Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640027510-9
Alexander Kalinin
{"title":"Political Leadership in the Age of Social Networks: A New Collective Monograph of Russian Scholars in International Relations","authors":"Alexander Kalinin","doi":"10.31857/s013038640027510-9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640027510-9","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"49 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75288858","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640024240-2
A. Shubin
The author examines the policies of the Comintern in the context of the Soviet foreign policy in 1921–1922. He demonstrates that the dynamics of the former was not directly tied to the course of the latter and the turn to the NEP in March 1921. The Comintern had its own internal logic of development. With its help the communist leadership could manoeuvre between a more radical probing of the readiness of the capitalist world for a new wave of revolutionary destabilisation or a moderate policy of prolonged “siege” of capitalism, which involved rapprochement with social democracy under the banner of a “united workers' front”. By early 1922, following sharp discussions on the eve and during the Third Congress of the Comintern, its policies were gradually synchronised with the foreign policy course of Soviet Russia, which allowed rapprochement with West European Social Democracy to be exploited in Soviet foreign interests. However, there was little diplomatic gain from this, and after the failure of the Genoa Conference the Comintern continued to pursue a “united front” policy, no longer directly linked to the objectives of the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs, but as the basis of the Communist strategy for the struggle to ascend to power in Western Europe. At the same time, both in negotiations with the Social Democrats and in planning at the Fourth Congress of the Comintern, the Communists prioritised their monopoly on power, regarding the policy of alliances and concessions as tactical and temporary, rejecting the “political NEP” and the pluralist model of multiparty democratic socialism.
{"title":"The Formation of the “United Front” Policy of the Comintern and Soviet Foreign Policy of 1921–1922","authors":"A. Shubin","doi":"10.31857/s013038640024240-2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640024240-2","url":null,"abstract":"The author examines the policies of the Comintern in the context of the Soviet foreign policy in 1921–1922. He demonstrates that the dynamics of the former was not directly tied to the course of the latter and the turn to the NEP in March 1921. The Comintern had its own internal logic of development. With its help the communist leadership could manoeuvre between a more radical probing of the readiness of the capitalist world for a new wave of revolutionary destabilisation or a moderate policy of prolonged “siege” of capitalism, which involved rapprochement with social democracy under the banner of a “united workers' front”. By early 1922, following sharp discussions on the eve and during the Third Congress of the Comintern, its policies were gradually synchronised with the foreign policy course of Soviet Russia, which allowed rapprochement with West European Social Democracy to be exploited in Soviet foreign interests. However, there was little diplomatic gain from this, and after the failure of the Genoa Conference the Comintern continued to pursue a “united front” policy, no longer directly linked to the objectives of the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs, but as the basis of the Communist strategy for the struggle to ascend to power in Western Europe. At the same time, both in negotiations with the Social Democrats and in planning at the Fourth Congress of the Comintern, the Communists prioritised their monopoly on power, regarding the policy of alliances and concessions as tactical and temporary, rejecting the “political NEP” and the pluralist model of multiparty democratic socialism.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"43 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90597982","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640020221-1
M. Filimonova
. In 1779, Thomas Jefferson drafted “A Bill for Proportioning Crimes and Punishments in Cases Heretofore Capital” (also known as “Bill № 64”). This was part of a large-scale reform of the Virginia legislation, which also included the spread of education, the abolition of the entail, and the separation of church and state. But if Jefferson's mentioned initiatives were covered in detail by his biographies, then the reform of criminal law did not attract much attention from researchers. This article is intended to partially fill the gap in the American studies in Russia. The source base of the research includes the papers of Jefferson himself, both the text of the bill under study and the correspondence accompanying it, rough sketches, a summary in “Notes on the State of Virginia”. The works of contemporaries dealing with similar problems are also used. The main objectives of the article are: to analyze Jefferson's reform of Virginia law; to identify the sources of his penological theory; to compare the main provisions of his bill with the American and European legislation of Modern times. The author concludes that the sources of “Bill № 64” were primarily the works of Cesare Beccaria. Yet, Jeffersonian penological theories were no less influenced by the “Anglo–Saxon myth”, that is, the idealization of the Anglo-Saxon period of English history. Hence the extreme inconsistency of the reform under study. Along with humanistic provisions, such as reducing the use of the death penalty, it contained archaic elements (pillory and maiming, the talion principle). Nevertheless, Jefferson's bill had a certain impact on the humanization of criminal law both in Virginia and beyond.
{"title":"Thomas Jefferson and the Reform of the Virginia Criminal Law","authors":"M. Filimonova","doi":"10.31857/s013038640020221-1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640020221-1","url":null,"abstract":". In 1779, Thomas Jefferson drafted “A Bill for Proportioning Crimes and Punishments in Cases Heretofore Capital” (also known as “Bill № 64”). This was part of a large-scale reform of the Virginia legislation, which also included the spread of education, the abolition of the entail, and the separation of church and state. But if Jefferson's mentioned initiatives were covered in detail by his biographies, then the reform of criminal law did not attract much attention from researchers. This article is intended to partially fill the gap in the American studies in Russia. The source base of the research includes the papers of Jefferson himself, both the text of the bill under study and the correspondence accompanying it, rough sketches, a summary in “Notes on the State of Virginia”. The works of contemporaries dealing with similar problems are also used. The main objectives of the article are: to analyze Jefferson's reform of Virginia law; to identify the sources of his penological theory; to compare the main provisions of his bill with the American and European legislation of Modern times. The author concludes that the sources of “Bill № 64” were primarily the works of Cesare Beccaria. Yet, Jeffersonian penological theories were no less influenced by the “Anglo–Saxon myth”, that is, the idealization of the Anglo-Saxon period of English history. Hence the extreme inconsistency of the reform under study. Along with humanistic provisions, such as reducing the use of the death penalty, it contained archaic elements (pillory and maiming, the talion principle). Nevertheless, Jefferson's bill had a certain impact on the humanization of criminal law both in Virginia and beyond.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"16 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81414510","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640023769-3
A. Lazareva
. In this article the author examines the development of the European diplomatic service during the Thirty Years' War, 1618–1648. There was no diplomatic post on the payroll of German princes in the seventeenth century, so it was left to court counsellors to represent the monarch on the foreign policy stage and gather relevant information from outside their dominions, which would influence the choice of international policies. A diplomatic career required a number of factors, among them ancestry, education, and breadth of vision. Practically all of the councillors who represented their patron on the international stage were noblemen, with a few exceptions where a burgher was entrusted with diplomatic functions. All of them were university educated, knew foreign languages and had spent several years abroad travelling. The core responsibilities of counsellors-diplomats included gathering information, which was constantly shifting during the war, and negotiating potential political alliances. Among the duties of diplomatic counsellors, foreign policy activities relating to dynastic marriages occupied a special place. One of the most important qualities of the councillors-diplomats, as repeatedly emphasised in their eulogies, was a pronounced patriotism. The councillors-diplomats themselves saw their diplomatic service as an integral part of their service to the Fatherland. Their patriotism played an important role in shaping German national ideas during the Thirty Years' War, and gradually became an integral part of service in the diplomatic corps.
{"title":"Diplomatic Activities of Councillors to the German Princes During the Thirty Years' War, 1618–1648","authors":"A. Lazareva","doi":"10.31857/s013038640023769-3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640023769-3","url":null,"abstract":". In this article the author examines the development of the European diplomatic service during the Thirty Years' War, 1618–1648. There was no diplomatic post on the payroll of German princes in the seventeenth century, so it was left to court counsellors to represent the monarch on the foreign policy stage and gather relevant information from outside their dominions, which would influence the choice of international policies. A diplomatic career required a number of factors, among them ancestry, education, and breadth of vision. Practically all of the councillors who represented their patron on the international stage were noblemen, with a few exceptions where a burgher was entrusted with diplomatic functions. All of them were university educated, knew foreign languages and had spent several years abroad travelling. The core responsibilities of counsellors-diplomats included gathering information, which was constantly shifting during the war, and negotiating potential political alliances. Among the duties of diplomatic counsellors, foreign policy activities relating to dynastic marriages occupied a special place. One of the most important qualities of the councillors-diplomats, as repeatedly emphasised in their eulogies, was a pronounced patriotism. The councillors-diplomats themselves saw their diplomatic service as an integral part of their service to the Fatherland. Their patriotism played an important role in shaping German national ideas during the Thirty Years' War, and gradually became an integral part of service in the diplomatic corps.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"15 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82377853","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640024239-0
Valery I. Mikhaylenko
In the summer of 1939, Hitler's Germany provoked an acute European crisis, the outcome of which had several options for resolution, including a peaceful one, along the lines of the Munich Agreement of 1938. Adolf Hitler, with his strategy of indirect action, played for higher stakes, took risks and often bluffed, leaving it to himself to exploit the option that was most favourable for him. Since 22 May 1939, Fascist Italy had been a military ally of Germany. Depending on the outcome of the Polish-German conflict, the Italian leadership planned a local “parallel” war in the Balkans and the Mediterranean in the event that the Western allies failed to counter German plans. The study proves that the British and French declarations of war on Germany were aimed at preventing Italian aggression in the area of direct geopolitical interest of the UK and France. The author analyses attempts made by Italian diplomacy to organise a “new Munich” and the reasons for their failure. The author analyses attempts made by Italian diplomacy to organise a “new Munich” and the reasons for their failure. He concludes that the Western allies succeeded in preventing the actualisation of the Italian-German military alliance. This was done under the threat of a all-out war and a crushing blow to Italy and its colonial possessions. In the context of the immediate politico-military situation at the time, the holding of a peace conference proved irrelevant to both the German leadership and the Western allies. Analyzing the four powers' negotiation process with regard to convening a peace conference, the author believes that prior to 17 September 1939, the USSR was hardly considered as an independent factor in the diplomatic and military game of the European powers. The author's conclusions are supported by data from Italian diplomatic and military documents, previously unknown in Russian historiography.
{"title":"“The Idea of New Munich is in the Air”: Italian Documents on Preparations for an International Conference in Late August 1939","authors":"Valery I. Mikhaylenko","doi":"10.31857/s013038640024239-0","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640024239-0","url":null,"abstract":"In the summer of 1939, Hitler's Germany provoked an acute European crisis, the outcome of which had several options for resolution, including a peaceful one, along the lines of the Munich Agreement of 1938. Adolf Hitler, with his strategy of indirect action, played for higher stakes, took risks and often bluffed, leaving it to himself to exploit the option that was most favourable for him. Since 22 May 1939, Fascist Italy had been a military ally of Germany. Depending on the outcome of the Polish-German conflict, the Italian leadership planned a local “parallel” war in the Balkans and the Mediterranean in the event that the Western allies failed to counter German plans. The study proves that the British and French declarations of war on Germany were aimed at preventing Italian aggression in the area of direct geopolitical interest of the UK and France. The author analyses attempts made by Italian diplomacy to organise a “new Munich” and the reasons for their failure. The author analyses attempts made by Italian diplomacy to organise a “new Munich” and the reasons for their failure. He concludes that the Western allies succeeded in preventing the actualisation of the Italian-German military alliance. This was done under the threat of a all-out war and a crushing blow to Italy and its colonial possessions. In the context of the immediate politico-military situation at the time, the holding of a peace conference proved irrelevant to both the German leadership and the Western allies. Analyzing the four powers' negotiation process with regard to convening a peace conference, the author believes that prior to 17 September 1939, the USSR was hardly considered as an independent factor in the diplomatic and military game of the European powers. The author's conclusions are supported by data from Italian diplomatic and military documents, previously unknown in Russian historiography.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"29 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83079754","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640021372-7
E. Melkumyan
The article is devoted to the analysis of the development of civil society in Kuwait, one of the oil–producing monarchies of the Gulf region, which was distinguished by a high degree of civic activity. The purpose of the article is to trace the stages of the development of civil society in the context of domestic and international situation dynamics. The role of several key political events from the history of the country in the direction of civil activism of its inhabitants is shown The first stage refers to the period when the country gained political independence. At that time, the formation of civil society was influenced by the Kuwaiti crisis, when Iraq put forward claims to Kuwait as part of its state, which led to the growth of civil consciousness.The next stage was the period following the Iraqi aggression against the country in August 1990, creating another factor of civil society mobilization aimed at resisting the occupiers and protecting its national identity. Its further transformation takes place during the mass protests of 2011, to the present state. At that time, civil activity in Kuwait reached a peak level, especially among youth groups, but soon began to decline under the influence of turbulence that became reality of the region and related threats to society as a whole. Mass protests demonstrated that civil activity in Kuwait reached a peak level, especially among youth groups, but soon began to decline under the influence of turbulence that engulfed the region and related threats to society as a whole. The non-governmental organizations that emerged at that time were fragmentary. Most of them were created on the basis of the interests of small groups that solved tasks that had no significance for the broad strata of Kuwaiti society.
{"title":"Evolution of Civil Society in Kuwait (1961–2020)","authors":"E. Melkumyan","doi":"10.31857/s013038640021372-7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640021372-7","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to the analysis of the development of civil society in Kuwait, one of the oil–producing monarchies of the Gulf region, which was distinguished by a high degree of civic activity. The purpose of the article is to trace the stages of the development of civil society in the context of domestic and international situation dynamics. The role of several key political events from the history of the country in the direction of civil activism of its inhabitants is shown The first stage refers to the period when the country gained political independence. At that time, the formation of civil society was influenced by the Kuwaiti crisis, when Iraq put forward claims to Kuwait as part of its state, which led to the growth of civil consciousness.The next stage was the period following the Iraqi aggression against the country in August 1990, creating another factor of civil society mobilization aimed at resisting the occupiers and protecting its national identity. Its further transformation takes place during the mass protests of 2011, to the present state. At that time, civil activity in Kuwait reached a peak level, especially among youth groups, but soon began to decline under the influence of turbulence that became reality of the region and related threats to society as a whole. Mass protests demonstrated that civil activity in Kuwait reached a peak level, especially among youth groups, but soon began to decline under the influence of turbulence that engulfed the region and related threats to society as a whole. The non-governmental organizations that emerged at that time were fragmentary. Most of them were created on the basis of the interests of small groups that solved tasks that had no significance for the broad strata of Kuwaiti society.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"36 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85411979","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640018084-0
O. Chernov
Nikolay Charykov and Friedrich Martens played a significant role in shaping the international security system. However, their activities at the Second Hague Conference went beyond cooperation and solidarity. The purpose of the article is to identify the reasons for the disagreement between the two diplomats. The author believes that the reasons for the discord between Charykov and Martens went beyond the proceedings of the Second Hague Peace Conference.One should pay attention to the formation periods for the diplomats, the elements of their views and value systems. The author demonstrates that the life paths of both Charykov and Martens were in many ways similar, yet had significant differences as well. The author points out that there were no significant differences between Charykov and Martens on the fundamental issues of the formation of the international security system. Both believed that international relations should be shaped through the development of international security institutions and the creation of international law.The reasons for the enmity between the two diplomats were subjective. Martens disliked Charykov because, due to his background, the latter was higher in the hierarchy, which guaranteed him, according to tradition established in the Ministry for Foreign Affairs of the Russian Empire, an advantage in obtaining appointments.
{"title":"Nikolay Charykov and Friedrich Martens: The Careers of Two Diplomats","authors":"O. Chernov","doi":"10.31857/s013038640018084-0","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640018084-0","url":null,"abstract":"Nikolay Charykov and Friedrich Martens played a significant role in shaping the international security system. However, their activities at the Second Hague Conference went beyond cooperation and solidarity. The purpose of the article is to identify the reasons for the disagreement between the two diplomats. The author believes that the reasons for the discord between Charykov and Martens went beyond the proceedings of the Second Hague Peace Conference.One should pay attention to the formation periods for the diplomats, the elements of their views and value systems. The author demonstrates that the life paths of both Charykov and Martens were in many ways similar, yet had significant differences as well. The author points out that there were no significant differences between Charykov and Martens on the fundamental issues of the formation of the international security system. Both believed that international relations should be shaped through the development of international security institutions and the creation of international law.The reasons for the enmity between the two diplomats were subjective. Martens disliked Charykov because, due to his background, the latter was higher in the hierarchy, which guaranteed him, according to tradition established in the Ministry for Foreign Affairs of the Russian Empire, an advantage in obtaining appointments.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"58 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81284565","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640025417-6
Pavel Datsenko
{"title":"Was the German Confederation an Obstacle to National Unity? (M. Kreutzmann. Föderative Ordnung und nationale Integration im Deutschen Bund 1816–1848. Göttingen, 2022)","authors":"Pavel Datsenko","doi":"10.31857/s013038640025417-6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640025417-6","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"101 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135262996","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640020835-6
O. Zaichenko
In the early 1830s, in order to wage a political and information war on Polish emigrants and the European opposition, the formation of Russian foreign intelligence as a unified state service with an extensive network of agents on the basis of the Third Section began. The head of the Russian residence in Germany from 1833 to 1839, Baron Karl Ferdinandovich von Schweitzer, was one of its founders. The structure he created, as well as the forms and methods of intelligence work he put in place, had a major impact on the subsequent development of the security services in Russia. However, little is still known about the man. Even his real name and date of birth remain unknown to scholars. He surrounded himself with secrecy already during his lifetime. This applies first and foremost to the first period of it, associated with his service with the Higher Military Secret Police in Warsaw in the 1820s. In the absence of direct evidence of his life and work, the author makes a first-ever attempt in historiography to reconstruct the circumstances of Schweitzer's biography and service in the secret police of the Viceroy of the Kingdom of Poland up to 1831, based on circumstantial evidence. Using the example of Schweitzer's undercover work, the author attempts to reconstruct the structure of the Russian foreign intelligence service, methods of conspiracy, recruitment, surveillance and analytical processing of the information obtained. The article also provides examples of the most successful operations in which the agent, who at that time bore the name of de Schwegrois, was involved. The study draws on archival documents of the Third Section and the Higher Military Secret Police in Warsaw, as well as memoirs of contemporaries and publications in the Polish émigré press.
{"title":"“Russian Spy” Schweitzer: An Attempt at Biography Reconstruction. Agent of the High Military Secret Police in Warsaw (1819–1831)","authors":"O. Zaichenko","doi":"10.31857/s013038640020835-6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640020835-6","url":null,"abstract":"In the early 1830s, in order to wage a political and information war on Polish emigrants and the European opposition, the formation of Russian foreign intelligence as a unified state service with an extensive network of agents on the basis of the Third Section began. The head of the Russian residence in Germany from 1833 to 1839, Baron Karl Ferdinandovich von Schweitzer, was one of its founders. The structure he created, as well as the forms and methods of intelligence work he put in place, had a major impact on the subsequent development of the security services in Russia. However, little is still known about the man. Even his real name and date of birth remain unknown to scholars. He surrounded himself with secrecy already during his lifetime. This applies first and foremost to the first period of it, associated with his service with the Higher Military Secret Police in Warsaw in the 1820s. In the absence of direct evidence of his life and work, the author makes a first-ever attempt in historiography to reconstruct the circumstances of Schweitzer's biography and service in the secret police of the Viceroy of the Kingdom of Poland up to 1831, based on circumstantial evidence. Using the example of Schweitzer's undercover work, the author attempts to reconstruct the structure of the Russian foreign intelligence service, methods of conspiracy, recruitment, surveillance and analytical processing of the information obtained. The article also provides examples of the most successful operations in which the agent, who at that time bore the name of de Schwegrois, was involved. The study draws on archival documents of the Third Section and the Higher Military Secret Police in Warsaw, as well as memoirs of contemporaries and publications in the Polish émigré press.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"51 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74013151","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640021373-8
V. Orlov
. The author examines the milestones in the emergence and development of the “February 20” movement (F20M) in Morocco during the Arab Spring, which had a profound impact on the social development of the Middle East and North Africa. The level of F20M’s cooperation/rivalry with Islamic parties/associations and reactions of Moroccan state to creation of a center of political mobilization of youth beyond its control is also evaluated. The analysis demonstrates the large set of political, legal and propaganda tools used by Moroccan Alawite monarchy to present the F20M as increasingly incompatible with all the set of traditional Moroccan values. The opposition of F20M to the King’s administration and its ambition to promote liberal democratic ideas in Moroccan society led this association to existential crisis. F20M’s message became inconsistent and less relevant when the King Muhammad VI systematically responded to social demands. Hasty implementation of the new Moroccan Constitution and parliamentary elections, which took place in November 2011, gave chance to the Justice and Development Party not only to enter the government, but to take a significant place in political life of the country. This skilful and moderate ‘Islamic policy’ framed F20M’s image as extreme and composed of fringe radical/revolutionary groups. So, this civic initiative was led to decline in the second half of 2012 – early 2013. A sec-ondary finding of this paper is that policy repressions combined with smearing campaigns turned the young reformists to radical opposition to the throne and helped to reproduce the soft authoritarian regime.
{"title":"Civil Protest and Islamic Partisanship in Morocco: Experience of the “Arab Spring”","authors":"V. Orlov","doi":"10.31857/s013038640021373-8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640021373-8","url":null,"abstract":". The author examines the milestones in the emergence and development of the “February 20” movement (F20M) in Morocco during the Arab Spring, which had a profound impact on the social development of the Middle East and North Africa. The level of F20M’s cooperation/rivalry with Islamic parties/associations and reactions of Moroccan state to creation of a center of political mobilization of youth beyond its control is also evaluated. The analysis demonstrates the large set of political, legal and propaganda tools used by Moroccan Alawite monarchy to present the F20M as increasingly incompatible with all the set of traditional Moroccan values. The opposition of F20M to the King’s administration and its ambition to promote liberal democratic ideas in Moroccan society led this association to existential crisis. F20M’s message became inconsistent and less relevant when the King Muhammad VI systematically responded to social demands. Hasty implementation of the new Moroccan Constitution and parliamentary elections, which took place in November 2011, gave chance to the Justice and Development Party not only to enter the government, but to take a significant place in political life of the country. This skilful and moderate ‘Islamic policy’ framed F20M’s image as extreme and composed of fringe radical/revolutionary groups. So, this civic initiative was led to decline in the second half of 2012 – early 2013. A sec-ondary finding of this paper is that policy repressions combined with smearing campaigns turned the young reformists to radical opposition to the throne and helped to reproduce the soft authoritarian regime.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"26 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75057914","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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