The article aims to highlight Pizzorno’s contribution to political theory, identifying two fundamental issues of his research: conflict and representation. On these issues the author has not only developed a constant dialogue with the classics of sociology, but has also dealt with the classics of political thought, Machiavelli, Hobbes, Marx, Schmitt. He adopted a realistic approach to the problem of politics, an approach that sought to go beyond the realistic theory of interests, by raising the question of the identity of stakeholders and by analyzing the processes of “conversion” through which identities transform themselves. Putting the concept of recognition at the center of his theory, he elaborated the Hegelian critique to Hobbes and the contractualist paradigm from which the theory of rational choice drew its strength: not social contract among equals, but recognition among unequals – which has to be mutual recognition, because not even the strongest can afford not to be recognized by the weakest.
{"title":"Alessandro Pizzorno teorico della politica","authors":"P. Portinaro","doi":"10.4000/qds.2477","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/qds.2477","url":null,"abstract":"The article aims to highlight Pizzorno’s contribution to political theory, identifying two fundamental issues of his research: conflict and representation. On these issues the author has not only developed a constant dialogue with the classics of sociology, but has also dealt with the classics of political thought, Machiavelli, Hobbes, Marx, Schmitt. He adopted a realistic approach to the problem of politics, an approach that sought to go beyond the realistic theory of interests, by raising the question of the identity of stakeholders and by analyzing the processes of “conversion” through which identities transform themselves. Putting the concept of recognition at the center of his theory, he elaborated the Hegelian critique to Hobbes and the contractualist paradigm from which the theory of rational choice drew its strength: not social contract among equals, but recognition among unequals – which has to be mutual recognition, because not even the strongest can afford not to be recognized by the weakest.","PeriodicalId":55721,"journal":{"name":"Quaderni di Sociologia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45290546","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Several studies have highlighted the marketplace and the employment difficulties related to the degrees in Sociology. Less attention has been devoted to examining the gender condition of female graduates in Sociology according to the expectation and motivation toward the Sociology degree and the professional and work paid position. The empirical evidence shows that in Italy women, despite having better university performances – both in terms of duration of studies and degree grades – not only find greater difficulties in “job placement”, but, usually, have more modest job positions and receive lower salaries. This paper explores these topics, focusing on the degree in Sociology, via a secondary analysis of data drawn from the survey on Market, employment status and skills by graduates of the three-year courses (class of degrees 36 – Sociological sciences and L40 – Sociology). The authors aim to investigate both the dimension of perception regarding the training path, the acquired and required skills by the labor market, and some essential reference data on the employment status of the female sociologists. Findings confirm the underemployment of female graduates in Sociology; furthermore results underline as women, compared to men, perceive a lower evaluation of their acquired performance and, also, of the required competences in the labor market.
{"title":"Le laureate in Sociologia tra sottoimpiego e sottovalutazione","authors":"A. Decataldo, C. Facchini, B. Fiore","doi":"10.4000/qds.2517","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/qds.2517","url":null,"abstract":"Several studies have highlighted the marketplace and the employment difficulties related to the degrees in Sociology. Less attention has been devoted to examining the gender condition of female graduates in Sociology according to the expectation and motivation toward the Sociology degree and the professional and work paid position. The empirical evidence shows that in Italy women, despite having better university performances – both in terms of duration of studies and degree grades – not only find greater difficulties in “job placement”, but, usually, have more modest job positions and receive lower salaries. This paper explores these topics, focusing on the degree in Sociology, via a secondary analysis of data drawn from the survey on Market, employment status and skills by graduates of the three-year courses (class of degrees 36 – Sociological sciences and L40 – Sociology). The authors aim to investigate both the dimension of perception regarding the training path, the acquired and required skills by the labor market, and some essential reference data on the employment status of the female sociologists. Findings confirm the underemployment of female graduates in Sociology; furthermore results underline as women, compared to men, perceive a lower evaluation of their acquired performance and, also, of the required competences in the labor market.","PeriodicalId":55721,"journal":{"name":"Quaderni di Sociologia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42448071","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
‘Salvare l’universita italiana’ is a short essay on the crisis of the Italian university system written by three major experts of the field. Using updated statistics, the authors document the different aspects of this crisis (enrolments & dropouts, social inequalities, poor labor market outcomes of tertiary graduates, territorial disequilibria, under-financing, etc.). Their main argument is that this crisis reflects a lack of regulation of this system on the side of policy-makers which has resulted in an insufficient horizontal and vertical differentiation of Higher Education, which is essential in the context of a transition to mass Higher Education. In the concluding chapter of this informed and well-written essay, the authors suggest a few pragmatic, feasible remedies to the crisis.
{"title":"Cambiare, a piccoli passi, l’università italiana Per salvarla","authors":"C. Barone","doi":"10.4000/qds.2542","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/qds.2542","url":null,"abstract":"‘Salvare l’universita italiana’ is a short essay on the crisis of the Italian university system written by three major experts of the field. Using updated statistics, the authors document the different aspects of this crisis (enrolments & dropouts, social inequalities, poor labor market outcomes of tertiary graduates, territorial disequilibria, under-financing, etc.). Their main argument is that this crisis reflects a lack of regulation of this system on the side of policy-makers which has resulted in an insufficient horizontal and vertical differentiation of Higher Education, which is essential in the context of a transition to mass Higher Education. In the concluding chapter of this informed and well-written essay, the authors suggest a few pragmatic, feasible remedies to the crisis.","PeriodicalId":55721,"journal":{"name":"Quaderni di Sociologia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48892773","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In recent years, online personal dating sites have become widespread. Today they represent exceptional showcases through which to observe the ways in which women and men construct a selective representation of the Self in order to find potential partners. This mixed methods study analyzes 304 profiles of heterosexual women and men on three different dating sites in Italy. The collected data is compared with that of previous research carried out both on personal ads published in physical newspapers, and on personal online ads. The results of this study do not confirm those of the research done a few decades ago on paper personal ads, which highlighted the men’s offer of security resources, in exchange for physical attractiveness, sex and parental care by women. On the other hand, they do not even confirm the results of the research conducted in the early 2000s on online ads, which instead showed an abandonment of traditional stereotypes related to gender differences. Rather, the emerging picture is strongly ambivalent, with new and old elements interweaving with the sociodemographic characteristics of individuals and with the technical and commercial choices of the various online services.
{"title":"Donne e uomini online","authors":"L. Paccagnella","doi":"10.4000/qds.2512","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/qds.2512","url":null,"abstract":"In recent years, online personal dating sites have become widespread. Today they represent exceptional showcases through which to observe the ways in which women and men construct a selective representation of the Self in order to find potential partners. This mixed methods study analyzes 304 profiles of heterosexual women and men on three different dating sites in Italy. The collected data is compared with that of previous research carried out both on personal ads published in physical newspapers, and on personal online ads. The results of this study do not confirm those of the research done a few decades ago on paper personal ads, which highlighted the men’s offer of security resources, in exchange for physical attractiveness, sex and parental care by women. On the other hand, they do not even confirm the results of the research conducted in the early 2000s on online ads, which instead showed an abandonment of traditional stereotypes related to gender differences. Rather, the emerging picture is strongly ambivalent, with new and old elements interweaving with the sociodemographic characteristics of individuals and with the technical and commercial choices of the various online services.","PeriodicalId":55721,"journal":{"name":"Quaderni di Sociologia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49274692","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The indicators currently employed in research on politicai participation show that this concept is usually restricted to a certain kind of participation. This is probably due to the fact that these studies are framed as answers to the problem of consensus. But participation does necessarily identify with consensus or dissent. On the contrary the modern problem of participation originates with the autonomous rise of the civil society and the transposition on the political plane of its own conflicts. Participation may become then the product of the effort to overthrow or maintain the system of inequalities of the civil society. These premises lead us to take into consideration a non govenwnental dimension of political participation. The American political science has been the first to get rid of the excessively narrow concept of state. Now, however, the notion of political system appears to impose again to the political activity limits that do not allow to account for the universalistic elements it contains. It seems therefore more convenient to view the political acrion – in the modern world – as specific of the two kinds of solidarity grown from the formation of the Nation-state and from the class struggle. This subdivision corresponds also to the two major models with which the conditions of political participation have been explaned: namely the model of class consciusness and the one definable as «center-periphery». Each of these models accounts for certain facts only. If we analyse them, however, they seem to contain a common principle, that we could express with the proposition that participation is possible only within certain «areas of equality». More specific propositions can in turn be formulated, when different types of participation are taken into consideration. By crossclassifying the two dimensions of (1) statual-extra statual, and (2) prevailing private or political solidarity, four types are proposed: political professionalism, civic participation, social movements and subcultures. Finally the data from recent reserches are examined, with a particular effort to delineate some peculiarities of the Italian situation. Notable in it the relevance of subcultural participation and of the residual social movements and the lesser importance of civic participation.
{"title":"Introduzione allo studio della partecipazione politica (1966)","authors":"A. Pizzorno","doi":"10.4000/qds.2487","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/qds.2487","url":null,"abstract":"The indicators currently employed in research on politicai participation show that this concept is usually restricted to a certain kind of participation. This is probably due to the fact that these studies are framed as answers to the problem of consensus. But participation does necessarily identify with consensus or dissent. On the contrary the modern problem of participation originates with the autonomous rise of the civil society and the transposition on the political plane of its own conflicts. Participation may become then the product of the effort to overthrow or maintain the system of inequalities of the civil society. These premises lead us to take into consideration a non govenwnental dimension of political participation. The American political science has been the first to get rid of the excessively narrow concept of state. Now, however, the notion of political system appears to impose again to the political activity limits that do not allow to account for the universalistic elements it contains. It seems therefore more convenient to view the political acrion – in the modern world – as specific of the two kinds of solidarity grown from the formation of the Nation-state and from the class struggle. This subdivision corresponds also to the two major models with which the conditions of political participation have been explaned: namely the model of class consciusness and the one definable as «center-periphery». Each of these models accounts for certain facts only. If we analyse them, however, they seem to contain a common principle, that we could express with the proposition that participation is possible only within certain «areas of equality». More specific propositions can in turn be formulated, when different types of participation are taken into consideration. By crossclassifying the two dimensions of (1) statual-extra statual, and (2) prevailing private or political solidarity, four types are proposed: political professionalism, civic participation, social movements and subcultures. Finally the data from recent reserches are examined, with a particular effort to delineate some peculiarities of the Italian situation. Notable in it the relevance of subcultural participation and of the residual social movements and the lesser importance of civic participation.","PeriodicalId":55721,"journal":{"name":"Quaderni di Sociologia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45286195","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article focuses on the transformations of political corruption in the last thirty years in Italy. The purpose of the research is twofold. On the one side, it aims to analyze the type of exchanges and interactions involving political actors within wider relational configurations, characterized by different degrees of illegality. On the other side, it seeks to identify the main changes occurred over time on a territorial basis and in the different levels of government. The results of the analysis show that corruption increasingly diverges from the “Mani Pulite” model that was prevalent until the Nineties, in which political parties firmly controlled exchanges that often involved the national level of government. Despite this loss of control, however, the new model is only apparently less structured. Indeed, illegal exchanges are still organized into stable networks and are played by “teams” rather than by individuals. Such networks are predominantly local and have a mixed composition, with a still relevant presence – albeit variable and different from the past – of political players.
{"title":"Corruzione e politica","authors":"S. Busso, V. Martone, R. Sciarrone","doi":"10.4000/qds.2139","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/qds.2139","url":null,"abstract":"The article focuses on the transformations of political corruption in the last thirty years in Italy. The purpose of the research is twofold. On the one side, it aims to analyze the type of exchanges and interactions involving political actors within wider relational configurations, characterized by different degrees of illegality. On the other side, it seeks to identify the main changes occurred over time on a territorial basis and in the different levels of government. The results of the analysis show that corruption increasingly diverges from the “Mani Pulite” model that was prevalent until the Nineties, in which political parties firmly controlled exchanges that often involved the national level of government. Despite this loss of control, however, the new model is only apparently less structured. Indeed, illegal exchanges are still organized into stable networks and are played by “teams” rather than by individuals. Such networks are predominantly local and have a mixed composition, with a still relevant presence – albeit variable and different from the past – of political players.","PeriodicalId":55721,"journal":{"name":"Quaderni di Sociologia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46017470","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The central theme of this article is clientelism considered as a social and political phenomenon. Our attention is focused on the one hand on clientele as a type of social relationship rooted in territories and communities and, on the other, on the particular type of linkage between citizens and political institutions represented by clientelism. The clientele system appears to be intrinsic to the processes of social modernisation, but also to the massification of politics (not only in the democratic sense) and, therefore, to the emergence of modern political parties. On the one hand, it is connected with phenomena such as personalization and particularism, on the other with privatisation of public resources and institutions. We show this double level (social-political, horizontal-vertical) firstly of all by reconstructing the relationship between politics and society in the South of Italy and how this has changed over time: from land to political clientelism, from notable to bureaucratic clientelism. Then, we highlight the close connections between clientelism, party government and quality of democracy. Thus clientelism appears as intrinsic to the same imperatives of party competition and to the logic of democratic government, hence its persistence. But, at the same time it reveals itself as a factor of deterioration and subversion of democracy.
{"title":"Clientelismo, privatizzazione del pubblico e governo di partito","authors":"P. Fantozzi, F. Raniolo","doi":"10.4000/qds.2133","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/qds.2133","url":null,"abstract":"The central theme of this article is clientelism considered as a social and political phenomenon. Our attention is focused on the one hand on clientele as a type of social relationship rooted in territories and communities and, on the other, on the particular type of linkage between citizens and political institutions represented by clientelism. The clientele system appears to be intrinsic to the processes of social modernisation, but also to the massification of politics (not only in the democratic sense) and, therefore, to the emergence of modern political parties. On the one hand, it is connected with phenomena such as personalization and particularism, on the other with privatisation of public resources and institutions. We show this double level (social-political, horizontal-vertical) firstly of all by reconstructing the relationship between politics and society in the South of Italy and how this has changed over time: from land to political clientelism, from notable to bureaucratic clientelism. Then, we highlight the close connections between clientelism, party government and quality of democracy. Thus clientelism appears as intrinsic to the same imperatives of party competition and to the logic of democratic government, hence its persistence. But, at the same time it reveals itself as a factor of deterioration and subversion of democracy.","PeriodicalId":55721,"journal":{"name":"Quaderni di Sociologia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48027540","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Italian politics is often accused of catering to the restricted interests of small-scale clienteles, which makes it particularly chaotic and prone to suboptimal decision-making. The literature has conventionally insufficiently distinguished between clientelism, corruption and patronage and often equated particularism with the pursuit of the personal vote. We know from the comparative literature, however, that there are completely legitimate forms of particularism which bank on the personal and policy record of the candidate and that attract to parties large shares of votes. Balancing the quest for the personal vote with alignment with party lines is a puzzle that all party leaders need to solve. Instrumental in striking this balance is the electoral system, which in varying degrees can favor the pursuit of the personal vote and, more specifically, a programmatic or rather a particularistic strategy for obtaining it. By referring to the theorization of particularism by Carey and Shugart (1995) and Seddon-Wallack et al (2003), the article offers conjectures on the relative space afforded to particularism by the various electoral systems that have characterized the “First Republic” – a proportional system with multiple preferences (1948-1993) – the “Second Republic” – a mainly majoritarian mixed system (Mattarellum, 1993-2005) and a proportional system with various coalition-forming incentives (Porcellum, 2005-2013) – and the “Third Republic” – a mainly proportional system with fewer coalition-forming incentives (Rosatellum bis, 2017-). It suggests that the space for clientelism-prone particularism has shrunk in time, that for the more conventional personal vote has known a brief season but has never been given a chance to get institutionalized, and that lately the space for particularism has shrunk again perhaps giving rise to populistic clientelism.
{"title":"Ma la politica italiana può ancora definirsi clientelare?","authors":"Simona Piattoni","doi":"10.4000/qds.2157","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/qds.2157","url":null,"abstract":"Italian politics is often accused of catering to the restricted interests of small-scale clienteles, which makes it particularly chaotic and prone to suboptimal decision-making. The literature has conventionally insufficiently distinguished between clientelism, corruption and patronage and often equated particularism with the pursuit of the personal vote. We know from the comparative literature, however, that there are completely legitimate forms of particularism which bank on the personal and policy record of the candidate and that attract to parties large shares of votes. Balancing the quest for the personal vote with alignment with party lines is a puzzle that all party leaders need to solve. Instrumental in striking this balance is the electoral system, which in varying degrees can favor the pursuit of the personal vote and, more specifically, a programmatic or rather a particularistic strategy for obtaining it. By referring to the theorization of particularism by Carey and Shugart (1995) and Seddon-Wallack et al (2003), the article offers conjectures on the relative space afforded to particularism by the various electoral systems that have characterized the “First Republic” – a proportional system with multiple preferences (1948-1993) – the “Second Republic” – a mainly majoritarian mixed system (Mattarellum, 1993-2005) and a proportional system with various coalition-forming incentives (Porcellum, 2005-2013) – and the “Third Republic” – a mainly proportional system with fewer coalition-forming incentives (Rosatellum bis, 2017-). It suggests that the space for clientelism-prone particularism has shrunk in time, that for the more conventional personal vote has known a brief season but has never been given a chance to get institutionalized, and that lately the space for particularism has shrunk again perhaps giving rise to populistic clientelism.","PeriodicalId":55721,"journal":{"name":"Quaderni di Sociologia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44304507","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A brief reflection on the porous boundaries between ordinary language, common knowledge and scientific knowledge is presented, emphasizing the methodological impact of the process of concepts formation and the relevance of tacit knowledge both in everyday life and in scientific activity. By emphasizing the fluidity of concepts, its implications on the debate about indicators choice, question wording and the claim to standardize meanings in surveys are discussed.
{"title":"Brevi note sull’intersezione tra linguaggio ordinario e concettualizzazione sociologica nella ricerca sociale","authors":"M. Pitrone","doi":"10.4000/qds.2199","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/qds.2199","url":null,"abstract":"A brief reflection on the porous boundaries between ordinary language, common knowledge and scientific knowledge is presented, emphasizing the methodological impact of the process of concepts formation and the relevance of tacit knowledge both in everyday life and in scientific activity. By emphasizing the fluidity of concepts, its implications on the debate about indicators choice, question wording and the claim to standardize meanings in surveys are discussed.","PeriodicalId":55721,"journal":{"name":"Quaderni di Sociologia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47415280","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In a recent volume (Perche il Sud e rimasto indietro, il Mulino, Bologna) the historian Emanuele Felice presented “a long-term socio-institutional explanation” of the more than secular permanence of the significant gap in per capita GDP – and in other indicators of modernization – between the regions of Centre-North and Southern Italy. His argument allows a new, original, appreciation of the greater problem of united Italy. Its explanans regards a) the inequality of incomes, personal wealth, as well as opportunities for “access to culture” between the two macro-areas, and b) the characteristics and modus operandi of the economic and political local institutions. According to Felice, institutions in the South are mainly “extractive”; in the North Centre, instead, “inclusive” (Acemoglu and Robinson).In this review, I try to integrate some topics not developed by Felice: the concept of modernization; the fragility of the ruling classes of the southern regions, which needs the consent of other social groups – not least the mafias; the prevalence in the South of a coalition that opposes modernization projects; the low level of real education of the ruling classes of Southern Italy (data elaborated from the Piacc/Oecd study, 2011); the differences in social stratification between the North Centre and the Mezzogiorno.Unless a decisive increase in the human capital available to the Italians of the South – above all, but certainly not only, of their ruling classes – an endogenous economic development in these regions seems quite problematic. Just as civil development will continue to be slow unless there is a decisive contrast to organized crime.
在最近的一本书中（Perche il Sud e rimasto indietro，il Mulino，Bologna），历史学家Emanuele Felice对意大利中北部和南部地区之间的人均GDP和其他现代化指标的巨大差距进行了“长期的社会制度解释”。他的论点允许人们对统一意大利这一更大的问题有一个新的、新颖的认识。其解释涉及a）两个宏观领域之间的收入、个人财富以及“接触文化”的机会不平等，以及b）地方经济和政治机构的特点和运作方式。Felice认为，南方的机构主要是“榨取式”的；在这篇综述中，我试图整合一些Felice没有提出的主题：现代化的概念；南方地区统治阶级的脆弱性，需要其他社会团体的同意，尤其是黑手党；南方普遍存在反对现代化项目的联盟；意大利南部统治阶级的实际教育水平低（数据来自Piacc/Oecd研究，2011年）；北方中心和Mezzogiorno之间的社会分层差异。除非决定性地增加南方意大利人可用的人力资本——尤其是他们统治阶级的人力资本，否则这些地区的内生经济发展似乎很有问题。正如民间发展将继续缓慢一样，除非与有组织犯罪形成决定性的对比。
{"title":"Le due Italie: una spiegazione del divario tra Centro-Nord e Mezzogiorno","authors":"A. Baldissera","doi":"10.4000/qds.2217","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/qds.2217","url":null,"abstract":"In a recent volume (Perche il Sud e rimasto indietro, il Mulino, Bologna) the historian Emanuele Felice presented “a long-term socio-institutional explanation” of the more than secular permanence of the significant gap in per capita GDP – and in other indicators of modernization – between the regions of Centre-North and Southern Italy. His argument allows a new, original, appreciation of the greater problem of united Italy. Its explanans regards a) the inequality of incomes, personal wealth, as well as opportunities for “access to culture” between the two macro-areas, and b) the characteristics and modus operandi of the economic and political local institutions. According to Felice, institutions in the South are mainly “extractive”; in the North Centre, instead, “inclusive” (Acemoglu and Robinson).In this review, I try to integrate some topics not developed by Felice: the concept of modernization; the fragility of the ruling classes of the southern regions, which needs the consent of other social groups – not least the mafias; the prevalence in the South of a coalition that opposes modernization projects; the low level of real education of the ruling classes of Southern Italy (data elaborated from the Piacc/Oecd study, 2011); the differences in social stratification between the North Centre and the Mezzogiorno.Unless a decisive increase in the human capital available to the Italians of the South – above all, but certainly not only, of their ruling classes – an endogenous economic development in these regions seems quite problematic. Just as civil development will continue to be slow unless there is a decisive contrast to organized crime.","PeriodicalId":55721,"journal":{"name":"Quaderni di Sociologia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42519867","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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