This paper addresses an issue of diachronic speech act analysis and diachronic politeness research at the same time. Its primary aim is to examine uses of two grammatical constructions based on subjunctive forms of the verb plaure (‘please’) in medieval Catalan, relying on a corpus of texts from the thirteenth to sixteenth centuries. It is argued that the construction “plaure (in subjunctive) + indirect object + que” (‘may it please somebody that’) in the beginning was used to perform permission-requesting directives, and later, indirect directives, which goes against Searle’s generalisation about possible ways of performing indirect directives. Occurrences of the construction “plaure (in subjunctive) + indirect object + infinitive” (‘may it please somebody to do something’), developed later but used with the same function, are also considered, and all of the relevant occurrences are analysed in the framework of Brown and Levinson’s (1987 [1978]) politeness theory. As far as the methodology is concerned, the paper concludes that a highly comparative approach is needed in diachronic speech act analysis – that is, various forms suitable for performing the same type of speech act in an historical period have to be examined together. In accordance with this principle, the findings of this study should be integrated in a larger research project focussing – in addition to constructions with plaure (‘please’) – on uses of constructions involving the verbs meaning ‘think’ and ‘want’ as well, since all of them are assumed to be suitable for performing directives in mediaeval Catalan.
本文同时探讨了历时言语行为分析和历时礼貌研究的问题。其主要目的是根据13至16世纪的文本语料库，研究两种基于中世纪加泰罗尼亚语中动词短语（“please”）虚拟形式的语法结构的使用。有人认为，“plaure（在虚拟语气中）+间接宾语+que”（“愿某人高兴”）一开始被用来执行请求许可的指令，后来又被用来执行间接指令，这与Searle对执行间接指令的可能方式的概括背道而驰。还考虑了后来发展起来但具有相同功能的“plaure（在虚拟语气中）+间接宾语+不定式”（“may it please someone to do something”）结构的出现，并在Brown和Levinson（1987[1978]）礼貌理论的框架内分析了所有相关的出现。就方法论而言，本文得出结论，在历时言语行为分析中，需要一种高度比较的方法——即在一个历史时期内，适合进行同一类型言语行为的各种形式必须一起考察。根据这一原则，这项研究的结果应该整合到一个更大的研究项目中，该项目除了关注带有plaure（“please”）的结构外，还关注涉及动词“think”和“want”的结构的使用，因为所有这些动词都被认为适合在中世纪加泰罗尼亚语中执行指令。
{"title":"(Polite) directives in mediaeval Catalan","authors":"Katalin Nagy C.","doi":"10.1075/jhp.19001.nag","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jhp.19001.nag","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper addresses an issue of diachronic speech act analysis and diachronic politeness research at the same\u0000 time. Its primary aim is to examine uses of two grammatical constructions based on subjunctive forms of the verb\u0000 plaure (‘please’) in medieval Catalan, relying on a corpus of texts from the thirteenth to sixteenth\u0000 centuries. It is argued that the construction “plaure (in subjunctive) + indirect object + que”\u0000 (‘may it please somebody that’) in the beginning was used to perform permission-requesting directives, and later, indirect\u0000 directives, which goes against Searle’s generalisation about possible ways of performing indirect directives. Occurrences of the\u0000 construction “plaure (in subjunctive) + indirect object + infinitive” (‘may it please somebody to do something’),\u0000 developed later but used with the same function, are also considered, and all of the relevant occurrences are analysed in the\u0000 framework of Brown and Levinson’s (1987 [1978]) politeness theory. As far as the\u0000 methodology is concerned, the paper concludes that a highly comparative approach is needed in diachronic speech act analysis –\u0000 that is, various forms suitable for performing the same type of speech act in an historical period have to be examined together.\u0000 In accordance with this principle, the findings of this study should be integrated in a larger research project focussing – in\u0000 addition to constructions with plaure (‘please’) – on uses of constructions involving the verbs meaning ‘think’\u0000 and ‘want’ as well, since all of them are assumed to be suitable for performing directives in mediaeval Catalan.","PeriodicalId":54081,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Pragmatics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-10-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41925368","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
“Have a good day” and its variant “have a nice day” are among our most common forms of modern leave-taking. Although these expressions may seem modern, they can be traced back to a twelfth century English romance, entitled King Horn, and can also be found in a number of other mediaeval works. Linguists typically treat the expression as token politeness that does not warrant detailed analysis. However, an examination of the mediaeval works containing the expression shows that, from its earliest recording, it appears in unexpected contexts and can carry deeper meaning. Rather than being merely a phatic phrase, the expression has long been used as a meaningful rhetorical device. This diachronic study explores the expression “have a good day” from its earliest occurrence to modern times and shows its potential to move beyond phatic use.
“Have a good day”和它的变体“Have a nice day”是我们最常见的现代告别方式。虽然这些表达看起来很现代，但它们可以追溯到12世纪的英国浪漫小说《号角王》，也可以在其他一些中世纪作品中找到。语言学家通常将这种表达视为象征性的礼貌，不值得详细分析。然而，对包含该表达的中世纪作品的研究表明，从最早的记录开始，它就出现在意想不到的上下文中，并且可以承载更深的含义。这一表达不仅仅是一个客套话，长期以来一直被用作一种有意义的修辞手段。这项历时性研究探讨了“have a good day”从最早出现到现代的表达，并展示了它超越短语用法的潜力。
{"title":"“Have nou godenai day”","authors":"Carol Parrish Jamison","doi":"10.1075/jhp.19010.jam","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jhp.19010.jam","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 “Have a good day” and its variant “have a nice day” are among our most common forms of modern leave-taking.\u0000 Although these expressions may seem modern, they can be traced back to a twelfth century English romance, entitled King\u0000 Horn, and can also be found in a number of other mediaeval works. Linguists typically treat the expression as token\u0000 politeness that does not warrant detailed analysis. However, an examination of the mediaeval works containing the expression shows\u0000 that, from its earliest recording, it appears in unexpected contexts and can carry deeper meaning. Rather than being merely a\u0000 phatic phrase, the expression has long been used as a meaningful rhetorical device. This diachronic study explores the expression\u0000 “have a good day” from its earliest occurrence to modern times and shows its potential to move beyond phatic use.","PeriodicalId":54081,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Pragmatics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-10-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41457382","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
How does a rhetorical question become an adverbial npi down-toner? This paper focusses on a specific type of grammaticalization process: the grammaticalization of a rhetorical construction à la Goldberg (1995), namely, a “constructionalized rhetorical question” (Bardenstein 2018) which turns into a down-toning adverbial. The particular focus of this paper is on the Hebrew lo mi yodea ma (‘not who knows what’; i.e., ‘not of high quality/quantity’) which has developed from the constructionalization of two earlier constructions. Initially, the biblical question-phrase mi yodea (‘who knows’) constructionalized as “negatively biased” (Ladusaw 1996). This is a rhetorical question, to which the obvious answer is negative, and in our case mi yodea can be interpreted as ‘nobody knows’. Most often, it is the case of “not knowing” what the future holds. Then, once a direct object ma (‘what’) was added, it constructionalized once again into a strengthening/ intensification construction mi yodea ma (‘who knows what’), conveying high quantity/quality. This happened since “not knowing what is to happen” can be interpreted as “anything can happen” and this interpretation was used rhetorically to strengthen one‘s utterance. Lastly, mi yodea ma (‘who knows what’) constructionalized under the scope of the negation operator lo (‘not’), into a versatile down-toning adverbial: lo mi yodea ma. Since it is very difficult to negate a strongly positive construction without implying that a less positive one is to some extent true, this negated construction became a versatile down-toner.
反问句是如何变成npi状语的降调的?本文关注的是一种特殊类型的语法化过程:修辞结构的语法化(la Goldberg, 1995)，即“结构化的反问句”(Bardenstein, 2018)，它变成了一个声调较低的副词。本文特别关注的是希伯来语的lo mi yodea ma(“不是谁知道什么”;例如，“不高质量/数量”)，它是从两个早期结构的构造化发展而来的。最初，圣经问题短语mi yodea(“谁知道”)被构造为“负面偏见”(Ladusaw 1996)。这是一个反问句，显而易见的答案是否定的，在我们的例子中，mi - yodea可以被解释为“没人知道”。最常见的情况是“不知道”未来会怎样。然后，一旦添加了直接宾语ma(“什么”)，它就再次被构造为加强/强化结构mi yodea ma(“谁知道什么”)，传达了高数量/高质量。这是因为“不知道会发生什么”可以被解释为“任何事情都可能发生”，这种解释被用来加强一个人的话语。最后，mi yodea ma(“谁知道什么”)在否定操作符lo(“不”)的范围内被构造成一个通用的语气缓和的副词:lo mi yodea ma。因为很难否定一个强烈的积极结构而不暗示一个不太积极的结构在某种程度上是正确的，所以这种否定的结构成为一种通用的色调剂。
{"title":"Constructionalized rhetorical questions from negatively biased to negation polarity","authors":"Ruti Bardenstein","doi":"10.1075/jhp.17011.bar","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jhp.17011.bar","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 How does a rhetorical question become an adverbial npi down-toner? This paper focusses on a specific type\u0000 of grammaticalization process: the grammaticalization of a rhetorical construction à la Goldberg (1995), namely, a “constructionalized rhetorical question” (Bardenstein 2018) which turns into a down-toning adverbial. The particular focus of this\u0000 paper is on the Hebrew lo mi yodea ma (‘not who knows what’; i.e., ‘not of high quality/quantity’) which has\u0000 developed from the constructionalization of two earlier constructions. Initially, the biblical question-phrase mi\u0000 yodea (‘who knows’) constructionalized as “negatively biased” (Ladusaw\u0000 1996). This is a rhetorical question, to which the obvious answer is negative, and in our case mi\u0000 yodea can be interpreted as ‘nobody knows’. Most often, it is the case of “not knowing” what the future holds. Then,\u0000 once a direct object ma (‘what’) was added, it constructionalized once again into a strengthening/\u0000 intensification construction mi yodea ma (‘who knows what’), conveying high quantity/quality. This happened since\u0000 “not knowing what is to happen” can be interpreted as “anything can happen” and this interpretation was used rhetorically to\u0000 strengthen one‘s utterance. Lastly, mi yodea ma (‘who knows what’) constructionalized under the scope of the\u0000 negation operator lo (‘not’), into a versatile down-toning adverbial: lo mi yodea ma. Since it\u0000 is very difficult to negate a strongly positive construction without implying that a less positive one is to some extent true,\u0000 this negated construction became a versatile down-toner.","PeriodicalId":54081,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Pragmatics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-10-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41976476","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The aim of this study was to explore why the subjunctive, despite its lack of modal productivity, might persist in French. I argue that the subjunctive is a modally void fossil, persisting due to repeated usage following highly entrenched constructions. The focus here is on the behaviour of the subjunctive in Renaissance French, specifically in the sixteenth and early-seventeenth centuries. Content analysis of personal correspondence identified the real subjunctive usage that lies beneath the French polish applied by standardisation. Through analysis of the structures that trigger the subjunctive in complement clause environments, I explore the grammatical behaviour of the subjunctive. The subjunctive was routinised after regularly occurring verbal and non-verbal constructions, strengthening the subjunctive’s position in certain complement clause environments. This study has diachronic importance in identifying which salient forms might persist in French. There are insights into the behaviour – perhaps the foundations – of the subjunctive paradigm in French as it stands today.
{"title":"The subjunctive in Renaissance French","authors":"Miriam A. Eisenbruch","doi":"10.1075/jhp.18009.eis","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jhp.18009.eis","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The aim of this study was to explore why the subjunctive, despite its lack of modal productivity, might persist in\u0000 French. I argue that the subjunctive is a modally void fossil, persisting due to repeated usage following highly entrenched\u0000 constructions. The focus here is on the behaviour of the subjunctive in Renaissance French, specifically in the sixteenth and\u0000 early-seventeenth centuries. Content analysis of personal correspondence identified the real subjunctive usage that lies beneath\u0000 the French polish applied by standardisation. Through analysis of the structures that trigger the subjunctive in complement clause\u0000 environments, I explore the grammatical behaviour of the subjunctive. The subjunctive was routinised after regularly occurring\u0000 verbal and non-verbal constructions, strengthening the subjunctive’s position in certain complement clause environments. This\u0000 study has diachronic importance in identifying which salient forms might persist in French. There are insights into the\u0000 behaviour – perhaps the foundations – of the subjunctive paradigm in French as it stands today.","PeriodicalId":54081,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Pragmatics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47233194","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
While epistemic modality has been suggested to be a modal source of conditionality, deontic modality has been generally overlooked. Using data from Classical Chinese and the Invited Inferencing Theory of Semantic Change, this study demonstrates that the deontic modal bi tends to invite inferences of conditionality in contexts where it is used teleologically and performatively as an indirect speech act of advice. That is, conditionality can emerge out of an interaction of teleological and performative meanings. Furthermore, three conditions are identified as where teleological, performative and conditional meanings enable the inferencing of the deontic modal bi as a conditional protasis connective. The absence of one or more of these conditions is shown to be less likely to invite inferences of conditionality.
{"title":"From deontic modality to conditionality","authors":"Y. Kuo","doi":"10.1075/jhp.19002.kuo","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jhp.19002.kuo","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000While epistemic modality has been suggested to be a modal source of conditionality, deontic modality has been generally overlooked. Using data from Classical Chinese and the Invited Inferencing Theory of Semantic Change, this study demonstrates that the deontic modal bi tends to invite inferences of conditionality in contexts where it is used teleologically and performatively as an indirect speech act of advice. That is, conditionality can emerge out of an interaction of teleological and performative meanings. Furthermore, three conditions are identified as where teleological, performative and conditional meanings enable the inferencing of the deontic modal bi as a conditional protasis connective. The absence of one or more of these conditions is shown to be less likely to invite inferences of conditionality.","PeriodicalId":54081,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Pragmatics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43841548","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Review of Winters (2020): Historical Linguistics: A Cognitive Grammar Introduction","authors":"Isabeau De Smet","doi":"10.1075/jhp.00047.sme","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jhp.00047.sme","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":54081,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Pragmatics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-07-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43404151","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Review of Peikola, Mäkilähde, Salmi, Varila & Skaffari (2017): Verbal and Visual Communication in Early English Texts","authors":"Jeremy Smith","doi":"10.1075/jhp.00048.smi","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jhp.00048.smi","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":54081,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Pragmatics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-04-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41576826","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ben Young, Wesley W Ingwersen, Matthew Bergmann, Jose D Hernandez-Betancur, Tapajyoti Ghosh, Eric Bell, Sarah Cashman
The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (USEPA) provides databases that agglomerate data provided by companies or states reporting emissions, releases, wastes generated, and other activities to meet statutory requirements. These databases, often referred to as inventories, can be used for a wide variety of environmental reporting and modeling purposes to characterize conditions in the United States. Yet, users are often challenged to find, retrieve, and interpret these data due to the unique schemes employed for data management, which could result in erroneous estimations or double-counting of emissions. To address these challenges, a system called Standardized Emission and Waste Inventories (StEWI) has been created. The system consists of four python modules that provide rapid access to USEPA inventory data in standard formats and permit filtering and combination of these inventory data. When accessed through StEWI, reported emissions of carbon dioxide to air and ammonia to water are reduced approximately two- and four-fold, respectively, to avoid duplicate reporting. StEWI will greatly facilitate the use of USEPA inventory data in chemical release and exposure modeling and life cycle assessment tools, among other things. To date, StEWI has been used to build the recent USEEIO model and the baseline electricity life cycle inventory database for the Federal LCA Commons.
{"title":"A System for Standardizing and Combining U.S. Environmental Protection Agency Emissions and Waste Inventory Data.","authors":"Ben Young, Wesley W Ingwersen, Matthew Bergmann, Jose D Hernandez-Betancur, Tapajyoti Ghosh, Eric Bell, Sarah Cashman","doi":"10.3390/app12073447","DOIUrl":"10.3390/app12073447","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (USEPA) provides databases that agglomerate data provided by companies or states reporting emissions, releases, wastes generated, and other activities to meet statutory requirements. These databases, often referred to as inventories, can be used for a wide variety of environmental reporting and modeling purposes to characterize conditions in the United States. Yet, users are often challenged to find, retrieve, and interpret these data due to the unique schemes employed for data management, which could result in erroneous estimations or double-counting of emissions. To address these challenges, a system called Standardized Emission and Waste Inventories (StEWI) has been created. The system consists of four python modules that provide rapid access to USEPA inventory data in standard formats and permit filtering and combination of these inventory data. When accessed through StEWI, reported emissions of carbon dioxide to air and ammonia to water are reduced approximately two- and four-fold, respectively, to avoid duplicate reporting. StEWI will greatly facilitate the use of USEPA inventory data in chemical release and exposure modeling and life cycle assessment tools, among other things. To date, StEWI has been used to build the recent USEEIO model and the baseline electricity life cycle inventory database for the Federal LCA Commons.</p>","PeriodicalId":54081,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Pragmatics","volume":"18 1","pages":"1-16"},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2022-03-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC9175305/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80736573","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Francisco Alonso-Almeida, Francisco José Álvarez-Gil
The notion of impoliteness may not trigger prompt associations with earlier women writing, especially non-fiction, in the pre-scientific period. Evidence drawn from seventeenth-century scientific and technical writings reveals that women make use of impoliteness strategies in order to claim and delineate their place within their community of practice. In our texts, we have detected that membership to communities of practice justifies the women’s use of positive impoliteness and sarcasm devices. Interestingly, the stereotypical female weakness represents a source for sarcastic speech, as this may offer women writers a protective shield against male critical stance. Negative impoliteness seems to be potentially related to establish power relationships and position in relation to knowledge. The idea is that scientific and technical contributions should be impartially appraised without considering the sex of the author. Impoliteness appears to be a potential means of legitimising women writers’ voices.
{"title":"Impoliteness in women’s specialised writing in seventeenth-century English","authors":"Francisco Alonso-Almeida, Francisco José Álvarez-Gil","doi":"10.1075/jhp.20004.alo","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jhp.20004.alo","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The notion of impoliteness may not trigger prompt associations with earlier women writing, especially non-fiction, in the pre-scientific period. Evidence drawn from seventeenth-century scientific and technical writings reveals that women make use of impoliteness strategies in order to claim and delineate their place within their community of practice. In our texts, we have detected that membership to communities of practice justifies the women’s use of positive impoliteness and sarcasm devices. Interestingly, the stereotypical female weakness represents a source for sarcastic speech, as this may offer women writers a protective shield against male critical stance. Negative impoliteness seems to be potentially related to establish power relationships and position in relation to knowledge. The idea is that scientific and technical contributions should be impartially appraised without considering the sex of the author. Impoliteness appears to be a potential means of legitimising women writers’ voices.","PeriodicalId":54081,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Pragmatics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-11-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48518275","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Directive Speech Acts (dsas) are a major feature of historical pragmatics, specifically in research on historical (im)politeness. However, for Classical French, there is a lack of research on related phenomena. In our contribution, we present two recently constructed corpora covering the period of Classical French, sermo and apwcf. We present these corpora in terms of their genre characteristics on a communicative–functional and socio-pragmatic level. Based on the observation that, both in sermo and apwcf, dsas frequently occur together with terms of address, we analyse and manually code a sample based on this co-occurrence, and we compare the results with regard to special features in the individual corpora. The emerging patterns show a clear correspondence between socio-pragmatic factors and the linguistic means used to realise dsas. We propose that these results can be interpreted as signs of an underlying “grammar of authority”.
{"title":"A Grammar of Authority?","authors":"A. Gerstenberg, Carine Skupien-Dekens","doi":"10.1075/jhp.17006.ger","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jhp.17006.ger","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Directive Speech Acts (dsas) are a major feature of historical pragmatics, specifically in research on\u0000 historical (im)politeness. However, for Classical French, there is a lack of research on related phenomena. In our contribution,\u0000 we present two recently constructed corpora covering the period of Classical French, sermo and apwcf. We present\u0000 these corpora in terms of their genre characteristics on a communicative–functional and socio-pragmatic level. Based on the\u0000 observation that, both in sermo and apwcf, dsas frequently occur together with terms of address, we\u0000 analyse and manually code a sample based on this co-occurrence, and we compare the results with regard to special features in the\u0000 individual corpora. The emerging patterns show a clear correspondence between socio-pragmatic factors and the linguistic means\u0000 used to realise dsas. We propose that these results can be interpreted as signs of an underlying “grammar of\u0000 authority”.","PeriodicalId":54081,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Historical Pragmatics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44900410","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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