Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu24.2023.114
A. Rupasov
The review analyses a set of diaries of residents of the besieged Leningrad prepared by scholars of the European University in St Petersburg. Despite a considerable significance of historical sources to the researchers, the objectives that the authors of the reviewed volume set out to achieve were only partially fulfilled. The compilers of the volume too sharply contrasted a “new regime of the truth of memory” and the “truth of history with its claim to objectivity and coherence of narrative”, actually refusing to examine the published sources and accepting them uncritically as the exhaustive truth, which inevitably leads the reader into the false perception of the completion of the study of the Leningrad siege. It can be assumed that the authors of the volume did not set themselves a task of identifying the circumstances behind the texts of the diaries. It remains unclear why the participants of the project avoided mentioning “simpler principles” of the inclusion of certain diaries in the collection. Although one of the authors attempted to identify a kind of “laboratory” for the creation of the diary, this attempt cannot be recognized as successful. The compilers of the volume delegated the responsibility of commenting on the texts of the diaries to readers. In fact, they relinquished their roles as researchers. Repetitions in the few commentaries, inconsistencies in the accompanying notes to the diaries and in the authors’ articles indicate that the authors of the volume acted in haste. There is no doubt of the authors’ genuine interest in the history of the siege, but in this case it is difficult to find an explanation for inaccuracies in relation to well-known facts.
{"title":"‘“New Memory Truth Mode”’ [Rev. on: “I know you can’t write like this”: The Phenomenon of the Blockade Diary, comp. A. Yu. Pavlovskaya, ed. N. A. Lomagin. St Petersburg, 2022]","authors":"A. Rupasov","doi":"10.21638/spbu24.2023.114","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2023.114","url":null,"abstract":"The review analyses a set of diaries of residents of the besieged Leningrad prepared by scholars of the European University in St Petersburg. Despite a considerable significance of historical sources to the researchers, the objectives that the authors of the reviewed volume set out to achieve were only partially fulfilled. The compilers of the volume too sharply contrasted a “new regime of the truth of memory” and the “truth of history with its claim to objectivity and coherence of narrative”, actually refusing to examine the published sources and accepting them uncritically as the exhaustive truth, which inevitably leads the reader into the false perception of the completion of the study of the Leningrad siege. It can be assumed that the authors of the volume did not set themselves a task of identifying the circumstances behind the texts of the diaries. It remains unclear why the participants of the project avoided mentioning “simpler principles” of the inclusion of certain diaries in the collection. Although one of the authors attempted to identify a kind of “laboratory” for the creation of the diary, this attempt cannot be recognized as successful. The compilers of the volume delegated the responsibility of commenting on the texts of the diaries to readers. In fact, they relinquished their roles as researchers. Repetitions in the few commentaries, inconsistencies in the accompanying notes to the diaries and in the authors’ articles indicate that the authors of the volume acted in haste. There is no doubt of the authors’ genuine interest in the history of the siege, but in this case it is difficult to find an explanation for inaccuracies in relation to well-known facts.","PeriodicalId":53957,"journal":{"name":"Noveishaya Istoriya Rossii-Modern History of Russia","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67790258","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu24.2023.107
G. Kornilov
The famine in the USSR in the early 1930s as a historical fact has been the focus of scholarly journals over last 30 years; the media are especially active in Ukraine and Kazakhstan. The article analyzes historiography of famine in Kazakhstan by Kazakh and foreign (Russian, Ukrainian, American, Italian and German) scholars. A noticeable increase in special publication activity took place in the first half of the 1990s; a new surge of interest in the topic emerged in the 2010s, especially among Western European and American historians. In Kazakhstan, it continues to this day and is increasingly acquiring a political connotation. Some Kazakh historians interpret asharshylyk (famine in Kazakh) as famine, that is, following the Ukrainian interpretation of famine as genocide, ethnocide of the Kazakh people. Such publications are characterized by the neglect of available historical documents on the topic and a descriptive method of research, when the main emphasis is placed on suffering of the starving people. The article focuses on the analysis of three debatable issues: the time of the famine, losses in manpower, and mass resettlement of the population. Currently in historiography there are different interpretations of the chronological framework; the scale of the catastrophe; various estimations of the losses and population migration (migration, as a result of sedentarization and collectivization) in the Autonomous Republic under conditions of famine; there is no clear definition of the geography of famine. The article attributes it to different methodological approaches. The greatest results in the study of the topic can be obtained by means of approaches proposed by the Russian researcher P. A. Sorokin and the Irish scholar Komrak O’Grad. Further research is impossible without a thorough study of the already published documents and expanding the source base.
20世纪30年代初发生在苏联的饥荒作为一个历史事实,是近30年来学术期刊关注的焦点;媒体在乌克兰和哈萨克斯坦尤其活跃。本文分析了哈萨克斯坦和国外(俄罗斯、乌克兰、美国、意大利和德国)学者对哈萨克斯坦饥荒的史学研究。1990年代前半期特别出版活动显著增加;2010年代,人们对这一话题的兴趣再次高涨,尤其是在西欧和美国的历史学家中。在哈萨克斯坦,它一直延续到今天,并越来越多地获得政治内涵。一些哈萨克历史学家将asharshylyk(哈萨克语的饥荒)解释为饥荒,也就是说,遵循乌克兰人对饥荒的解释,即对哈萨克人的种族灭绝。这类出版物的特点是,当主要强调饥饿人民的苦难时,忽视了关于这一主题的现有历史文件和描述性的研究方法。本文重点分析了三个有争议的问题:饥荒的时间、人力的损失和人口的大规模安置。目前在史学中,对时间框架有不同的解释;灾难的规模;对饥荒条件下自治共和国的损失和人口迁移(由于定居化和集体化造成的迁移)的各种估计;对饥荒的地理分布没有明确的定义。文章将其归因于不同的方法论方法。通过俄罗斯研究员p.a.索罗金和爱尔兰学者Komrak O 'Grad提出的方法,可以获得该主题研究的最大成果。如果没有对已经发表的文献进行彻底的研究和扩大来源基础,进一步的研究是不可能的。
{"title":"Famine in the Kazak ASSR in the 1930s: A Historiographical Drift","authors":"G. Kornilov","doi":"10.21638/spbu24.2023.107","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2023.107","url":null,"abstract":"The famine in the USSR in the early 1930s as a historical fact has been the focus of scholarly journals over last 30 years; the media are especially active in Ukraine and Kazakhstan. The article analyzes historiography of famine in Kazakhstan by Kazakh and foreign (Russian, Ukrainian, American, Italian and German) scholars. A noticeable increase in special publication activity took place in the first half of the 1990s; a new surge of interest in the topic emerged in the 2010s, especially among Western European and American historians. In Kazakhstan, it continues to this day and is increasingly acquiring a political connotation. Some Kazakh historians interpret asharshylyk (famine in Kazakh) as famine, that is, following the Ukrainian interpretation of famine as genocide, ethnocide of the Kazakh people. Such publications are characterized by the neglect of available historical documents on the topic and a descriptive method of research, when the main emphasis is placed on suffering of the starving people. The article focuses on the analysis of three debatable issues: the time of the famine, losses in manpower, and mass resettlement of the population. Currently in historiography there are different interpretations of the chronological framework; the scale of the catastrophe; various estimations of the losses and population migration (migration, as a result of sedentarization and collectivization) in the Autonomous Republic under conditions of famine; there is no clear definition of the geography of famine. The article attributes it to different methodological approaches. The greatest results in the study of the topic can be obtained by means of approaches proposed by the Russian researcher P. A. Sorokin and the Irish scholar Komrak O’Grad. Further research is impossible without a thorough study of the already published documents and expanding the source base.","PeriodicalId":53957,"journal":{"name":"Noveishaya Istoriya Rossii-Modern History of Russia","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67790596","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu24.2023.305
A. A. Chemakin
The article traces the fates of the members of the Black Hundred organizations of Right-Bank Ukraine after the revolution of 1917. In 1905–1917, this region was one of the centers of the monarchist movement, and the Pochaev department of the Union of the Russian People was the most numerous black hundred organization in the Russian Empire. There is a lot of indirect evidence that after the overthrow of the monarchy, many Black Hundreds of the Right Bank found themselves in the ranks of Ukrainians and Bolsheviks, actively participating in various rebel detachments and gangs, but it is impossible to draw far-reaching conclusions based on such sources, most often of a memoir nature. To understand what happened to the former black-hundredists and in which political camp they found themselves, the author turns to electoral statistics. Comparing the data about the size of organizations of the Union of the Russian People in different settlements of the Kiev province in the 1910s with the results of the elections to the Ukrainian Constituent Assembly in 1917–1918 in the same localities, the author comes to the conclusion that the former black-hundredists did not vote for Russian nationalists and monarchists, but for the Ukrainian Social revolutionaries and occasionally for the Bolsheviks, that is, for the parties that promised a radical solution to the agrarian question. At the same time, the peasants who voted for the socialists because of the desire to divide the landowners’ land, did not support the party programs of the Ukrainian Socialist Revolutionaries and Bolsheviks on other issues, retaining elements of the black-hundred worldview. This is why during the Civil War “black-hundred sentiments” could be found both in the army of the Ukrainian People’s Republic and in the Red Army.
{"title":"Where Did the Black Hundreds Disappear? Electoral Statistics as a Source for the Study of the National Identity of Ukrainian Peasantry at the Beginning of the 20th Century","authors":"A. A. Chemakin","doi":"10.21638/spbu24.2023.305","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2023.305","url":null,"abstract":"The article traces the fates of the members of the Black Hundred organizations of Right-Bank Ukraine after the revolution of 1917. In 1905–1917, this region was one of the centers of the monarchist movement, and the Pochaev department of the Union of the Russian People was the most numerous black hundred organization in the Russian Empire. There is a lot of indirect evidence that after the overthrow of the monarchy, many Black Hundreds of the Right Bank found themselves in the ranks of Ukrainians and Bolsheviks, actively participating in various rebel detachments and gangs, but it is impossible to draw far-reaching conclusions based on such sources, most often of a memoir nature. To understand what happened to the former black-hundredists and in which political camp they found themselves, the author turns to electoral statistics. Comparing the data about the size of organizations of the Union of the Russian People in different settlements of the Kiev province in the 1910s with the results of the elections to the Ukrainian Constituent Assembly in 1917–1918 in the same localities, the author comes to the conclusion that the former black-hundredists did not vote for Russian nationalists and monarchists, but for the Ukrainian Social revolutionaries and occasionally for the Bolsheviks, that is, for the parties that promised a radical solution to the agrarian question. At the same time, the peasants who voted for the socialists because of the desire to divide the landowners’ land, did not support the party programs of the Ukrainian Socialist Revolutionaries and Bolsheviks on other issues, retaining elements of the black-hundred worldview. This is why during the Civil War “black-hundred sentiments” could be found both in the army of the Ukrainian People’s Republic and in the Red Army.","PeriodicalId":53957,"journal":{"name":"Noveishaya Istoriya Rossii-Modern History of Russia","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136002817","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu24.2023.304
O. S. Makarova
The article notes that in the public consciousness and state propaganda, the image of the enemy was not clearly defined, which led to a blurred perception of external danger. The political leadership of the USSR understood that it was necessary to turn the thinking of the Soviet people, i. e. the need has ripened for the birth of a new image of the enemy, which should be different from what was formed in previous wars. The old propaganda dogmas about the international solidarity of workers and peasants have been shattered against harsh reality. The propagandists of the USSR at the beginning of the war did not need a special search for documentary evidence of the atrocities committed by the invaders. Until the end of the counter-offensive near Moscow on December 5, 1941 — January 7, 1942, bewilderment and fear were frequent in the minds of Soviet soldiers. The mobilized soldiers who were at the front for the first time had no idea about the enemy. The enemy, who conquered many states of Europe, and approached the walls of the capital, was perceived as a machine that could not be stopped. In 1942, Soviet agitators entered with numerous photographic materials and film documents, in which there was evidence of reprisals against children, women, and the elderly. The negative characterization of the enemy was expressed in the epithet — “animals”, the Soviet people learned to hate the enemy.
{"title":"The Image of the Enemy During the Initial period of the Great Patriotic War and the Rethinking of the Stereotypes of Soviet Propaganda of the Pre-War Period","authors":"O. S. Makarova","doi":"10.21638/spbu24.2023.304","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2023.304","url":null,"abstract":"The article notes that in the public consciousness and state propaganda, the image of the enemy was not clearly defined, which led to a blurred perception of external danger. The political leadership of the USSR understood that it was necessary to turn the thinking of the Soviet people, i. e. the need has ripened for the birth of a new image of the enemy, which should be different from what was formed in previous wars. The old propaganda dogmas about the international solidarity of workers and peasants have been shattered against harsh reality. The propagandists of the USSR at the beginning of the war did not need a special search for documentary evidence of the atrocities committed by the invaders. Until the end of the counter-offensive near Moscow on December 5, 1941 — January 7, 1942, bewilderment and fear were frequent in the minds of Soviet soldiers. The mobilized soldiers who were at the front for the first time had no idea about the enemy. The enemy, who conquered many states of Europe, and approached the walls of the capital, was perceived as a machine that could not be stopped. In 1942, Soviet agitators entered with numerous photographic materials and film documents, in which there was evidence of reprisals against children, women, and the elderly. The negative characterization of the enemy was expressed in the epithet — “animals”, the Soviet people learned to hate the enemy.","PeriodicalId":53957,"journal":{"name":"Noveishaya Istoriya Rossii-Modern History of Russia","volume":"2017 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136003243","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu24.2023.215
S. Bakanov, V. E. Khlyzov
The article examines the organizational forms of housing accounting in the USSR and analyzes the results of the census and accounting of the housing stock of the USSR as of January 1, 1960. The article presents the criteria by which the Soviet leadership attributed a specific structure to a certain category of housing and also took into account the degree of its convenience and amenities. Throughout the USSR, the census registered 12.2 million residential buildings with a living area of 659.1 million m2, in which 109.1 million people were settled. In rural areas, the housing stock, being the personal property of citizens, was outside the census. The article provides data on the number of floors of residential buildings, the materials of the walls, describes the qualitative characteristics of housing and the provision of certain types of conveniences — sewerage, central heating, water supply, gas. The authors also consider the issue of providing Soviet citizens with living space. They come to the conclusion that the average space of 5.9 m2 per person is a rather approximate estimate since the standards for the provision of living space were set by local councils depending on the complexity of the housing situation in a particular city or district. These standards were necessary for the authorities to regulate housing queues. The census’s figures reflected the appearance of the majority of Soviet cities, which by 1960 remained (with the exception of capitals and some large cities) mostly wooden and one-storey, with small inclusions of stone blocks built at the beginning of the twentieth century and the period of industrialization as well as panel new buildings of the second half of the 1950s.
{"title":"All-Union Housing Census of the USSR in 1960: Organization and Results","authors":"S. Bakanov, V. E. Khlyzov","doi":"10.21638/spbu24.2023.215","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2023.215","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the organizational forms of housing accounting in the USSR and analyzes the results of the census and accounting of the housing stock of the USSR as of January 1, 1960. The article presents the criteria by which the Soviet leadership attributed a specific structure to a certain category of housing and also took into account the degree of its convenience and amenities. Throughout the USSR, the census registered 12.2 million residential buildings with a living area of 659.1 million m2, in which 109.1 million people were settled. In rural areas, the housing stock, being the personal property of citizens, was outside the census. The article provides data on the number of floors of residential buildings, the materials of the walls, describes the qualitative characteristics of housing and the provision of certain types of conveniences — sewerage, central heating, water supply, gas. The authors also consider the issue of providing Soviet citizens with living space. They come to the conclusion that the average space of 5.9 m2 per person is a rather approximate estimate since the standards for the provision of living space were set by local councils depending on the complexity of the housing situation in a particular city or district. These standards were necessary for the authorities to regulate housing queues. The census’s figures reflected the appearance of the majority of Soviet cities, which by 1960 remained (with the exception of capitals and some large cities) mostly wooden and one-storey, with small inclusions of stone blocks built at the beginning of the twentieth century and the period of industrialization as well as panel new buildings of the second half of the 1950s.","PeriodicalId":53957,"journal":{"name":"Noveishaya Istoriya Rossii-Modern History of Russia","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67790280","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu24.2023.217
V. Berednikova
{"title":"Emergency Measures Were Needed to Restore Order in the Yards and Apartments”: Housing in Leningrad during the War and Blockade","authors":"V. Berednikova","doi":"10.21638/spbu24.2023.217","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2023.217","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53957,"journal":{"name":"Noveishaya Istoriya Rossii-Modern History of Russia","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67790385","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu24.2023.314
A. V. Antoshin
The article is devoted to modern Russian historiography of the problem of the “second wave” of emigration from the USSR. The author characterizes the “politics of memory” in the Russian Federation, connected with the theme of emigration from our country in the 20th century. Analyzed undertaken at the beginning of the 21st century attempts to use the phenomenon of the Russian diaspora in the process of constructing a national ideology. At the same time, it is proved that the main attention was paid to the “first wave” of Russian emigration, primarily to the leaders of the White movement who left our country after the end of the Civil War. The problem of the “second wave” of emigration from the Soviet Union, closely connected with the events of the Second World War, often remained “in the background”. The structure of the article corresponds to the main stages of the “epic” that the emigrants of the “second wave” had a chance to go through. The author pays considerable attention to the coverage of the phenomenon of displaced persons (“DP”) in the scientific literature. It is proved that insufficient attention is paid in the Russian literature to the circumstances of everyday life in the European DP camps. Meanwhile, this factor had a significant impact on the moral and psychological atmosphere in the camps and the values of the Soviet displaced persons. The article also describes the coverage in modern scientific literature of the immigration policy of the Western states in relation to “di-pi”, it is shown that the governments of most countries were only interested in the influx of young able-bodied people who could contribute to the development of the national economy. The role of Soviet displaced persons in the political confrontation of the Cold War era is analyzed.
{"title":"They Don’t Like to be Remembered. “Second Wave” of Emigration from the USSR in Domestic Studies of the Second Decade of the 21st Сentury","authors":"A. V. Antoshin","doi":"10.21638/spbu24.2023.314","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2023.314","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to modern Russian historiography of the problem of the “second wave” of emigration from the USSR. The author characterizes the “politics of memory” in the Russian Federation, connected with the theme of emigration from our country in the 20th century. Analyzed undertaken at the beginning of the 21st century attempts to use the phenomenon of the Russian diaspora in the process of constructing a national ideology. At the same time, it is proved that the main attention was paid to the “first wave” of Russian emigration, primarily to the leaders of the White movement who left our country after the end of the Civil War. The problem of the “second wave” of emigration from the Soviet Union, closely connected with the events of the Second World War, often remained “in the background”. The structure of the article corresponds to the main stages of the “epic” that the emigrants of the “second wave” had a chance to go through. The author pays considerable attention to the coverage of the phenomenon of displaced persons (“DP”) in the scientific literature. It is proved that insufficient attention is paid in the Russian literature to the circumstances of everyday life in the European DP camps. Meanwhile, this factor had a significant impact on the moral and psychological atmosphere in the camps and the values of the Soviet displaced persons. The article also describes the coverage in modern scientific literature of the immigration policy of the Western states in relation to “di-pi”, it is shown that the governments of most countries were only interested in the influx of young able-bodied people who could contribute to the development of the national economy. The role of Soviet displaced persons in the political confrontation of the Cold War era is analyzed.","PeriodicalId":53957,"journal":{"name":"Noveishaya Istoriya Rossii-Modern History of Russia","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135959026","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu24.2023.204
O. Morozova, T. Troshina
The introduction of income tax in Russia has a long history, but not all stages of this process have been covered in scholarly publications. Due to the low efficiency of the tax institutions of the post-revolutionary governments, their law-making activities and attempts to collect income tax in 1917–1921 remain under-researched. What little the Soviet and White governments had in common was their willingness to base their fiscal practices on the imperial legislation. The practice of application revealed differences. The Bolsheviks consistently developed the existing framework, trying to find forms of tax collection appropriate to the country’s situation despite a long phase of failure in their attempts. Not only the central authorities, but also the county councils and congresses were given greater freedom in rulemaking. In contrast to this experience, the opponents of the Soviet power, didn’t work out the contours of the emergency financial system. The decrees and orders of the White governments were only created to respond to inflationary processes. The construction of the peacetime tax system continued under the extraordinary conditions of economic crisis and famine. The Soviet government and the People’s Commissariat of Finance did not abandon the idea of the income tax, considering its presence a sign of maturity of the tax system and the guarantee of stability of revenue receipts in the budget. At the stage of the class struggle in the economic sphere in the 1920s, it was used as a tool to restrain the growth of bourgeois elements in trade and production. The introduction of this type of tax in the agricultural collective sector lasted for decades. Sporadic attempts to use it in the 1920s were unsuccessful. It was not until 1992 that it took the form of a personal income tax.
{"title":"The Russian Income Tax Against the Background of the Sociopolitical Events of 1917–1920s","authors":"O. Morozova, T. Troshina","doi":"10.21638/spbu24.2023.204","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2023.204","url":null,"abstract":"The introduction of income tax in Russia has a long history, but not all stages of this process have been covered in scholarly publications. Due to the low efficiency of the tax institutions of the post-revolutionary governments, their law-making activities and attempts to collect income tax in 1917–1921 remain under-researched. What little the Soviet and White governments had in common was their willingness to base their fiscal practices on the imperial legislation. The practice of application revealed differences. The Bolsheviks consistently developed the existing framework, trying to find forms of tax collection appropriate to the country’s situation despite a long phase of failure in their attempts. Not only the central authorities, but also the county councils and congresses were given greater freedom in rulemaking. In contrast to this experience, the opponents of the Soviet power, didn’t work out the contours of the emergency financial system. The decrees and orders of the White governments were only created to respond to inflationary processes. The construction of the peacetime tax system continued under the extraordinary conditions of economic crisis and famine. The Soviet government and the People’s Commissariat of Finance did not abandon the idea of the income tax, considering its presence a sign of maturity of the tax system and the guarantee of stability of revenue receipts in the budget. At the stage of the class struggle in the economic sphere in the 1920s, it was used as a tool to restrain the growth of bourgeois elements in trade and production. The introduction of this type of tax in the agricultural collective sector lasted for decades. Sporadic attempts to use it in the 1920s were unsuccessful. It was not until 1992 that it took the form of a personal income tax.","PeriodicalId":53957,"journal":{"name":"Noveishaya Istoriya Rossii-Modern History of Russia","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67790490","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu24.2023.205
A. Posadsky
The article considers the interaction of the White Army and the population in the South and East of Russia. It evaluates the specifics of combat operations and recruitment in the conditions of civil war and emphasizes the importance of interaction with the civilian population. The author analyzes the areas of large-scale confrontation of the population and the causes of this phenomenon, and explains the reasons behind the blurring of the boundaries between combatants and non-combatants in internecine struggle. The author draws attention to the restoration of law enforcement and other forms of infrastructure in the areas occupied by the White Army, to the phenomenon of self-defense on a territorial or ethnic basis. The conclusion made concerns the decisive interaction between the army and the population on the front line in the conditions of a large-scale civil war. The article provides numerous examples of support of the white units by the population; analyses successful and unsuccessful examples of the demand for such support by the command of White formations. For this purpose, various sources are used, primarily memoirs, both published and stored in the archives of the Russian Federation. The author concludes about the utmost importance of contact with the population on the front line for the victory in the civil war and highlights a high potential for the support of white formations and the areas where this was manifested most prominently. The article proposes to distinguish between the willingness to surrender or to be legalized with the approach of the Whites and the willingness to actively support the troops with military participation. This phenomenon was also evident on the red side of the confrontation, which had its own specifics and is worthy of independent study.
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Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu24.2023.108
V. Moskovkin
The article outlines a career path of a famous writer, novelist and writer-geographer, Nikolai Nikolayevich Mikhailov. It reveals that he was be a professional geographer, which previously hasn’t been recognized, who taught Economic Geography at Moscow universities, headed the Department of Economic Geography at the Moscow Institute of Transport Engineers and received the degree of Candidate of Geographical Sciences for a book on the Far East published in 1940. The role of M. Gorky and his journal “Our Achievements” in the development of N. N. Mikhailov as a writer-geographer is demonstrated. The study of the memoirs of N. N. Mikhailov and the leading Soviet economic geographer N. N. Baranskii allowed to restore the episodes of the former’s activities in Alma-Ata during the evacuation, including the unsuccessful defense of his doctoral thesis in 1948. The role of the leading Soviet physical geographer, Director of the Institute of Geography, A. A. Grigoriev, in the defense of two dissertations by N. N. Mikhailov is established as well. His English-language books published abroad, unknown to Russian specialists in geography and history, are analyzed and introduced into scholarship. For the first time, the preface by the famous geographer and geopolitician Halford Mackinder, written for the first edition of the book by N. N. Mikhailov “Soviet Geography” (1935), is translated into Russian. That publication paved the way all the further English-language books of the author, which were practically the only sources of information for Western readers in the field of the grandiose changes on the geographical map of the country of the Soviets. On the eve of the 40th anniversary of the death of this remarkable writer and geographer, the articles puts forward proposals to perpetuate his name.
这篇文章概述了著名作家、小说家和作家兼地理学家尼古拉·尼古拉耶维奇·米哈伊洛夫的职业道路。他曾在莫斯科大学教授经济地理学,担任莫斯科交通工程学院经济地理系主任,并于1940年出版了一本关于远东的书,获得地理科学研究生学位。本文论证了高尔基和他的杂志《我们的成就》在米哈伊洛夫作为作家兼地理学家的发展过程中所起的作用。通过研究n·n·米哈伊洛夫(N. N. Mikhailov)和苏联著名经济地理学家n·n·巴兰斯基(N. N. Baranskii)的回忆录,可以还原前者在大撤退期间在阿拉木图的活动,包括1948年为他的博士论文辩护失败的经历。苏联主要的自然地理学家、地理研究所所长a·a·格里戈里耶夫在为n·n·米哈伊洛夫的两篇论文辩护中所起的作用也得以确立。他在国外出版的英文书籍,不为俄罗斯地理和历史专家所知,被分析并引入学术研究。著名地理学家和地缘政治学家哈尔福德·麦金德为n·n·米哈伊洛夫的《苏联地理学》(1935)第一版所写的序言第一次被翻译成俄文。这本书的出版为作者后来的所有英文书籍铺平了道路,这些书籍实际上是西方读者在苏联国家地理地图上的巨大变化方面的唯一信息来源。在这位杰出的作家和地理学家逝世40周年前夕,文章提出了使他的名字永垂不朽的建议。
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