The paper focusses on the language-internal and -external motivations for the development of Chinese sentence-final particle bucheng. This particle, from an initial state as a negative verb string, developed into a sentence-final particle through intermediate adverbial stages, and was recruited to interpersonal functions in final position by the sixteenth century. Key motivating factors are identified for the expansion of its functional range, with particular attention to the development of the Written Vernacular in Early Modern Chinese and to interactional echoic contexts that contribute to the right-ward movement and thence the rise of the particle. Exploration of the diachronic development of bucheng not only expands the known inventory of morphosyntactic processes and linguistic contexts that give rise to pragmatic devices clause-finally but also yields a better understanding of the right-ward movement of lexemes towards clause-/utterance-final position.
{"title":"Systemic change and interactional motivation","authors":"Jiajun Chen","doi":"10.1075/jhp.18012.che","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jhp.18012.che","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The paper focusses on the language-internal and -external motivations for the development of Chinese sentence-final particle bucheng. This particle, from an initial state as a negative verb string, developed into a sentence-final particle through intermediate adverbial stages, and was recruited to interpersonal functions in final position by the sixteenth century. Key motivating factors are identified for the expansion of its functional range, with particular attention to the development of the Written Vernacular in Early Modern Chinese and to interactional echoic contexts that contribute to the right-ward movement and thence the rise of the particle. Exploration of the diachronic development of bucheng not only expands the known inventory of morphosyntactic processes and linguistic contexts that give rise to pragmatic devices clause-finally but also yields a better understanding of the right-ward movement of lexemes towards clause-/utterance-final position.","PeriodicalId":54081,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Pragmatics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-10-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48006858","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Review of (2018): The Linguistics of Spoken Communication in Early Modern English Writing: Exploring Bess of Hardwick’s Manuscript Letters","authors":"T. Nevalainen","doi":"10.1075/jhp.19011.nev","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jhp.19011.nev","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":54081,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Pragmatics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-09-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48972226","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The results of a previous study (Banks 2018) suggest that the development of scientific writing is more conservative in times of great turbulence. In an attempt to verify this, samples were taken from the Mémoires de l’Académie des Sciences and the Philosophical Transactions for the years 1735, 1785 and 1835. The development over the years 1735 to 1785 was compared to that between 1785 and 1835. Analysis of the grammatical functions and semantic categories of themes and of process types indicates that there is some evidence in favour of the conjecture that scientific writers are more conservative in times of turbulence. Whilst this is not conclusive, it suggests that further research would be fruitful.
{"title":"Turbulent periods and the development of the scientific research article, 1735–1835","authors":"David Banks","doi":"10.1075/jhp.18010.ban","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jhp.18010.ban","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The results of a previous study (Banks 2018) suggest that the\u0000 development of scientific writing is more conservative in times of great turbulence. In an attempt to verify this, samples were\u0000 taken from the Mémoires de l’Académie des Sciences and the Philosophical Transactions for the\u0000 years 1735, 1785 and 1835. The development over the years 1735 to 1785 was compared to that between 1785 and 1835. Analysis of the\u0000 grammatical functions and semantic categories of themes and of process types indicates that there is some evidence in favour of\u0000 the conjecture that scientific writers are more conservative in times of turbulence. Whilst this is not conclusive, it suggests\u0000 that further research would be fruitful.","PeriodicalId":54081,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Pragmatics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-08-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48188511","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper examines the pragmatic uses and functions of the Latin verb inquam (‘I say’) and compares it with three synonyms – dico (‘I say, I speak, I declare’), loquor (‘I speak, I say, I utter’) and aio (‘I say yes, I say, I affirm’). Verbs of speech and thought in the first person are (cross-linguistically) a source of pragmatic markers, because the first person of these verbs is necessarily speaker-orientated and is also apt for expressing the speaker’s attitude. This can be seen in English pragmatic markers developed from verbs, such as I mean, I think and I say, and Romance ones, such as the Italian credo (‘I think’). Latin verbs with the meaning ‘I say’ (henceforth used as a hypernym for all of the verbs examined herein) also show pragmatic uses, as is clear from Latin dictionaries. The issue addressed in this paper is the extent to which they are interchangeable and how advanced they are in their development towards becoming pragmatic markers. For this goal, the paper will focus on a variety of pragmatic uses of ‘I say’, the contexts in which they appear, and the influence of genre on their distribution. Drawing on Bazzanella (2006) and Ghezzi (2014), the pragmatic uses will be divided into three main categories: textual, cognitive and interactional. It will be shown that the border between different pragmatic functions or readings is not neat and one instance can have various pragmatic uses at the same time.
本文考察了拉丁语动词inqam（“I say”）的语用用法和功能，并将其与三个同义词——dico（“I说，我说，我声明”）、logor（“I说话，我说我说”）和aio（“我说是的，我说肯定”）进行了比较。第一人称的言语和思维动词是（跨语言的）语用标记的来源，因为这些动词的第一人称必然以说话人为导向，也适合表达说话人的态度。这可以在由动词发展而来的英语语用标记中看到，比如I mean，I think and I say，以及Romance标记，比如意大利信条（“I think”）。含义为“I say”的拉丁语动词（此后用作本文中所有动词的超名）也显示出语用用途，这从拉丁语词典中可以清楚地看出。本文所讨论的问题是它们在多大程度上是可互换的，以及它们在成为实用标记方面的发展程度。为此，本文将重点研究“我说”的各种语用用法，它们出现的语境，以及体裁对其分布的影响。根据Bazzanella（2006）和Ghezzi（2014），语用用法将分为三大类：语篇、认知和互动。结果表明，不同语用功能或阅读之间的边界并不整齐，一个实例可以同时具有不同的语用用途。
{"title":"Pragmatic uses of ‘I say’ in Latin","authors":"J. Mikulová","doi":"10.1075/JHP.18002.MIK","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/JHP.18002.MIK","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper examines the pragmatic uses and functions of the Latin verb inquam (‘I say’) and\u0000 compares it with three synonyms – dico (‘I say, I speak, I declare’), loquor (‘I speak, I say, I\u0000 utter’) and aio (‘I say yes, I say, I affirm’). Verbs of speech and thought in the first person are\u0000 (cross-linguistically) a source of pragmatic markers, because the first person of these verbs is necessarily speaker-orientated\u0000 and is also apt for expressing the speaker’s attitude. This can be seen in English pragmatic markers developed from verbs, such as\u0000 I mean, I think and I say, and Romance ones, such as the Italian credo (‘I\u0000 think’). Latin verbs with the meaning ‘I say’ (henceforth used as a hypernym for all of the verbs examined herein) also show\u0000 pragmatic uses, as is clear from Latin dictionaries. The issue addressed in this paper is the extent to which they are\u0000 interchangeable and how advanced they are in their development towards becoming pragmatic markers. For this goal, the paper will\u0000 focus on a variety of pragmatic uses of ‘I say’, the contexts in which they appear, and the influence of genre on their\u0000 distribution. Drawing on Bazzanella (2006) and Ghezzi (2014), the pragmatic uses will be divided into three main categories: textual, cognitive and interactional. It\u0000 will be shown that the border between different pragmatic functions or readings is not neat and one instance can have various\u0000 pragmatic uses at the same time.","PeriodicalId":54081,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Pragmatics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-07-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46030112","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Building on Goldberg’s (2006: 52) observation regarding the existence of “a family of related constructions in English” centred around the verb go, this article explores the history of the construction exemplified in the title (“Don’t go getting into trouble again!”) and its relation to other members of the network of go-constructions. The analysis, conducted using three large corpora, shows that the Go VPing construction emerges from two source constructions (one with an –ing participle following the verb go and the other with an infinitive) which exhibit overlap in terms of certain aspects of their form and meaning. From its earliest attestations in the eighteenth century, the Go VPing construction has grown increasingly more interpersonal, and has become conventionalized as a marker of admonitive mood (Bybee et al. 1994: 321) which serves to dissuade or limit the performance of an activity that is apprehended as undesirable and counter-normative.
在Goldberg(2006: 52)关于英语中存在以动词go为中心的“一个相关结构家族”的观察基础上，本文探讨了以标题为例的结构的历史(“Don’t go get into trouble again!”)及其与go结构网络中其他成员的关系。使用三个大型语料库进行的分析表明，Go VPing结构来自两个源结构(一个带-ing分词，另一个带不定式)，它们在形式和意义的某些方面表现出重叠。从18世纪最早的证明开始，Go VPing结构变得越来越人际化，并且已经成为一种规劝情绪的标志(Bybee et al. 1994: 321)，用于劝阻或限制被认为是不受欢迎和反规范的活动的表现。
{"title":"“Don’t go getting into trouble again!”","authors":"Teresa Fanego","doi":"10.1075/JHP.20006.FAN","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/JHP.20006.FAN","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Building on Goldberg’s (2006: 52) observation regarding the existence\u0000 of “a family of related constructions in English” centred around the verb go, this article explores the history\u0000 of the construction exemplified in the title (“Don’t go getting into trouble again!”) and its relation to other members of the\u0000 network of go-constructions. The analysis, conducted using three large corpora, shows that the\u0000 Go VPing construction emerges from two source constructions (one with an\u0000 –ing participle following the verb go and the other with an infinitive) which exhibit\u0000 overlap in terms of certain aspects of their form and meaning. From its earliest attestations in the eighteenth century, the\u0000 Go VPing construction has grown increasingly more interpersonal, and has become\u0000 conventionalized as a marker of admonitive mood (Bybee et al. 1994: 321) which serves\u0000 to dissuade or limit the performance of an activity that is apprehended as undesirable and counter-normative.","PeriodicalId":54081,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Pragmatics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-05-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46317679","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper explores novel ways to consider semantic–pragmatic cycles using a dual strategy: an inwards strategy, whereby the distinctive traits of a pragmatic cycle are established, and an outwards strategy, whereby the categories that delimit semantic–pragmatic cycles are described. The result of this exploration is the distinction between “pragmatic cycle”, “replication”, “concomitance” and “paradigmatic increase” as four different yet related processes. In addition, this study integrates Construction Grammar into the description of each process and shows that the study of semantic–pragmatic cycles can benefit from a constructional approach, adopting Traugott and Trousdale’s (2013) and Traugott’s (2018) models, and including concepts from European structuralism, particularly the notions of “paradigm”, “diasystem” and “functional language” (“lengua funcional”).
{"title":"Some reflections on semantic–pragmatic cycles","authors":"Salvador Pons Bordería, Ana Llopis Cardona","doi":"10.1075/jhp.00046.pon","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jhp.00046.pon","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper explores novel ways to consider semantic–pragmatic cycles using a dual strategy: an inwards strategy, whereby\u0000 the distinctive traits of a pragmatic cycle are established, and an outwards strategy, whereby the categories that delimit\u0000 semantic–pragmatic cycles are described. The result of this exploration is the distinction between “pragmatic cycle”, “replication”,\u0000 “concomitance” and “paradigmatic increase” as four different yet related processes. In addition, this study integrates Construction Grammar\u0000 into the description of each process and shows that the study of semantic–pragmatic cycles can benefit from a constructional approach,\u0000 adopting Traugott and Trousdale’s (2013) and Traugott’s\u0000 (2018) models, and including concepts from European structuralism, particularly the notions of “paradigm”, “diasystem” and\u0000 “functional language” (“lengua funcional”).","PeriodicalId":54081,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Pragmatics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"58725853","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper, I discuss a type of construction that is rarely if ever mentioned in connection with diachronic cyclicity: wh-interrogative marking. In particular, I shall compare sentential negation with wh-marking in French and point to interesting commonalities between the prototypical diachronic cycle (negation) and interrogative marking. The pragmatic contrast between question types in Old French is shown to be mirrored in a similar contrast in Modern French, with the previously “strong” est-ce que interrogative now being a weaker one. In addition, I argue that reversal of anaphoric direction is another shared feature in the history of negation and of the est-ce que interrogative.
{"title":"Parallels between the negative cycle and the rise of interrogative marking in French","authors":"R. Waltereit","doi":"10.1075/JHP.00044.WAL","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/JHP.00044.WAL","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 In this paper, I discuss a type of construction that is rarely if ever mentioned in connection with diachronic\u0000 cyclicity: wh-interrogative marking. In particular, I shall compare sentential negation with\u0000 wh-marking in French and point to interesting commonalities between the prototypical diachronic cycle (negation)\u0000 and interrogative marking. The pragmatic contrast between question types in Old French is shown to be mirrored in a similar\u0000 contrast in Modern French, with the previously “strong” est-ce que interrogative now being a weaker one. In\u0000 addition, I argue that reversal of anaphoric direction is another shared feature in the history of negation and of the\u0000 est-ce que interrogative.","PeriodicalId":54081,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Pragmatics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41337142","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study addresses the evolution of the Sicilian discourse marker mentri to explore the concept of cyclicity in semantic–pragmatic change. Stemming from Latin dŭm ĭntĕrim (‘while, in the meantime’), the temporal conjunction develops – like its Romance cognates – an adversative function meaning ‘whereas’, which further evolves from an oppositional to a counter-expectational contrast value meaning ‘though’. The latter serves as a bridging context for the emergence of discourse-pragmatic uses and is examined below. Mentri evolves as discourse marker: formally, it gains greater syntactic and positional independence, and it increases in scope; functionally, it displays both textual and interpersonal values. In its overall path, mentri shows a cyclical change in respect to the adversative function: oppositional contrast emerges out of the temporal meaning, it then develops into counter-expectation, and it eventually fades into the discourse-pragmatic values. The rise of mentri as a discourse marker is thus interpreted as a case of cyclicity from a semasiological perspective.
{"title":"Semasiological cyclicity in the evolution of discourse markers","authors":"G. Scivoletto","doi":"10.1075/JHP.00043.SCI","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/JHP.00043.SCI","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This study addresses the evolution of the Sicilian discourse marker mentri to explore the concept of cyclicity in semantic–pragmatic change. Stemming from Latin dŭm ĭntĕrim (‘while, in the meantime’), the temporal conjunction develops – like its Romance cognates – an adversative function meaning ‘whereas’, which further evolves from an oppositional to a counter-expectational contrast value meaning ‘though’. The latter serves as a bridging context for the emergence of discourse-pragmatic uses and is examined below. Mentri evolves as discourse marker: formally, it gains greater syntactic and positional independence, and it increases in scope; functionally, it displays both textual and interpersonal values. In its overall path, mentri shows a cyclical change in respect to the adversative function: oppositional contrast emerges out of the temporal meaning, it then develops into counter-expectation, and it eventually fades into the discourse-pragmatic values. The rise of mentri as a discourse marker is thus interpreted as a case of cyclicity from a semasiological perspective.","PeriodicalId":54081,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Pragmatics","volume":"21 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42588065","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this article, which examines the cyclic evolution of future markers in Western Romance (mainly French and Spanish), I make use of the “satellite model” in the version proposed byKoch and Oesterreicher (1996)to capture the complex interplay between functional change, synchronic variation and sociolinguistic evolution. This model conceives of linguistic cycles as push-chains. Thus, I will argue, young future markers originally arise from argumentative patterns that are aimed at validating announcements concerning the speaker’s projected actions. The rationale behind these mechanisms is pragmatic efficiency rather than the functioning of the language system itself. Thus, linguistic systems usually contain more items than are technically needed to keep the language system operative. In the categories of the satellite model, a certain number of younger constructions (“satellites”) exist side-by-side with a canonical construction (i.e., a functionally and sociolinguistically unmarked item), which one of the former may eventually oust from its privileged position. As I will show by sketching the evolution of the numerous future markers of peninsular Spanish from the seventeenth to the twentieth century, this perspective allows a fresh look at the evolution of cycles. More often than not, the competition between the canonical form and its satellites does not cause the former’s replacement by the latter; rather, it normally ends with the obsolescence of one the satellites involved. The eventual replacement of the canonical form by a satellite – that is, the completion of a full cycle – represents a very special (and relatively rare) case.
{"title":"Future markers in Western Romance","authors":"Ulrich. Detges","doi":"10.1075/JHP.00045.DET","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/JHP.00045.DET","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, which examines the cyclic evolution of future markers in Western Romance (mainly French and Spanish), I make use of the “satellite model” in the version proposed byKoch and Oesterreicher (1996)to capture the complex interplay between functional change, synchronic variation and sociolinguistic evolution. This model conceives of linguistic cycles as push-chains. Thus, I will argue, young future markers originally arise from argumentative patterns that are aimed at validating announcements concerning the speaker’s projected actions. The rationale behind these mechanisms is pragmatic efficiency rather than the functioning of the language system itself. Thus, linguistic systems usually contain more items than are technically needed to keep the language system operative. In the categories of the satellite model, a certain number of younger constructions (“satellites”) exist side-by-side with a canonical construction (i.e., a functionally and sociolinguistically unmarked item), which one of the former may eventually oust from its privileged position. As I will show by sketching the evolution of the numerous future markers of peninsular Spanish from the seventeenth to the twentieth century, this perspective allows a fresh look at the evolution of cycles. More often than not, the competition between the canonical form and its satellites does not cause the former’s replacement by the latter; rather, it normally ends with the obsolescence of one the satellites involved. The eventual replacement of the canonical form by a satellite – that is, the completion of a full cycle – represents a very special (and relatively rare) case.","PeriodicalId":54081,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Pragmatics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43843354","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper focuses on the formal and functional development of Italian allora (< Latin ad illa(m) hora(m) [‘in that hour’]) ‘at that time, then, well’ considering its polyfunctionality and its relationship with the functional space of dunque (‘then, therefore’). The developments of both forms revolve around their functional domains as connectives and as discourse markers which over the centuries have shown different degrees of functional overlap. Even though the two forms show a fairly stable functional overlap, since the twentieth century allora has begun to replace dunque with increasing frequency in many discourse marker functions. This substitution can be described in terms of a semantic–pragmatic cycle, while the formal development of allora from Latin ad illa(m) hora(m) is an instance of a morphological cycle.
{"title":"Connectives and cyclicity","authors":"Chiara Ghezzi, Piera Molinelli","doi":"10.1075/JHP.00042.GHE","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/JHP.00042.GHE","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper focuses on the formal and functional development of Italian allora (< Latin\u0000 ad illa(m) hora(m) [‘in that hour’]) ‘at that time, then, well’ considering its polyfunctionality and its\u0000 relationship with the functional space of dunque (‘then, therefore’). The developments of both forms revolve\u0000 around their functional domains as connectives and as discourse markers which over the centuries have shown different degrees of\u0000 functional overlap. Even though the two forms show a fairly stable functional overlap, since the twentieth century\u0000 allora has begun to replace dunque with increasing frequency in many discourse marker\u0000 functions. This substitution can be described in terms of a semantic–pragmatic cycle, while the formal development of\u0000 allora from Latin ad illa(m) hora(m) is an instance of a morphological cycle.","PeriodicalId":54081,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Pragmatics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45926458","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：