Simon Forman's astrological casebooks record thousands of medical consultations. Amidst the wealth of information in these documents, however, it is unclear to what extent Forman relied on the stars for diagnoses and therapies, or how the casebooks reflect the dymanic between Forman and his clients. This article attempts to answer these questions by reading the casebooks alongside Forman's guide to astrological physic. This approach reveals that astrology was paramount in Forman's evaluations and treatments of his patients. According to Forman, in order for him to effect a cure, he had to be trusted. It was particularly difficult to treat women because their health depended on the state of their wombs, and on their sexual activity, subjects about which women were notoriously duplicitous. The task of the astrologer was first to assess whether or not a woman was sexually active, and only then could he make a judgement about her disease. At the same time, in demonstrating an ability to discern whether or not she was being honest about her sexual activities, Forman won her confidence. By accounting for the role of astrology and the dynamics between the patient and the physician, this article provides the framework within which to read one of the most comprehensive records of medical practices in early modern England.
{"title":"How to read Simon Forman's casebooks: medicine, astrology, and gender in Elizabethan London.","authors":"L. Kassel","doi":"10.1093/SHM/12.1.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/SHM/12.1.3","url":null,"abstract":"Simon Forman's astrological casebooks record thousands of medical consultations. Amidst the wealth of information in these documents, however, it is unclear to what extent Forman relied on the stars for diagnoses and therapies, or how the casebooks reflect the dymanic between Forman and his clients. This article attempts to answer these questions by reading the casebooks alongside Forman's guide to astrological physic. This approach reveals that astrology was paramount in Forman's evaluations and treatments of his patients. According to Forman, in order for him to effect a cure, he had to be trusted. It was particularly difficult to treat women because their health depended on the state of their wombs, and on their sexual activity, subjects about which women were notoriously duplicitous. The task of the astrologer was first to assess whether or not a woman was sexually active, and only then could he make a judgement about her disease. At the same time, in demonstrating an ability to discern whether or not she was being honest about her sexual activities, Forman won her confidence. By accounting for the role of astrology and the dynamics between the patient and the physician, this article provides the framework within which to read one of the most comprehensive records of medical practices in early modern England.","PeriodicalId":68213,"journal":{"name":"医疗社会史研究","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1999-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75523312","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Body, image, text in early modern Europe.","authors":"M. Jenner","doi":"10.1093/shm/12.1.143","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/shm/12.1.143","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":68213,"journal":{"name":"医疗社会史研究","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1999-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86576878","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Reply to Bernard Harris: morbidity and mortality during the health transition: a comment on James C. Riley.","authors":"J. Riley","doi":"10.1093/SHM/12.1.133","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/SHM/12.1.133","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":68213,"journal":{"name":"医疗社会史研究","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1999-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89413916","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The tropical regions of the New World in the early modern era offered European migrants great wealth but were also demographically deadly. This paper presents hard data on white mortality in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Jamaica and shows that white susceptibility to disease, especially yellow fever, led to appalling white mortality. High white mortality, especially in urban areas in the first half of the eithteenth century, meant that Jamaica did not become a settler society full of native-born whites, as occurred in plantation British North America. The failure of white settlement and continuing high mortality accentuated whites'penchant for fast living, for fatalism, and contributed to slaveowners' callous disregard for the welfare of their slaves. White life chances were not helped by inappropriate medical attention. Although Jamaican doctors' explanations of high white mortality were occasionally correct, their adherence to humoral and miasmic theories of medicine led them to promote remedies that were at best ineffectual, at worst detrimental. Contemporaries, however, refused to accept the facts of white demographic decline, in part because to do so would have been to deny the possibility that Jamaica would become Anglicized rather than Africanized.
{"title":"The countrie continues sicklie': white mortality in Jamaica, 1655-1780.","authors":"T. Burnard","doi":"10.1093/SHM/12.1.45","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/SHM/12.1.45","url":null,"abstract":"The tropical regions of the New World in the early modern era offered European migrants great wealth but were also demographically deadly. This paper presents hard data on white mortality in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Jamaica and shows that white susceptibility to disease, especially yellow fever, led to appalling white mortality. High white mortality, especially in urban areas in the first half of the eithteenth century, meant that Jamaica did not become a settler society full of native-born whites, as occurred in plantation British North America. The failure of white settlement and continuing high mortality accentuated whites'penchant for fast living, for fatalism, and contributed to slaveowners' callous disregard for the welfare of their slaves. White life chances were not helped by inappropriate medical attention. Although Jamaican doctors' explanations of high white mortality were occasionally correct, their adherence to humoral and miasmic theories of medicine led them to promote remedies that were at best ineffectual, at worst detrimental. Contemporaries, however, refused to accept the facts of white demographic decline, in part because to do so would have been to deny the possibility that Jamaica would become Anglicized rather than Africanized.","PeriodicalId":68213,"journal":{"name":"医疗社会史研究","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1999-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79625372","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article, utilizing medical histories and municipal public health reports, focuses on tubercular men, women, and children of the working poor in Buenos Aires between 1885 and 1915. Crowded living conditions and an insanitary working environment increased the poor's susceptibility to tuberculosis. Both public health officials and physicians assumed that the living and working conditions and the immorality of the labouring class encouraged the spread of tuberculosis from their neighbourhoods to those of the elite. The Anti-Tuberculosis League and the efforts of doctors to bring about prevention and cures, which generally mirrored those of the United States and Europe, failed to decrease the death rate from tuberculosis in Buenos Aires between 1885 and 1915. Medical knowledge was limited, while public health officials had neither the time nor funding to change a system that was embedded in the working and living structures of the community. The tubercular poor chose to evade prevention policies and relied on the limited services of sanatoriums, clinics, and hospitals only as a last resort.
{"title":"Blood, coughs, and fever: tuberculosis and the working class of Buenos Aires, Argentina, 1885-1915.","authors":"V. Reber","doi":"10.1093/SHM/12.1.73","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/SHM/12.1.73","url":null,"abstract":"This article, utilizing medical histories and municipal public health reports, focuses on tubercular men, women, and children of the working poor in Buenos Aires between 1885 and 1915. Crowded living conditions and an insanitary working environment increased the poor's susceptibility to tuberculosis. Both public health officials and physicians assumed that the living and working conditions and the immorality of the labouring class encouraged the spread of tuberculosis from their neighbourhoods to those of the elite. The Anti-Tuberculosis League and the efforts of doctors to bring about prevention and cures, which generally mirrored those of the United States and Europe, failed to decrease the death rate from tuberculosis in Buenos Aires between 1885 and 1915. Medical knowledge was limited, while public health officials had neither the time nor funding to change a system that was embedded in the working and living structures of the community. The tubercular poor chose to evade prevention policies and relied on the limited services of sanatoriums, clinics, and hospitals only as a last resort.","PeriodicalId":68213,"journal":{"name":"医疗社会史研究","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1999-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78825999","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Scholars sometimes claim that mortality and morbibity move papallel to one another over time. Using case studies from nineteenth-century England and Wales, this essay plots actual relationships in historical populations and explores why parallelism should not be expected. The implication of finding that mortality and morbidity chart independent courses is that they are either shaped by different factors or by the same factors operating in different ways. Hence morbidity should not be expected to be controlled by policies formulated to control mortality.
{"title":"Why sickness and death rates do not move parallel to one another over time.","authors":"J. Riley","doi":"10.1093/SHM/12.1.101","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/SHM/12.1.101","url":null,"abstract":"Scholars sometimes claim that mortality and morbibity move papallel to one another over time. Using case studies from nineteenth-century England and Wales, this essay plots actual relationships in historical populations and explores why parallelism should not be expected. The implication of finding that mortality and morbidity chart independent courses is that they are either shaped by different factors or by the same factors operating in different ways. Hence morbidity should not be expected to be controlled by policies formulated to control mortality.","PeriodicalId":68213,"journal":{"name":"医疗社会史研究","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1999-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87508660","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Throughout most parts of the world, mortality rates have fallen dramatically since the mid-nineteenth century, but morbidity rates appear to have risen.1 James Riley's article is the latest in a series of attempts to explain this paradox. It breaks new ground, in relation to the author's previous work, in its use of a mathematical model to explain the relationship between morbidity and mortality, and in the deployment of new data from the Abthorpe, Ashboume, Llangeitho, and Morcott Friendly Societies.2 However, despite the undoubted importance of Riley's article, many of his conclusions remain open to question. In endeavouring to explain 'why sickness and death rates do not move parallel to one another over time', Riley raises four major issues, which may be summarized as follows: 1. What is the practical significance of the equation P = / X D? 2. To what extent has Riley succeeded in demonstrating the robustness of the friendly society data as objective indicators of health status? 3. What do the data reveal about sickness and health among members of the four societies? 4. What are the implications of Riley's findings for our understanding of the relationship between morbidity and mortality during the period of the 'health transition'? This comment will attempt to highlight the questions raised by Riley's article under each of these headings. What is the practical significance of the equation P= IX D? To what extent has Riley succeeded in demonstrating the robustness of the friendly society data as objective indicators of health status? What do the data reveal about sickness and health among members of the four Societies? What are the implications of Riley's findings for our understanding of the relationship between morbidity and mortality during the period of the 'health transition'?
自19世纪中叶以来，在世界大部分地区，死亡率急剧下降，但发病率似乎有所上升詹姆斯·莱利(James Riley)的文章是解释这一悖论的一系列尝试中的最新一篇。与作者之前的工作相比，它在使用数学模型来解释发病率和死亡率之间的关系以及从Abthorpe, Ashboume, Llangeitho和Morcott友好协会获得的新数据方面开辟了新路。然而，尽管Riley的文章无疑是重要的，但他的许多结论仍有待商榷。在努力解释"为什么疾病和死亡率不会随着时间的推移而彼此平行"时，莱利提出了四个主要问题，可以总结如下:方程P = / X D的实际意义是什么?2. 莱利在多大程度上成功地证明了友好社会数据作为健康状况客观指标的稳健性?3.这些数据揭示了四个社会成员的疾病和健康状况?4. 莱利的发现对我们理解“健康转型”期间发病率和死亡率之间的关系有什么意义?这篇评论将试图突出莱利的文章在这些标题下提出的问题。方程P= IX D的实际意义是什么?莱利在多大程度上成功地证明了友好社会数据作为健康状况客观指标的稳健性?这些数据揭示了四个协会成员的疾病和健康状况?莱利的发现对我们理解“健康转型”期间发病率和死亡率之间的关系有什么意义?
{"title":"Morbidity and mortality during the health transition: a comment on James C. Riley, \"Why sickness and death rates do not move parallel to one another over time.\"","authors":"B. Harris","doi":"10.1093/SHM/12.1.125","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/SHM/12.1.125","url":null,"abstract":"Throughout most parts of the world, mortality rates have fallen dramatically since the mid-nineteenth century, but morbidity rates appear to have risen.1 James Riley's article is the latest in a series of attempts to explain this paradox. It breaks new ground, in relation to the author's previous work, in its use of a mathematical model to explain the relationship between morbidity and mortality, and in the deployment of new data from the Abthorpe, Ashboume, Llangeitho, and Morcott Friendly Societies.2 However, despite the undoubted importance of Riley's article, many of his conclusions remain open to question. In endeavouring to explain 'why sickness and death rates do not move parallel to one another over time', Riley raises four major issues, which may be summarized as follows: 1. What is the practical significance of the equation P = / X D? 2. To what extent has Riley succeeded in demonstrating the robustness of the friendly society data as objective indicators of health status? 3. What do the data reveal about sickness and health among members of the four societies? 4. What are the implications of Riley's findings for our understanding of the relationship between morbidity and mortality during the period of the 'health transition'? This comment will attempt to highlight the questions raised by Riley's article under each of these headings. What is the practical significance of the equation P= IX D? To what extent has Riley succeeded in demonstrating the robustness of the friendly society data as objective indicators of health status? What do the data reveal about sickness and health among members of the four Societies? What are the implications of Riley's findings for our understanding of the relationship between morbidity and mortality during the period of the 'health transition'?","PeriodicalId":68213,"journal":{"name":"医疗社会史研究","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1999-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82197665","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A number of historians have recently suggested that we need to get out of the asylum if we are to fully understand attitudes to insanity in the nineteenth century. Arguing that accounts of the medicalization of madness have ignored the importance of non-medical attitudes to lunacy and idiocy, recent studies have stressed the need to explore family attitudes and responses in more detail. Unfortunately, efforts to escape the asylum have to some extent been hampered by a persistent reliance on institutional records. This institutional dependence is understandable: certificates of insanity, reception orders, case-books, and asylum registers, together with published documents, constitute the major record of historical constructions of the lunatic and idiotic mind. However, there may be more resourceful ways of exploring both medical and non-medical attitudes to idiocy. In this paper, I want to use the records from a contested will case, Ingram v Wyatt, to demonstrate that records from the ecclesiastical courts can provide access to a domain where the definitions and meanings of idiocy and imbecility were routinely considered by lawyers, lay witnesses, judges, and doctors. I shall argue that such cases constitute a fruitful site for excavating lay, professional legal, and medical attitudes to imbecility, for exploring the complex relationship between medical and non-medical understandings of capacity, and for situating those understandings within the context of professional developments in law and medicine and contemporary concerns about inheritance.
{"title":"'It begins with the goose and ends with the goose': medical, legal, and lay understandings of imbecility in Ingram v Wyatt, 1824-1832.","authors":"M. Jackson","doi":"10.1093/SHM/11.3.361","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/SHM/11.3.361","url":null,"abstract":"A number of historians have recently suggested that we need to get out of the asylum if we are to fully understand attitudes to insanity in the nineteenth century. Arguing that accounts of the medicalization of madness have ignored the importance of non-medical attitudes to lunacy and idiocy, recent studies have stressed the need to explore family attitudes and responses in more detail. Unfortunately, efforts to escape the asylum have to some extent been hampered by a persistent reliance on institutional records. This institutional dependence is understandable: certificates of insanity, reception orders, case-books, and asylum registers, together with published documents, constitute the major record of historical constructions of the lunatic and idiotic mind. However, there may be more resourceful ways of exploring both medical and non-medical attitudes to idiocy. In this paper, I want to use the records from a contested will case, Ingram v Wyatt, to demonstrate that records from the ecclesiastical courts can provide access to a domain where the definitions and meanings of idiocy and imbecility were routinely considered by lawyers, lay witnesses, judges, and doctors. I shall argue that such cases constitute a fruitful site for excavating lay, professional legal, and medical attitudes to imbecility, for exploring the complex relationship between medical and non-medical understandings of capacity, and for situating those understandings within the context of professional developments in law and medicine and contemporary concerns about inheritance.","PeriodicalId":68213,"journal":{"name":"医疗社会史研究","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1998-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75205404","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Midwives today trace their professional identity back to the period following the midwifery regulation of 1902, when provisions were made for the training and registration of all midwives, and for the gradual elimination of the untrained practitioner. Some historians have argued that this represented a definite break and signalled the willingness of midwives to move towards a professional status. A comparison of midwifery in Sheffield pre- and post-regulation demonstrates no significant change in the practice and profiles of those in the occupation; all midwives remained primarily married or widowed part-time workers. Training for midwives was instituted early in Sheffield. Those trained had fairly high caseloads for the period, but their social and economic status was no different from non-trained midwives in the area. Regulation had a significant impact on the attitude of doctors towards midwives, who were increasingly viewed as part of a medical structure of care. Some midwives attempted to pursue collective action in order to improve their prospects, but they were in the minority. The limits to their professional development were demonstrated by their lack of control over supervision, their subordinate relationship to doctors, and their inability to work in unison.
{"title":"Profession, skill, or domestic duty? Midwifery in Sheffield, 1881-1936.","authors":"T. Mcintosh","doi":"10.1093/SHM/11.3.403","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/SHM/11.3.403","url":null,"abstract":"Midwives today trace their professional identity back to the period following the midwifery regulation of 1902, when provisions were made for the training and registration of all midwives, and for the gradual elimination of the untrained practitioner. Some historians have argued that this represented a definite break and signalled the willingness of midwives to move towards a professional status. A comparison of midwifery in Sheffield pre- and post-regulation demonstrates no significant change in the practice and profiles of those in the occupation; all midwives remained primarily married or widowed part-time workers. Training for midwives was instituted early in Sheffield. Those trained had fairly high caseloads for the period, but their social and economic status was no different from non-trained midwives in the area. Regulation had a significant impact on the attitude of doctors towards midwives, who were increasingly viewed as part of a medical structure of care. Some midwives attempted to pursue collective action in order to improve their prospects, but they were in the minority. The limits to their professional development were demonstrated by their lack of control over supervision, their subordinate relationship to doctors, and their inability to work in unison.","PeriodicalId":68213,"journal":{"name":"医疗社会史研究","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1998-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75299137","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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