced the combat capability of the local German garrison and allowed the Allies to quickly liberate the island during its assault at the end of the war. The soldiers were convicted after they returned home, but after returning to civilian life, they were rehabilitated with the help of immigrants.
这篇文章探讨了第二次世界大战期间，俄罗斯移民和苏联公民在法国奥尔萨伦岛共同进行反法西斯斗争的一个鲜为人知的故事。1943年秋，德国开始将由苏联公民组成的东部国防军(Eastern Wehrmacht)部队转移到法国。1944年春天，这些东部国防军的一个连抵达奥尔萨伦岛守卫大西洋海岸。当时，以v·b·索辛斯基(V. B. Sosinskiy)和v·l·安德烈夫(V. L. Andreev)为首的一群俄罗斯移民住在岛上，他们决定去了解一下到达那里的苏联士兵。从德国人的囚禁中释放出来后，索辛斯基决定由这些士兵组成一个游击队，在第一次破坏行动之后，这个游击队正式成为法国抵抗运动的一部分。索辛斯基的小组最初只收集情报数据，很快就开始积极的破坏行动，这严重削弱了当地德国驻军的作战能力，并使盟军在战争结束时的袭击中迅速解放了该岛。这些士兵回国后被判有罪，但在回归平民生活后，他们在移民的帮助下得到了平反。
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Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.203
E. Pushkarenko
This article examines anti-Semitic propaganda of German authorities in the occupied Soviet territory in the General District of Belarus. The author identifies the main directions of anti-Semitic propaganda, analyzes its content, determines the effectiveness of the ideological influence of the German occupation authorities on the Belarusian population, and proves that the occupiers tried to appeal to national feelings of Belarusians using anti-Semitism. The author concludes that the odious, false, anti-Semitic propaganda did not find a response among the Belarusian population of the district. Belarusians practically did not participate in the organization of the “new order”; in contrast to Ukraine and the Baltic States, it was difficult to create police battalions and a national administration. Mass actions of extermination of Belarusian Jews could not arouse any feelings among the witnesses, except horror and fear for their own lives. Together with the SS punitive expeditions against partisans and civilians, the genocide of the Jews leveled all the efforts of German propagandists and reduced the effectiveness of enemy propaganda to zero. A major role in exposing the content of Nazi propaganda and the true plans of the occupiers was played by partisan counter-propaganda and the very existence of a mass partisan movement. The occupiers’ calculations to incite hatred of Belarusians against Jews did not justify themselves: Belarusian and Jewish partisans fought shoulder to shoulder for the freedom of their common homeland — Soviet Belarus.
{"title":"German Propaganda of Anti-Semitism in the Occupied Soviet Territory (on the Example of the General District of Belarus)","authors":"E. Pushkarenko","doi":"10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.203","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.203","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines anti-Semitic propaganda of German authorities in the occupied Soviet territory in the General District of Belarus. The author identifies the main directions of anti-Semitic propaganda, analyzes its content, determines the effectiveness of the ideological influence of the German occupation authorities on the Belarusian population, and proves that the occupiers tried to appeal to national feelings of Belarusians using anti-Semitism. The author concludes that the odious, false, anti-Semitic propaganda did not find a response among the Belarusian population of the district. Belarusians practically did not participate in the organization of the “new order”; in contrast to Ukraine and the Baltic States, it was difficult to create police battalions and a national administration. Mass actions of extermination of Belarusian Jews could not arouse any feelings among the witnesses, except horror and fear for their own lives. Together with the SS punitive expeditions against partisans and civilians, the genocide of the Jews leveled all the efforts of German propagandists and reduced the effectiveness of enemy propaganda to zero. A major role in exposing the content of Nazi propaganda and the true plans of the occupiers was played by partisan counter-propaganda and the very existence of a mass partisan movement. The occupiers’ calculations to incite hatred of Belarusians against Jews did not justify themselves: Belarusian and Jewish partisans fought shoulder to shoulder for the freedom of their common homeland — Soviet Belarus.","PeriodicalId":53957,"journal":{"name":"Noveishaya Istoriya Rossii-Modern History of Russia","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67780075","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.207
A. Daudov, E. P. Mamysheva
The article discusses the problem of creation and functioning in 1921–1938 of a higher education institution for immigrants from the East countries and for Eastern national minorities of the USSR: the Stalin Communist University of the Toilers of the East. Within the 100-year anniversary, the appeal to the history of the KUTV, called the “forge of personnel”, becomes particularly relevant. Under the conditions of socio-economic, political, and cultural transformations in the USSR in 1920s–1930s, the issue of attracting the natives familiar with traditions and everyday life to the authorities, administration, and courts demanded an urgent solution. Based on the analysis of the latest literature and materials of the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History (RGASPI), the article considers the conditions of opening this educational institution. The authors pay special attention to university reorganization that happened under the influence of domestic and foreign political circumstances. The authors considered the conditions of admission to the university, the faculty, defined by the international nature of the KUTV and having the Soviet and foreign sectors. In both sectors, significant attention was paid to the disciplines forming the Marxist revolutionary worldview. Because of the problem in teaching cadets native languages at the university, the main emphasis was placed on Russian. An integral part of the curriculum was industrial practice at enterprises in Moscow and then in the regions. The foreign sector opening was prompted not only to export the revolution, but also to create, with future leaders’ help, a loyal environment of the world’s first socialist state. During the country’s development, the emergence of new state’s tasks, changes in national policy, in the system of party education led to a revision of the necessity for the KUTV. Due to the recognition of the inexpediency of its existence, the university was liquidated in 1938.
{"title":"The Communist University of the Toilers of the East. 1921– 1938: A Look through a Century","authors":"A. Daudov, E. P. Mamysheva","doi":"10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.207","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.207","url":null,"abstract":"The article discusses the problem of creation and functioning in 1921–1938 of a higher education institution for immigrants from the East countries and for Eastern national minorities of the USSR: the Stalin Communist University of the Toilers of the East. Within the 100-year anniversary, the appeal to the history of the KUTV, called the “forge of personnel”, becomes particularly relevant. Under the conditions of socio-economic, political, and cultural transformations in the USSR in 1920s–1930s, the issue of attracting the natives familiar with traditions and everyday life to the authorities, administration, and courts demanded an urgent solution. Based on the analysis of the latest literature and materials of the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History (RGASPI), the article considers the conditions of opening this educational institution. The authors pay special attention to university reorganization that happened under the influence of domestic and foreign political circumstances. The authors considered the conditions of admission to the university, the faculty, defined by the international nature of the KUTV and having the Soviet and foreign sectors. In both sectors, significant attention was paid to the disciplines forming the Marxist revolutionary worldview. Because of the problem in teaching cadets native languages at the university, the main emphasis was placed on Russian. An integral part of the curriculum was industrial practice at enterprises in Moscow and then in the regions. The foreign sector opening was prompted not only to export the revolution, but also to create, with future leaders’ help, a loyal environment of the world’s first socialist state. During the country’s development, the emergence of new state’s tasks, changes in national policy, in the system of party education led to a revision of the necessity for the KUTV. Due to the recognition of the inexpediency of its existence, the university was liquidated in 1938.","PeriodicalId":53957,"journal":{"name":"Noveishaya Istoriya Rossii-Modern History of Russia","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67780184","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.214
T. A. Volodina
This article analyzes the process of value transforming in the course of renaming various objects in recent Russian history (names of cities, streets, squares, etc.). This phenomenon is not unique to Russia. The author points out the significance of this problem in present works of Western scholars working in the interdisciplinary field of history, cultural anthropology, and geography. The article raises the question of the causes and limits of the sustainability and mutability of toponymic structures. Special attention is paid to the consideration of the competition between St Petersburg — Leningrad and Volgograd — Stalingrad in the public and power discourse. The author concludes that there are two semiotic layers in this process: the “text” as a phenomenon of “rewriting” meanings, i. e., the renaming properly, and a “palimpsest” that continues to exist in the public consciousness under a layer of written “text”. As a result of the analysis, the author concludes that there are deep limitations in the construction of the socio-cultural toponymic landscape. The relationship between the “text” and the “palimpsest”, according to the author, is determined by several factors. The sustainability of the “palimpsest” is directly proportional to the historical and event content that the “old name” managed to absorb during its existence. The intensity, effectiveness and success of writing a new “text” — all these points directly depend on the scale of changes in the social development as well as the degree of changes in the socio-cultural view of the world. The outcome of the competitive struggle between the meanings of “text” and “palimpsest” is ultimately a marker that demonstrates the degree and limits of society’s readiness to strengthen civil confrontation in the struggle for the values of the toponymic landscape.
{"title":"The Problem of Sustainability and Mutability of Values in Historical Toponymy","authors":"T. A. Volodina","doi":"10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.214","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.214","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyzes the process of value transforming in the course of renaming various objects in recent Russian history (names of cities, streets, squares, etc.). This phenomenon is not unique to Russia. The author points out the significance of this problem in present works of Western scholars working in the interdisciplinary field of history, cultural anthropology, and geography. The article raises the question of the causes and limits of the sustainability and mutability of toponymic structures. Special attention is paid to the consideration of the competition between St Petersburg — Leningrad and Volgograd — Stalingrad in the public and power discourse. The author concludes that there are two semiotic layers in this process: the “text” as a phenomenon of “rewriting” meanings, i. e., the renaming properly, and a “palimpsest” that continues to exist in the public consciousness under a layer of written “text”. As a result of the analysis, the author concludes that there are deep limitations in the construction of the socio-cultural toponymic landscape. The relationship between the “text” and the “palimpsest”, according to the author, is determined by several factors. The sustainability of the “palimpsest” is directly proportional to the historical and event content that the “old name” managed to absorb during its existence. The intensity, effectiveness and success of writing a new “text” — all these points directly depend on the scale of changes in the social development as well as the degree of changes in the socio-cultural view of the world. The outcome of the competitive struggle between the meanings of “text” and “palimpsest” is ultimately a marker that demonstrates the degree and limits of society’s readiness to strengthen civil confrontation in the struggle for the values of the toponymic landscape.","PeriodicalId":53957,"journal":{"name":"Noveishaya Istoriya Rossii-Modern History of Russia","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67780567","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu24.2022.414
V. Shalamov
During the First World War, prisoners of war from the countries of the Quadruple Alliance were distributed among concentration camps throughout the Russian Empire. At first, due to the country’s unpreparedness to receive such a large number of captives, their conditions of detention were unsatisfactory. Neutral organizations come to their aid. Elsa Brandstrom, a sister of mercy of the Swedish Red Cross, is best known. She was the daughter of a Swedish envoy to Russia, who was distinguished by pro-German views. During the war years, thanks to her tireless energy, germanophilia and russophobia, she gained extraordinary popularity in the German environment. When the civil war broke out in eastern Russia, Elsa Brandstrom drove across the front line with large funds intended to help prisoners of war. After returning to her homeland, she published a memoir for charitable purposes, in which she summarized all her experience of the war. Contemporaries perceived her book as the main source on the history of captivity in Russia. Her altruism and desire to help former prisoners and after the war created around her a myth of holiness and infallibility. Numerous public appearances and lectures have strengthened her credibility. The lack of critical understanding of her activities and her publications, as well as the lack of opposition from the Russian side, gave rise to the illusion of the correctness of her judgments. Ultimately, this led to a distortion of the history of the stay of prisoners of war of the countries of the Quadruple Alliance in Russia. To date, Russian and foreign historiography has accumulated a sufficient volume of criticism to consider how the “Elsa Brandstrom myth” was formed and what impact it had.
{"title":"“The Myth of Elsa Brandström” and its Influence on the History of Prisoners of War of the Countries of the Quadruple Alliance in Russia","authors":"V. Shalamov","doi":"10.21638/spbu24.2022.414","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2022.414","url":null,"abstract":"During the First World War, prisoners of war from the countries of the Quadruple Alliance were distributed among concentration camps throughout the Russian Empire. At first, due to the country’s unpreparedness to receive such a large number of captives, their conditions of detention were unsatisfactory. Neutral organizations come to their aid. Elsa Brandstrom, a sister of mercy of the Swedish Red Cross, is best known. She was the daughter of a Swedish envoy to Russia, who was distinguished by pro-German views. During the war years, thanks to her tireless energy, germanophilia and russophobia, she gained extraordinary popularity in the German environment. When the civil war broke out in eastern Russia, Elsa Brandstrom drove across the front line with large funds intended to help prisoners of war. After returning to her homeland, she published a memoir for charitable purposes, in which she summarized all her experience of the war. Contemporaries perceived her book as the main source on the history of captivity in Russia. Her altruism and desire to help former prisoners and after the war created around her a myth of holiness and infallibility. Numerous public appearances and lectures have strengthened her credibility. The lack of critical understanding of her activities and her publications, as well as the lack of opposition from the Russian side, gave rise to the illusion of the correctness of her judgments. Ultimately, this led to a distortion of the history of the stay of prisoners of war of the countries of the Quadruple Alliance in Russia. To date, Russian and foreign historiography has accumulated a sufficient volume of criticism to consider how the “Elsa Brandstrom myth” was formed and what impact it had.","PeriodicalId":53957,"journal":{"name":"Noveishaya Istoriya Rossii-Modern History of Russia","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67789165","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu24.2022.402
K. Boldovskiy
The research is based on briefing papers and other reporting documents prepared during 1943– 1944 by the Cadres department of the Leningrad City Committee of the ACP(b) for the Cadres Department of the Central Committee of the Party. It contains information on the senior leaders of besieged Leningrad, who were on the nomenclature lists of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. These lists included heads of organizations and enterprises that were considered the most important for the country. Briefing papers and reports contain information about the personal composition of managers, their education, age, previous jobs. Based on the analysis of these documents, the article concludes that during the Great Patriotic War, the cadres of Leningrad leaders consisted entirely of local officials. During the period of 1941–1944 less than half of the posts included in the nomenclature of the Central Committee for Leningrad were occupied by workers who were sent from other regions. Most of the leaders of the party and Soviet apparatus held their positions from the pre-war period throughout the entire period of the Siege. Cadre appointments were approved by heads of the Leningrad city committee, while the second secretary of the city committee A. A. Kuznetsov played the main part in this process. This policy led to the formation of a stable group of “Siege officials”, which remained in leadership positions in Leningrad until the start of purges in 1949–1950. Most of the Siege leaders belonged to the same age group (30–40 years old), about half of them had a higher, most often engineering, education. The article also discusses some typical cases of dismissal of executives from their positions. The author shows that during the Siege, such punishments were used by the local party leaders, and not by the initiative of the central authorities.
{"title":"The Cadres of Besieged Leningrad on the Nomenclature Lists of the Central Committee of the ACP(b)","authors":"K. Boldovskiy","doi":"10.21638/spbu24.2022.402","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2022.402","url":null,"abstract":"The research is based on briefing papers and other reporting documents prepared during 1943– 1944 by the Cadres department of the Leningrad City Committee of the ACP(b) for the Cadres Department of the Central Committee of the Party. It contains information on the senior leaders of besieged Leningrad, who were on the nomenclature lists of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. These lists included heads of organizations and enterprises that were considered the most important for the country. Briefing papers and reports contain information about the personal composition of managers, their education, age, previous jobs. Based on the analysis of these documents, the article concludes that during the Great Patriotic War, the cadres of Leningrad leaders consisted entirely of local officials. During the period of 1941–1944 less than half of the posts included in the nomenclature of the Central Committee for Leningrad were occupied by workers who were sent from other regions. Most of the leaders of the party and Soviet apparatus held their positions from the pre-war period throughout the entire period of the Siege. Cadre appointments were approved by heads of the Leningrad city committee, while the second secretary of the city committee A. A. Kuznetsov played the main part in this process. This policy led to the formation of a stable group of “Siege officials”, which remained in leadership positions in Leningrad until the start of purges in 1949–1950. Most of the Siege leaders belonged to the same age group (30–40 years old), about half of them had a higher, most often engineering, education. The article also discusses some typical cases of dismissal of executives from their positions. The author shows that during the Siege, such punishments were used by the local party leaders, and not by the initiative of the central authorities.","PeriodicalId":53957,"journal":{"name":"Noveishaya Istoriya Rossii-Modern History of Russia","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67789383","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu24.2022.406
N. Dmitrieva
The article analyzes the formation of the imperial policy to spread Orthodox Christianity using the example of the construction of the Alexander Nevsky Cathedral in Revel in the Governorate of Estonia. Late 19th — early 20th century was marked by significant changes in the governance of the region, not only in the administrative and legal sphere, but also in the religious one. Estonia administration viewed strengthening the presence of the Orthodox Church through the mass construction of churches and the symbolic development of space as one of the most effective means of integrating the province and the empire. The construction of the Alexander Nevsky Cathedral in Reval was associated with significant historical events, including the 200th anniversary since Estonia became a part of Russian Empire. It determined its central role in the representation of the empire on the outskirts. At the same time, the prevalence of the Lutheran population in the province, as well as the economic dominance of the German nobility, caused difficulties with the construction process. The search for funds and the choice of a place for the Cathedral were the main reasons why the implementation of such a large-scale project took so long. Cathedral was designed to visually emphasize that the region was a part of the Russian Empire. The analysis of the preparatory work, using unpublished office materials from various departments, made it possible to identify contradictions between central and local authorities on this issue, as well as to understand the mechanisms of their interaction within the framework of existing practices. The materials of personal and official correspondence of key political and religious actors involved show different understanding of the goals and means how to spread Orthodox Christianity in the region at the turn of the 19th — 20th century.
{"title":"Sacred New Building: Alexander Nevsky Cathedral in Reval and the Spread of Orthodoxy in the Governorate of Estonia at the End of the 19th — Beginning of the 20th Century","authors":"N. Dmitrieva","doi":"10.21638/spbu24.2022.406","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2022.406","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyzes the formation of the imperial policy to spread Orthodox Christianity using the example of the construction of the Alexander Nevsky Cathedral in Revel in the Governorate of Estonia. Late 19th — early 20th century was marked by significant changes in the governance of the region, not only in the administrative and legal sphere, but also in the religious one. Estonia administration viewed strengthening the presence of the Orthodox Church through the mass construction of churches and the symbolic development of space as one of the most effective means of integrating the province and the empire. The construction of the Alexander Nevsky Cathedral in Reval was associated with significant historical events, including the 200th anniversary since Estonia became a part of Russian Empire. It determined its central role in the representation of the empire on the outskirts. At the same time, the prevalence of the Lutheran population in the province, as well as the economic dominance of the German nobility, caused difficulties with the construction process. The search for funds and the choice of a place for the Cathedral were the main reasons why the implementation of such a large-scale project took so long. Cathedral was designed to visually emphasize that the region was a part of the Russian Empire. The analysis of the preparatory work, using unpublished office materials from various departments, made it possible to identify contradictions between central and local authorities on this issue, as well as to understand the mechanisms of their interaction within the framework of existing practices. The materials of personal and official correspondence of key political and religious actors involved show different understanding of the goals and means how to spread Orthodox Christianity in the region at the turn of the 19th — 20th century.","PeriodicalId":53957,"journal":{"name":"Noveishaya Istoriya Rossii-Modern History of Russia","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67789586","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.303
E. Volkov, M. Sapronov
This article considers cinemas in Leningrad during the Great Patriotic War was a social space, which, using concept of the French sociologist Henri Lefebvre, can be considered as having three levels. First, there is a “representation of space”, that implies these aspects: how cinemas were represented and embodied in material forms (architectural appearance and interior decoration), and how the work of this institution was planned. The second level is “spatial practices”: the functioning of the cinema in real conditions through the activities of its employees, which could differ from orders from above. The third level is the “space of representations”, or how the cinema appears to viewers who visited it. During the Great Patriotic War, the social space of architectural structures in Leningrad cinemas largely remained the same as in the pre-war period. However, in wartime, mobilization acquired a larger character in cinemas. The spatial practices of cinema employees, whose composition has undergone changes in connection with the mass conscription to the front, labor mobilizations, diseases, and high mortality (mostly elderly and disabled people worked there) were also been transformed. The working day for cinema workers increased significantly. At the same time, a number of cinemas in Leningrad were temporarily closed and “conserved”. Cinemas as “spaces of representation” were associated for many viewers with a place of cultural practices, recreation, and distraction from the scourge of war. The repertoire of cinemas in Leningrad in contrast to the pre-war period, has changed significantly in the direction of increasing the display of newsreels, educational and documentary films, as well as military-historical feature films and “allied films” of American and British production.
{"title":"Wartime Leningrad Cinemas: During and After the Blockade","authors":"E. Volkov, M. Sapronov","doi":"10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.303","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.303","url":null,"abstract":"This article considers cinemas in Leningrad during the Great Patriotic War was a social space, which, using concept of the French sociologist Henri Lefebvre, can be considered as having three levels. First, there is a “representation of space”, that implies these aspects: how cinemas were represented and embodied in material forms (architectural appearance and interior decoration), and how the work of this institution was planned. The second level is “spatial practices”: the functioning of the cinema in real conditions through the activities of its employees, which could differ from orders from above. The third level is the “space of representations”, or how the cinema appears to viewers who visited it. During the Great Patriotic War, the social space of architectural structures in Leningrad cinemas largely remained the same as in the pre-war period. However, in wartime, mobilization acquired a larger character in cinemas. The spatial practices of cinema employees, whose composition has undergone changes in connection with the mass conscription to the front, labor mobilizations, diseases, and high mortality (mostly elderly and disabled people worked there) were also been transformed. The working day for cinema workers increased significantly. At the same time, a number of cinemas in Leningrad were temporarily closed and “conserved”. Cinemas as “spaces of representation” were associated for many viewers with a place of cultural practices, recreation, and distraction from the scourge of war. The repertoire of cinemas in Leningrad in contrast to the pre-war period, has changed significantly in the direction of increasing the display of newsreels, educational and documentary films, as well as military-historical feature films and “allied films” of American and British production.","PeriodicalId":53957,"journal":{"name":"Noveishaya Istoriya Rossii-Modern History of Russia","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67780724","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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