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Plastics, children, and health—Who cares? 塑料、儿童和健康--谁在乎?
IF 2.6 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-08-19 DOI: 10.1111/aman.28011
Smruthi Bala Kannan
<p>Describing their experience of the 2015 and 2016 floods in northeastern Tamil Nadu, Priya (sixth grade) said “When the water started entering the house, it was twigs and leaves. As it started rising, it pulled along so much plastic and things stuck to it. It took days to clean all the plastic out when we went to the house again.” I listened as we sat on the cement floor of the craft room of a peri-urban school in the region in 2019. We were sitting in two circles, learning to braid wires into bags. The strands made of sturdy nylon were just “wires” that the girls had witnessed their mothers, aunts, and grandmothers braid into grocery bags for sale, gifts, and family use. I did the braids well, the girls said. I smiled and, encouraged, pursued more questions about their opinions of plastics in their everyday environment.</p><p>The conversation was one of many that I had with schoolchildren during my fieldwork in Tamil Nadu in 2019−2020. This was focused on two cleanliness campaigns—a “plastic ban” emphasizing environmental and ecological health and a contagion-prevention campaign promoting handwashing and other individualized preventative measures for human health. The two campaigns shared a discourse of sanitation to secure the health of future generations, echoing a colonial and caste modality of intimate governance through children. Centering on children as their protagonists—agents, conduits, and beneficiaries—the campaigns evoked parallel discourses of care for human and planetary health as their goals. However, in their everyday lives, schoolchildren had to negotiate the interdiscursive gaps (Silverstein, <span>2005</span>) between the two campaigns and their actionables through the material modality of plastic.</p><p>Plastic, while a threat within the environmental campaigns, acts as a protective shield against contagious diseases. In this essay, I outline some of the questions that children's lifeworlds raised about conflicting material discourses of care work in efforts to secure human and planetary health, dimensions that are portrayed as aligned within environmental discourses relating to childhood.</p><p>Plastic takes many forms in Tamil Nadu, India—from commodities of everyday use and idols of Gods, to medical equipment and food packaging where the signification of its use value subsumes and takes precedence over its material composition (Dey & Michael, <span>2021</span>; Pathak, <span>2020</span>). However, one discourse that marks the material modality as “plastic” is that of waste and pollution (Nagy, <span>2021</span>) alongside concerns about toxicity (Pathak, <span>2020</span>). Litter and garbage in public spaces such as roads, bodies of water, and schoolyards draw attention to plastic's longevity and the obstacles it poses to human, animal, and ecological health. Governmental and nongovernmental campaigns in Tamil Nadu draw public attention to this issue through temporal discourses of securing planetary health for futur
普里亚(六年级)描述了他们在 2015 年和 2016 年泰米尔纳德邦东北部洪灾中的经历,她说:"水开始进入房子时,是树枝和树叶。当水开始上涨时,它拉来了许多塑料和粘在上面的东西。当我们再次进屋时,花了好几天才把所有塑料都清理干净"。2019 年,当我们坐在该地区一所近郊学校手工室的水泥地上时,我听得津津有味。我们围坐成两圈,学习把电线编成袋子。这些用结实的尼龙编成的线只是 "电线",女孩们曾亲眼看到她们的母亲、姑姑和祖母把它们编成杂货袋,用于出售、送礼和家庭使用。女孩们说,我编得很好。我笑了笑,并在鼓励下追问了更多关于她们对日常生活环境中塑料的看法的问题。这是我 2019-2020 年在泰米尔纳德邦进行实地考察期间与学童进行的众多对话之一。这次调查的重点是两项清洁运动--一项是强调环境和生态健康的 "禁塑令",另一项是宣传洗手和其他促进人类健康的个性化预防措施的传染病预防运动。这两项运动的共同论点是通过卫生来保障后代的健康,这与殖民地和种姓通过儿童进行亲密管理的模式相呼应。运动以儿童为主角--代理人、渠道和受益人--唤起了以关爱人类健康和地球健康为目标的平行论述。然而,在日常生活中,学童们不得不通过塑料这种物质方式来协商这两个运动及其可实施项目之间的相互话语间隙(西尔弗斯坦,2005 年)。塑料虽然在环保运动中是一种威胁,但在传染病面前却起着保护作用。在这篇文章中,我概述了儿童的生活世界提出的一些问题,这些问题涉及在努力确保人类和地球健康的过程中,护理工作中相互冲突的物质论述,而这些论述在与童年有关的环境论述中被描绘成一致的。在印度泰米尔纳德邦,塑料有多种形式--从日常用品和神像,到医疗设备和食品包装,其使用价值的意义超越并优先于其物质成分(Dey &amp; Michael, 2021; Pathak, 2020)。然而,将材料模式标记为 "塑料 "的一种说法是废物和污染(Nagy, 2021)以及对毒性的担忧(Pathak, 2020)。道路、水体和学校操场等公共场所的垃圾和废弃物引起了人们对塑料寿命及其对人类、动物和生态健康造成的障碍的关注。从 2019 年 1 月 1 日起,泰米尔纳德邦政府开始禁止塑料袋、水杯、吸管和水袋等一些非医用一次性塑料制品。更常见的说法是,这项禁令被称为 "禁塑令 "或城市周边社区的 "对塑料说不 "运动。该禁令及其拉票活动是根据 1986 年印度政府的《环境保护法》(泰米尔纳德邦政府,2021 年)颁布的。这场运动将学童塑造成信息的传播大使,许多学校行政人员也参与了这场运动。身着校服的儿童形象被整个政治领域的媒体渠道广泛使用,暗示禁塑和环境清洁对确保国家未来的集体健康至关重要。这场环保运动1 在话语上将童年和塑料联系在一起,产生了一种对未来的情感修辞,唤起人们对问题严重性和紧迫性的关注(Kraftl,2020)。这种耦合的效力来自其物质-时间维度。塑料因其可塑性,进入了社区和学校日常运作的多个层面。然而,塑料对水流和生命的阻碍可能意味着这一代成年人将使地球无法为子孙后代居住。利用儿童作为主角,努力提高人们对塑料对环境和人体影响的认识,这与该地区围绕环境卫生和个人卫生以预防传染病而持续存在的旧殖民主义和种姓论调相呼应。
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引用次数: 0
Tripping on Utopia: Margaret Mead, the Cold War, and the troubled birth of psychedelic science By Benjamin Breen. New York: Grand Central Publishing, 2024. 384 pp. 在乌托邦中狂欢:玛格丽特-米德、冷战和迷幻科学的艰难诞生 本杰明-布林著。纽约:大中央出版社,2024 年。 384 页。
IF 2.6 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-08-19 DOI: 10.1111/aman.28009
Jim Weil
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引用次数: 0
Microbial semiotics: Sites of ideological work in antibiotic resistance 微生物符号学:抗生素耐药性中的意识形态工作场所
IF 2.6 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-08-19 DOI: 10.1111/aman.28006
Joyce Lu
<p>As I was wrapping up fieldwork in Guatemala in late 2021, I encountered and saved an advertisement circulating on Instagram (Figure 1). It displayed a series of images of medications beginning with a box of azithromycin, a broad-spectrum antibiotic used to treat various bacterial infections. The ad was sponsored by Paiz, a Mexican and Central American subsidiary of Walmart, which took advantage of the Instagram Shopping feature: a big red “shop now” button that takes viewers to sites where they can purchase the advertised products. In this post, the price was 15 Guatemalan quetzals (approximately 2 USD) for 30 500-mg tablets of azithromycin. The accompanying caption proclaimed, “Contamos con más surtido para que en tu alacena siempre tengás lo que te gusta” (We offer a greater selection so that you can always have whatever you like in your cupboard). A white label with a red sticker adorned the box. Its small lettering only became legible upon zooming in, reading, “ESTE PRODUCTO SE VENDE SOLO CON RECETA MÉDICA” (This product is sold only with a medical prescription.) Despite the antibiotic's advertised availability, this fine print reflected recent efforts to limit its unrestricted sale in Guatemala. As part of a strategy for combatting rising rates of antibiotic resistance, the Guatemalan Ministry of Public Health and Social Assistance (MSPAS) issued a decree (acuerdo ministerial 145–2019) in June 2019 prohibiting nonprescription sales of antibiotic medications. This was also part of a broader effort among global health institutions and national governments to develop strategic action plans to address antibiotic resistance (Patel et al., <span>2023</span>).</p><p>Months after returning to the United States, I showed the downloaded Instagram advertisement to a group of medical and public health colleagues who regularly encounter antibiotic resistance as an area of research interest and/or of practical concern in clinical contexts. Given their shared understanding that antibiotic overuse and resistance is a serious problem, I was curious to hear their thoughts concerning the clash between governmental policy and corporate agency indexed in this ad. As we spoke, it became an unexpectedly fraught site of ideological work in which “experiences and ideas are swept up—drawn into ideologized interpretations” (Gal & Irvine, <span>2019</span>, 167). A graduate student, whose research training was in toxicology, remarked that the ad equated antibiotics to other medications sold over the counter in the United States, such as Advil or Tylenol. In response, the medical trainees reflected on the gruesome sequelae of chronic Advil and Tylenol use that they witness in clinical settings. That is, antibiotics were not the only medications in which overuse was a problem. They then debated whether solutions to medication overuse should focus more on public education campaigns or physician-prescribing practices, configuring antibiotic resistance into a targeta
2021 年末,当我结束在危地马拉的实地调查时,我发现并保存了 Instagram 上流传的一则广告(图 1)。广告展示了一系列药品图片,从一盒阿奇霉素开始,这是一种用于治疗各种细菌感染的广谱抗生素。该广告由沃尔玛在墨西哥和中美洲的子公司 Paiz 赞助,它利用了 Instagram 的购物功能:一个大红色的 "立即购物 "按钮可将浏览者带到可以购买广告产品的网站。在这篇帖子中,30 片 500 毫克的阿奇霉素售价为 15 危地马拉格查尔(约合 2 美元)。附带的标题宣称:"Contamos con más surtido para que en tu alacena siempre tengás lo que te gusta"(我们提供更多选择,让您的橱柜里总有您喜欢的东西)。盒子上贴着一个白色标签,上面贴着红色贴纸。标签上的小字只有放大后才能看清,上面写着:"ESTE PRODUCTO SE VENDE SOLO CON RECETA MÉDICA"(本产品仅凭医生处方销售)。尽管抗生素的广告上写着可以买到,但这一细小的文字反映了危地马拉最近为限制其无限制销售所做的努力。作为应对抗生素耐药性上升战略的一部分,危地马拉公共卫生和社会援助部(MSPAS)于 2019 年 6 月颁布了一项法令(acuerdo ministerial 145-2019),禁止非处方销售抗生素药物。这也是全球卫生机构和各国政府为制定应对抗生素耐药性的战略行动计划所做的更广泛努力的一部分(Patel 等人,2023 年)。回到美国几个月后,我向一群医疗和公共卫生领域的同事展示了下载的 Instagram 广告,他们经常遇到抗生素耐药性这一研究兴趣领域和/或临床实际问题。鉴于他们都认为抗生素的过度使用和耐药性是一个严重的问题,我很想听听他们对这则广告所反映的政府政策与企业机构之间冲突的看法。在我们交谈的过程中,这意外地成为了意识形态工作的一个充满争议的场所,"经验和想法被卷入意识形态化的解释中"(Gal &amp; Irvine, 2019, 167)。一位接受过毒理学研究培训的研究生指出,广告将抗生素等同于美国柜台销售的其他药物,如 Advil 或 Tylenol。对此,医学受训人员反思了他们在临床中目睹的长期使用安乃近和泰诺的可怕后遗症。也就是说,抗生素并不是唯一存在过度使用问题的药物。随后,他们讨论了解决药物过度使用的办法是更多地关注公共教育活动还是医生开处方的做法,从而将抗生素耐药性配置成一个可针对的问题。在这里,这位研究生指出,虽然泰诺和安乃近可能会产生不良反应,但这些反应仅限于个人身体的范围内,而抗生素的过度使用则破坏了人类和非人类共享的生态环境。1 在本文中,我将描述形成与抗生素耐药性相关的某些意义和实践的意识形态工作场所。其中包括广告、统计建模、与抗生素和抗生素耐药性的接触以及全球健康干预。近年来,传染病研究人员宣布,抗生素耐药性细菌感染是导致全球死亡的主要原因之一(Murray et al.)在全球范围内统计死亡原因和死亡率需要建模,即利用一系列假设来表示一种现象。2 这些假设包括确定谁在进行统计以及谁在被统计(纳尔逊,2015 年)。虽然这让某些事情变得可见,但也让那些不那么容易被计算的事情黯然失色(Wendland,2016,77)。全球卫生领域的统计建模还鼓励确定性思维,这导致对可识别的问题采取有针对性的解决方案,而不是想象结构性变化的可能性。Yates-Doerr (2020) 指出了健康的社会决定因素(SDOH)框架中的这一悖论,该框架使经济、政治和其他结构性因素在全球健康建模的计算中成为可比因素。
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引用次数: 0
Hunger as more-than-human communicative modality on the West Papuan oil palm frontier 饥饿作为西巴布亚油棕榈树边境上超越人类的交流方式
IF 2.6 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-08-19 DOI: 10.1111/aman.28001
Sophie Chao
<p>Large-scale agribusiness developments across the Global South are often framed in state and corporate discourse as necessary to meet the food and fuel needs of the world's growing population. In response to this rising demand, monocrop plantations—a hallmark of the Anthropocene—are spreading relentlessly across the tropics, wreaking havoc on native ecosystems and exacerbating climate change through soaring rates of greenhouse gas emissions. Rampant biodiversity loss and environmental pollution in these zones of capitalist extraction are often accompanied by the forced relocation of Indigenous and other local communities from their customary lands and territories, who become deprived of the vital natural resources that they depend upon for their economic livelihoods, cultural continuance, and collective physical and psychological well-being. State and corporate rhetorics of development, modernization, and progress thus obscure the systemic and violent forms of dispossession, displacement, and disempowerment experienced by Indigenous peoples on the ground. They also communicate a deficit-based narrative of Indigenous peoples and foodways as backward and in need of advancement and transformation. In the process, such top-down narratives efface the diverse local modalities through which Indigenous people communicate the effects of capitalist violence on their more-than-human relations, ecologies, and communities.</p><p>Indigenous communicative modalities of hunger among Marind in West Papua offer a powerful example of the human and more-than-human idioms through which peoples inhabiting the shadow places of capitalism understand and articulate the form and effects of agro-industrial expansion. In rural Merauke, a district located in the Indonesian-controlled in West Papua province where I have been conducting fieldwork since 2011, Indigenous Marind communities have seen some 1 million hectares of their customary forests razed and converted to monocrop oil palm plantations in the last decade (Chao, <span>2022</span>). These agro-industrial developments are promoted by the Indonesian government in the name of achieving national food sovereignty, meeting renewable energy targets, and transforming Merauke, as the slogan goes, into the “nation's rice bowl” that will “feed Indonesia and then the world” (Awas MIFEE, <span>2012</span>; Jong, <span>2020</span>). On the ground, however, rampant deforestation to make way for oil palm plantations has resulted in unprecedented rates of food insecurity among Marind, who traditionally depend on the forest for their subsistence. Stunting, wasting, and chronic protein-energy malnutrition are particularly high among women and children, rendering them vulnerable to pneumonia, parasitism, bronchitis, and a range of gastrointestinal and musculoskeletal diseases. As native ecosystems give way to monocrop plantations, nutritionally diverse foodways composed of game, fish, fruits, sago starch, and tubers are being substi
德玛通过一系列日常的生态-半生态现象(Kohn,2013 年)来表达它们在森林有生命的生态中的存在、从季节变化、季风雨、动物和植物繁殖模式的变化,到鸟类和哺乳动物羽毛和皮毛光泽的变化、充满淀粉的茂盛西米棕榈树腰围的增大、小树林中竹子的蔓延和衰老,以及蜿蜒溪流和河道的起伏。每一种生态现象都向马林德传达了有关森林福祉的重要知识、森林中各种非人类居住者不断变化的需求,以及随之而来的人类自身需要照顾的行为--例如,他们应该捕猎哪种野味、应该砍伐哪种植被、应该行进或避开哪条河流和道路。与有生命的森林生态丰富的交流价值形成鲜明对比的是,饥饿标志着生态系统、土壤和水源遭到破坏,而这些动植物正是在跨越物种界限的吃与被吃的相互关系中赖以生存和发展的。饥饿还表明,传统的食物采购、准备、消费和交换方式正在受到侵蚀,这些方式赋予了森林食物方式以道德意义,并建立或确认了个人、家庭、村庄和氏族之间的社会联系。由于进口的加工食品充斥着村庄,饥饿感进一步加剧,据说这些食品平淡无味,因为它们的来源和生产者都是陌生的、未知的。这些人可能会开始感觉到自己的身体变得虚弱,注意力不集中,活动和交流的欲望降低。因此,饥饿与其说是一种私人的、个人化的或内在化的现象,不如说是一种更广泛的集体现象,是一种超越肉体和情感传递的形式。换句话说,饥饿不仅是一种新陈代谢状况,也是一种传染性疾病。正如中年马林德妇女克里斯塔尔向我解释的那样:"当人们挨饿时,他们会让其他人也感到饥饿。这就像一种疾病。即使你已经吃过食物,但当你看到其他人处于匮乏状态时,你也会失去力气,因为你能感受到他们的痛苦和饥饿。"饥饿作为一种交流方式,被马林德人进一步用超越人类的术语来描述他们的动植物亲属的困境,面对大规模的森林砍伐和农业综合企业的扩张,这些动植物亲属与他们的人类亲属一起组成了共同的 "命运共同体"(Rose,2004 年)。马林德的村庄面临着日益严重的粮食不安全和营养不良问题,而非人类生物也在挨饿,因为生物多样性的森林生态被围栏围起来的同质单一作物所取代,河流和土壤被杀虫剂、化肥、污水和磨坊径流所污染。由于西米树林和其他植被被砍伐或焚烧,野猪和树袋鼠忍饥挨饿。进入种植园觅食的金丝猴和天堂鸟经常被种植园工人偷猎,它们的生命被野生动物贸易圈囚禁,或被屠宰后作为旅游饰品在城市的纪念品商店出售。马林德人脱离了他们习惯的森林和沼泽,他们自己也不再能够滋养他们的非人类亲属--例如,吸食森林旅行者血液的蚂蟥和蚊子等食血小动物,马林德人撒下水果、坚果和西米粉喂养的鸟类和哺乳动物,以及马林德人通过有选择性地清除或稀疏树冠让阳光照射到灌木丛来支持其生长的幼小爬山虎和竹子。饥饿作为一种超越人类的条件,以多种形式在人类和非人类之间表现出来。马林德从生长在被棕榈油厂废水污染的河流中的西米棕榈斑驳的叶片中,从水塘被改道用于灌溉种植园的猪暗淡无光的皮毛中,以及从被污染的溪流中成百上千浮出水面的鱼油腻腻的鳞片中,读到了饥饿的存在,它们的身体被有毒的杀虫剂和化肥毒害。森林的饥饿感还体现在鸟儿的哀鸣中--日益濒危的天堂鸟的悲鸣,公路边黑冠鹎害羞的哨声,以及雄性食火鸡在推土机和电锯下幸存的珍贵林地里栖息产卵时发出的低沉的咕噜声。
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引用次数: 0
Boundary objects and collaboration in a planetary health project in Boruca Indigenous Territory, Costa Rica 哥斯达黎加博鲁卡土著领地行星健康项目中的边界物体与合作
IF 2.6 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-08-19 DOI: 10.1111/aman.28002
Steven P. Black, Carlos Faerron Guzmán, Carolina Bolaños Palmieri, Cassandra Eng, Yanet Fundora
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引用次数: 0
Land Back: Indigenous sovereignty as care through responsibility and relationship 土地回归:土著主权是通过责任和关系实现的关怀
IF 2.6 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-08-19 DOI: 10.1111/aman.28003
Karelle Hall
<p>In late spring 2021, as the global pandemic continued to wreak havoc, we gathered in a small property in central Delaware to clear trash from the land and rebuild a healthy local ecosystem. The plot of land contains four sections that span both sides of a road and are bordered by a small stream and wetland area. Two of the sections are cemeteries, holding generations of Nanticoke and Lenape relatives, including my great-grandparents. The third section, previously a school run by the community for their children, became a firing range for the police department, with decades of lead from bullets leaching into the soil and threatening the ground water sourced by many local residents. The fourth section is a lightly wooded hill that has been used for years as an unceremonious dumping ground for trash by city inhabitants. This property sits in the middle of a Lenape community that continue to live in their homelands, despite centuries of colonization and removal efforts.</p><p>Prior to the start of colonization, eastern Pennsylvania, northern Delaware, New Jersey, and southern New York were all Lenape territory, while the Nanticoke people lived further south on the eastern shore of the Chesapeake Bay. Today, these areas are some of the most densely populated parts of the country, containing major cities such as New York City and Philadelphia. As some of the first to encounter Europeans, Nanticoke and Lenape people have faced over 400 years of occupation and have been pushed to the fringes of their land, or removed to Wisconsin, Oklahoma, or Ontario. The families who remained in the homelands are today part of three communities of interrelated families that span the Delaware Bay: my relatives. While their sovereignty is not directly recognized by the federal government of the United States, they do have recognition and ongoing political relationships with the states of Delaware and New Jersey. Their tenuous political power and marginalization within these now densely populated and polluted landscapes have created a critical need to protect their homelands.</p><p>As we labored together, Lenape kin, university faculty and students, and local residents, we learned about many of the Indigenous plants that still grew around us, such as the spice bush and white cedar, and we listened to plans for the future of the properties. The legal deeds to these properties remain uncertain but don't restrict our work to clear the trash and reintroduce native plants back into the land and mussels into the stream. The leaders of this endeavor explained how important it was to reclaim this land, to protect their ancestors resting in the cemeteries, and make space for native plants and animals to flourish and nurture future generations by removing problematic invasive species and trash. They are building partnerships with the state, environmental organizations, and private funders to manifest this vision (Hedgpeth, <span>2021</span>). Their aspirations include protecting
由于毗邻纽约市,东河本身受到了严重污染,当我们站在河边,周围环绕着城市的声音和气味,浑浊的灰色河水拍打着我们的双脚时,我们不禁想起了保护水资源的重要性。水不仅仅是一种可以利用的资源,它是有生命的,有自己的精神。我们人类和所有其他生物一样,都依赖于洁净的水。我们把水当作自己的亲人问候,请她记住我们。这种认识到水的人格的视角,改变了我们对水的定位。水资源保护不仅限于清理或保护特定的水道,以获得清洁的饮用水,它还主张所有水资源在全球范围内的相互关联性,以及尊重和关爱所有水道和依赖水资源的所有生物的必要性。一位莱纳普对话者与我讨论了全球大流行病如何凸显了当今保护实践中的一些缺陷。"他们一直在努力去除塑料袋和塑料吸管,以保护海龟和海滩,但后来发生了 COVID,现在海滩上到处都是口罩。如果我们不竭尽全力帮助清洁地球,包括水,那么地球就不会照顾我们,你必须照顾这些东西,它们才能照顾你。水不是商品;水是有生命的,并将生命的礼物传递给我们。土地回归 "和 "水回归 "不是对控制权和权力的自私诉求,而是对所有人生命的要求。"土地回归 "是一场主权辩论,是对尊重条约协议的要求,这些协议应被视为土著和殖民地政府的法律。土地归还 "是一场主权辩论,是要求尊重土著和殖民地政府都应视为法律的条约协议。它包含一种文本模式,通过管辖权和法律来归还从未割让或通过可疑交易割让的土地。这些条约保护了部落民族对土地和水的管理权和使用权。这使他们能够保护其社区的健康和福祉,并示范健康使用土地和水的方法。在殖民定居的全球资本主义框架下,土地和水已成为权力工具和经济商品。因此,"退还土地 "是通过定居者殖民主义的语言作为一种生存工具来构建和引导的。正如这些例子所证明的,土著民族对 "归还土地 "的要求是主权工作不可分割的一部分。"'主权'对于保护土地和关系的意义不仅限于领土,还包括身体的完整性和安全"(Simpson,2020,688)。土地回归不仅是关于主权的声明,其本身也是一种主权行为。它表达了对社区、地球健康和正义的承诺,这种承诺超越了部落国家的政治边界,涉及到广泛的交流和互惠网络。正如一位对话者恰如其分地表达的那样:"如果你关心你的社区,你的社区就会关心你的家庭,你的家庭就会关心你"。"土地回归 "是一种关爱,一种体现关系和责任的实践。
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引用次数: 0
The ends of research: Indigenous and settler science after the War in the Woods By Tom Özden-Schilling. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2023. 294 pp. 研究的目的:森林战争后的原住民与定居者科学》,汤姆-厄兹登-席林著。北卡罗来纳州达勒姆:杜克大学出版社,2023 年。 294 页。
IF 2.6 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-08-19 DOI: 10.1111/aman.28012
Anne Spice
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引用次数: 0
Isoform-specific C-terminal phosphorylation drives autoinhibition of Casein Kinase 1. 同工酶特异性 C 端磷酸化驱动酪蛋白激酶 1 的自身抑制。
1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-07-29 DOI: 10.1101/2023.04.24.538174
Rachel L Harold, Nikhil K Tulsian, Rajesh Narasimamurthy, Noelle Yaitanes, Maria G Ayala Hernandez, Hsiau-Wei Lee, Priya Crosby, Sarvind M Tripathi, David M Virshup, Carrie L Partch

Casein kinase 1 δ (CK1δ) controls essential biological processes including circadian rhythms and Wnt signaling, but how its activity is regulated is not well understood. CK1δ is inhibited by autophosphorylation of its intrinsically disordered C-terminal tail. Two CK1 splice variants, δ 1 and δ 2 , are known to have very different effects on circadian rhythms. These variants differ only in the last 16 residues of the tail, referred to as the extreme C-termini (XCT), but with marked changes in potential phosphorylation sites. Here we test if the XCT of these variants have different effects in autoinhibition of the kinase. Using NMR and HDX-MS, we show that the δ 1 XCT is preferentially phosphorylated by the kinase and the δ 1 tail makes more extensive interactions across the kinase domain. Mutation of δ1 -specific XCT phosphorylation sites increases kinase activity both in vitro and in cells and leads to changes in circadian period, similar to what is reported in vivo. Mechanistically, loss of the phosphorylation sites in XCT disrupts tail interaction with the kinase domain. δ1 autoinhibition relies on conserved anion binding sites around the CK1 active site, demonstrating a common mode of product inhibition of CK1δ . These findings demonstrate how a phosphorylation cycle controls the activity of this essential kinase.

酪蛋白激酶 1 δ(CK1δ)控制着包括昼夜节律和 Wnt 信号转导在内的重要生物过程,但其活性是如何调节的还不十分清楚。CK1δ 通过其内在无序的 C 端尾部的自身磷酸化而受到抑制。两种 CK1 剪接变体δ1 和δ2 对昼夜节律的影响截然不同。这些变体仅在尾部的最后 16 个残基(称为极 C 端(XCT))上存在差异,但在潜在的磷酸化位点上有明显变化。在此,我们测试了这些变体的 XCT 是否对激酶的自动抑制有不同的影响。通过核磁共振和 HDX-MS,我们发现δ1 的 XCT 会优先被激酶磷酸化,而δ1 的尾部则会在激酶结构域之间产生更广泛的相互作用。δ1特异性XCT磷酸化位点的突变会增加激酶在体外和细胞内的活性,并导致昼夜节律周期的变化,这与体内报告的情况类似。从机理上讲,XCT 磷酸化位点的缺失会破坏尾部与激酶结构域的相互作用。δ1的自身抑制依赖于CK1活性位点周围保守的阴离子结合位点,这证明了CK1δ产物抑制的共同模式。这些发现证明了磷酸化循环是如何控制这种重要激酶的活性的:激酶活性的微妙控制对包括昼夜节律在内的多种生理过程的生理调节至关重要。CK1δ和与之密切相关的CK1ε通过磷酸化PER2来调节昼夜节律,但激酶活性本身是如何控制的还不清楚。根据之前的观察,CK1δ的两种剪接异构体对时钟的调控不同,我们发现这种差异映射到可变剪接区(XCT)中的三个磷酸化位点,而这三个位点会导致激酶结构域的反馈抑制。更广泛地说,这些数据提出了一个通用模型,即 CK1 在不同底物上的活性可由改变尾部磷酸化的信号通路控制。这些抑制性磷酸化位点也可能成为新的治疗干预目标。
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引用次数: 0
Ethnographic methods: Training norms and practices and the future of American anthropology 人种学方法:培训规范与实践以及美国人类学的未来
IF 2.6 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-07-17 DOI: 10.1111/aman.13991
Rosalyn Negrón, Amber Wutich, H. Russell Bernard, Alexandra Brewis, Alissa Ruth, Katherine Mayfour, Barbara Piperata, Melissa Beresford, Cindi SturtzSreetharan, Pardis Mahdavi, Jessica Hardin, Rebecca Zarger, Krista Harper, James Holland Jones, Clarence C. Gravlee, Bryan Brayboy

American anthropology is engaged in significant self-reckonings that call for big changes to how anthropology is practiced. These include (1) recognizing and taking seriously the demands to decolonize the ways research is done, (2) addressing precarious employment in academic anthropology, and (3) creating a discipline better positioned to respond to urgent societal needs. A central role for ethnographic methods training is a thread that runs through each of these three reckonings. This article, written by a team of cultural, biocultural, and linguistic anthropologists, outlines key connections between ethnographic methods training and the challenges facing anthropology. We draw on insights from a large-scale survey of American Anthropological Association members to examine current ethnographic methods capabilities and training practices. Study findings are presented and explored to answer three guiding questions: To what extent do our current anthropological practices in ethnographic methods training serve to advance or undermine current calls for disciplinary change? To what extent do instructors themselves identify disconnects between their own practices and the need for innovation? And, finally, what can be done, and at what scale, to leverage ethnographic methods training to meet calls for disciplinary change?

美国人类学正在进行重大的自我反思,要求对人类学的实践方式进行重大变革。其中包括:(1)认识到并认真对待研究方式非殖民化的要求;(2)解决人类学学术界就业不稳定的问题;(3)创建一门能够更好地应对社会迫切需求的学科。人种学方法培训的核心作用是贯穿这三项思考的一条主线。本文由一个由文化、生物文化和语言人类学家组成的团队撰写,概述了民族学方法培训与人类学面临的挑战之间的主要联系。我们从对美国人类学协会会员的大规模调查中汲取灵感,考察了当前民族学方法的能力和培训实践。我们介绍并探讨了研究结果,以回答三个指导性问题:目前人类学在民族志方法培训方面的做法在多大程度上促进或削弱了当前的学科变革呼声?在多大程度上,讲师们自己发现了自身实践与创新需求之间的脱节?最后,如何利用民族学方法培训来满足学科变革的要求?
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引用次数: 0
It's just a font 这只是一种字体
IF 2.6 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-07-17 DOI: 10.1111/aman.28000
Elizabeth Chin
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引用次数: 0
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American Anthropologist
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