Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640021344-6
V. Chernega
The author examines the evolution of the two main trends in French foreign policy between 1946 and 2022: the “Atlantic” and the “European”. Both of these trends emerged shortly after the Second World War and were subsequently intertwined in complex ways. In the Fourth Republic, in the context of the 'Soviet threat' and the need to solve the “German problem”, the “Atlantists” long had a dominant influence at the level of the elites. The “Europeanists”, who, in addition to economic integration, sought the military-political unity of the West European nations with France in the lead, did not oppose them, although objectively their efforts led to a weakening of “transatlantic solidarity”. The “Europeanist” projects were not successful, but at the same time the disappointment in the US over its position during the 1956 Suez Crisis and the Algerian War reduced the influence of the “Atlantists” in ruling circles. Ultimately, after the establishment of the Fifth Republic by Charles de Gaulle in 1958, the “Atlantic tendency” was reduced to a minimum, the “Europeanist” was limited by his demand to preserve the maximum possible national sovereignty. In the post-De Gaulle period, all the presidents of France sought, each in his own way, to simultaneously strengthen both tendencies. However, the increasing involvement of the country in NATO activities actually blocked the substantive promotion of “Europeanist” projects. The article shows how the convinced “Europeanist” E. Macron, who came to power in 2017, who sees an opportunity for France to pursue a sovereign policy only within the framework of the EU, transformed into a “power of Europe”, is trying to solve this dilemma by promoting the creation of a “European pillar” Alliance as a way to strengthen it. The further prospects of the “Europeanist” idea are assessed, as well as the chances of France for the realization of great claims in the hypothetical “power of Europe”.
{"title":"“Anlantist” and “Europeanist” Trends in the Fourth and Fifth Republics in France (1946–2022)","authors":"V. Chernega","doi":"10.31857/s013038640021344-6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640021344-6","url":null,"abstract":"The author examines the evolution of the two main trends in French foreign policy between 1946 and 2022: the “Atlantic” and the “European”. Both of these trends emerged shortly after the Second World War and were subsequently intertwined in complex ways. In the Fourth Republic, in the context of the 'Soviet threat' and the need to solve the “German problem”, the “Atlantists” long had a dominant influence at the level of the elites. The “Europeanists”, who, in addition to economic integration, sought the military-political unity of the West European nations with France in the lead, did not oppose them, although objectively their efforts led to a weakening of “transatlantic solidarity”. The “Europeanist” projects were not successful, but at the same time the disappointment in the US over its position during the 1956 Suez Crisis and the Algerian War reduced the influence of the “Atlantists” in ruling circles. Ultimately, after the establishment of the Fifth Republic by Charles de Gaulle in 1958, the “Atlantic tendency” was reduced to a minimum, the “Europeanist” was limited by his demand to preserve the maximum possible national sovereignty. In the post-De Gaulle period, all the presidents of France sought, each in his own way, to simultaneously strengthen both tendencies. However, the increasing involvement of the country in NATO activities actually blocked the substantive promotion of “Europeanist” projects. The article shows how the convinced “Europeanist” E. Macron, who came to power in 2017, who sees an opportunity for France to pursue a sovereign policy only within the framework of the EU, transformed into a “power of Europe”, is trying to solve this dilemma by promoting the creation of a “European pillar” Alliance as a way to strengthen it. The further prospects of the “Europeanist” idea are assessed, as well as the chances of France for the realization of great claims in the hypothetical “power of Europe”.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"68 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89601441","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640025098-5
Tatiana Alent'yeva
In this article, while examining the state of corruption in the upper echelons of power in the United States during the presidency of Ulysses Grant (1868–1877), the author focuses on methods of combating it. The topic is a timely one, not least due to the current practice of fighting corruption on a global scale. The struggle against corruption during the presidency of Ulysses Grant has not yet been studied by Russian specialists in American Studies. In American historiography, there are still conflicting assessments of this phenomenon, as well as of the personality of Ulysses Grant himself. The problem of the President's involvement in corruption schemes is still largely unresolved. The purpose of this article is to analyse corruption scandals and the struggle against corruption during Ulysses Grant's presidency. The source base includes documents and papers of the 18th President, congressional records, memoirs of contemporaries and periodicals. The study shows that as President Ulysses Grant relied too much on his relatives and his comrades-in-arms, yet took the necessary steps to deal with corruption scandals: dismissing unworthy officials and replacing them with honest and capable administrators such as Bristow, prosecuting and punishing the culprits. The scale of corruption was largely attributable to the chaotic state of the economy after the Civil War. Congressional investigations and revelations in the periodical press had a powerful effect in combating corruption.
{"title":"Corruption Scandals During the Presidency of Ulysses Grant","authors":"Tatiana Alent'yeva","doi":"10.31857/s013038640025098-5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640025098-5","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, while examining the state of corruption in the upper echelons of power in the United States during the presidency of Ulysses Grant (1868–1877), the author focuses on methods of combating it. The topic is a timely one, not least due to the current practice of fighting corruption on a global scale. The struggle against corruption during the presidency of Ulysses Grant has not yet been studied by Russian specialists in American Studies. In American historiography, there are still conflicting assessments of this phenomenon, as well as of the personality of Ulysses Grant himself. The problem of the President's involvement in corruption schemes is still largely unresolved. The purpose of this article is to analyse corruption scandals and the struggle against corruption during Ulysses Grant's presidency. The source base includes documents and papers of the 18th President, congressional records, memoirs of contemporaries and periodicals. The study shows that as President Ulysses Grant relied too much on his relatives and his comrades-in-arms, yet took the necessary steps to deal with corruption scandals: dismissing unworthy officials and replacing them with honest and capable administrators such as Bristow, prosecuting and punishing the culprits. The scale of corruption was largely attributable to the chaotic state of the economy after the Civil War. Congressional investigations and revelations in the periodical press had a powerful effect in combating corruption.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"24 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87765746","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640024207-5
Galina Zelenina
Drawing on late-Soviet Jewish ego-documents: memoirs, diaries and letters, primarily on a corpus of (auto)biographical essays on the life of a Leningrad journalist, the author explores her protagonists' obsessive reflections on anti-Semitism and Zionism, evoked by the acute dissonance between their sincerely internalised communist ideology of internationalism and the widespread practice of anti-Semitism, as well as between Soviet patriotism and Jewish memory, Jewish solidarity and the temptation of emigration to Israel. The study of “ordinary” people’s ego-documents not intended for publication enables one to penetrate into their inner world and to extrapolate the obtained observations onto Soviet Jewish majority; in addition, it allows to explain the position of prominent Soviet authors of Jewish origin, such as playwright and publicist Tsezar Solodar, poet and editor-in-chief of Sovetisch Heymland Aron Vergelis, author of critical popular books on Judaism Moisei Belenkii, and others, who stigmatised Judaism and Zionism. Ego-documents allow for tracing not only Soviet, but also Jewish origins of late-Soviet anti-Zionism, which went back to the position of the poor strata of shtetl society, who, while leaning towards socialism, associated Zionism with the hostile bourgeoisie. The paper partly polemicises, partly complements the existing historiography on late Soviet Jewish identity, which is based mainly on post-Soviet interviews or the émigrés’ experience and therefore tends to simplify the picture, reducing the diversity of identities, attitudes and behaviours to two binaries, either to “thin culture”/“symbolic ethnicity”, or to hidden emigration aspirations presented as natural and self-evident.
{"title":"“Abhorrent Zionism, Israel are not the Solution”: Dialectics of the Soviet and the National in Ego-Documents of the 1970s–80s","authors":"Galina Zelenina","doi":"10.31857/s013038640024207-5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640024207-5","url":null,"abstract":"Drawing on late-Soviet Jewish ego-documents: memoirs, diaries and letters, primarily on a corpus of (auto)biographical essays on the life of a Leningrad journalist, the author explores her protagonists' obsessive reflections on anti-Semitism and Zionism, evoked by the acute dissonance between their sincerely internalised communist ideology of internationalism and the widespread practice of anti-Semitism, as well as between Soviet patriotism and Jewish memory, Jewish solidarity and the temptation of emigration to Israel. The study of “ordinary” people’s ego-documents not intended for publication enables one to penetrate into their inner world and to extrapolate the obtained observations onto Soviet Jewish majority; in addition, it allows to explain the position of prominent Soviet authors of Jewish origin, such as playwright and publicist Tsezar Solodar, poet and editor-in-chief of Sovetisch Heymland Aron Vergelis, author of critical popular books on Judaism Moisei Belenkii, and others, who stigmatised Judaism and Zionism. Ego-documents allow for tracing not only Soviet, but also Jewish origins of late-Soviet anti-Zionism, which went back to the position of the poor strata of shtetl society, who, while leaning towards socialism, associated Zionism with the hostile bourgeoisie. The paper partly polemicises, partly complements the existing historiography on late Soviet Jewish identity, which is based mainly on post-Soviet interviews or the émigrés’ experience and therefore tends to simplify the picture, reducing the diversity of identities, attitudes and behaviours to two binaries, either to “thin culture”/“symbolic ethnicity”, or to hidden emigration aspirations presented as natural and self-evident.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135262793","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640028077-2
Boris Petelin
{"title":"A “New Diplomatic History” in Western-Russian Relations (Diplomacy and Diplomats: from the History of International Relations between Western Countries and Russia / ed. T.L. Labutinа. Saint-Petersburg, 2022","authors":"Boris Petelin","doi":"10.31857/s013038640028077-2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640028077-2","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"129 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135263005","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640025073-8
Daria Galkova
In the 1570s and 1580s, the Italian jurist Guido Panciroli (1523–1599) compiled a collection of brief notes on ancient and new inventions. In one of them, the author put forward the thesis that ancient thinkers knew nothing about the existence of the Americas. In an effort to prove the primacy of the Europeans in the discovery of the New World, Heinrich Salmuth, compiler of the commentary on Panchiroli's notes, made a number of arguments for and against this position. Thus in Panciroli's treatise “New Discoveries, or Two Books of Venerable Things”, first published in 1602, together with a commentary by Salmuth and initiated by the latter, the question of the possibility of discovering America before Columbus was raised. The purpose of this paper is to analyse grounds on which the time and essence of the discovery of the New World were perceived. To this end, the author examines the logic of the two authors' reasoning about European primacy and the differences in the justifications for this claim. On the basis of the research undertaken, it can be concluded that this work revisits not only the corpus of ancient worldviews, but also the exploratory, creative potential of Europeans to discover a new continent. In their work they try to find an explanation for the break with the preceding tradition and thus find themselves at the origins of the dispute over the significance of ancient knowledge for the new European science.
{"title":"Are They Fruits of Ancient or Modern Knowledge? Geographical Discoveries in the Commentary of Heinrich Salmuth to the Treatise of Guido Panciroli “Rerum Memorabilium” (1602)","authors":"Daria Galkova","doi":"10.31857/s013038640025073-8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640025073-8","url":null,"abstract":"In the 1570s and 1580s, the Italian jurist Guido Panciroli (1523–1599) compiled a collection of brief notes on ancient and new inventions. In one of them, the author put forward the thesis that ancient thinkers knew nothing about the existence of the Americas. In an effort to prove the primacy of the Europeans in the discovery of the New World, Heinrich Salmuth, compiler of the commentary on Panchiroli's notes, made a number of arguments for and against this position. Thus in Panciroli's treatise “New Discoveries, or Two Books of Venerable Things”, first published in 1602, together with a commentary by Salmuth and initiated by the latter, the question of the possibility of discovering America before Columbus was raised. The purpose of this paper is to analyse grounds on which the time and essence of the discovery of the New World were perceived. To this end, the author examines the logic of the two authors' reasoning about European primacy and the differences in the justifications for this claim. On the basis of the research undertaken, it can be concluded that this work revisits not only the corpus of ancient worldviews, but also the exploratory, creative potential of Europeans to discover a new continent. In their work they try to find an explanation for the break with the preceding tradition and thus find themselves at the origins of the dispute over the significance of ancient knowledge for the new European science.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"8 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73747974","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640025109-7
Vasily Chernoperov
{"title":"German History of the Twentieth Century in the Reflection of Russian Historical Memory (B.L. Khavkin, K.B. Bozhik. The Russian Mirror of German History. XX Century. Moscow, 2021)","authors":"Vasily Chernoperov","doi":"10.31857/s013038640025109-7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640025109-7","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73237446","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640022926-6
S. Malkin
In this article the author focuses on the semantic and substantive aspects of the colonial conflict analysis model presented in the work of the British Army Major General Charles Edward Collwell, “Small Wars: Their Principles and Practices”, which became the most notable British treatise on the subject at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. A distinctive feature of the work is the comparative approach to the analysis of the British colonial wars fought in the Victorian era. It is established that the Russian case (the annexation of Central Asia and the pacification of the North Caucasus) is a golden thread running through all sections of the work, serving, along with similar examples from French, Spanish, and US history, as a kind of tuning fork for the universal principles of successful small warfare that Callwell laid out in his work. The aim of the paper is to form a more substantive account of the significance of comparative colonialism for British military thinking and the place of the Russian experience in its evolution. The study has shown that “Small Wars” reflected a course towards the normalisation of the Russian Empire within a professional discourse. In addition, the historiography focuses on Callwell's selective approach to the choice of factual material and its place in the evolution of British counterinsurgency. In this article, the author focuses on identifying the reasons for differences in the forms and ways of systematizing the experience of small wars in the colonial and frontier policies of both the Russian and British empires. Particular attention is paid to the circumstances that led to the gradual loss of Callwell's work to its former importance on the eve and after the Great War.
{"title":"Small Wars of the Great Powers: Charles Edward Callwell and the Russian Empire in Comparative Perspective","authors":"S. Malkin","doi":"10.31857/s013038640022926-6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640022926-6","url":null,"abstract":"In this article the author focuses on the semantic and substantive aspects of the colonial conflict analysis model presented in the work of the British Army Major General Charles Edward Collwell, “Small Wars: Their Principles and Practices”, which became the most notable British treatise on the subject at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. A distinctive feature of the work is the comparative approach to the analysis of the British colonial wars fought in the Victorian era. It is established that the Russian case (the annexation of Central Asia and the pacification of the North Caucasus) is a golden thread running through all sections of the work, serving, along with similar examples from French, Spanish, and US history, as a kind of tuning fork for the universal principles of successful small warfare that Callwell laid out in his work. The aim of the paper is to form a more substantive account of the significance of comparative colonialism for British military thinking and the place of the Russian experience in its evolution. The study has shown that “Small Wars” reflected a course towards the normalisation of the Russian Empire within a professional discourse. In addition, the historiography focuses on Callwell's selective approach to the choice of factual material and its place in the evolution of British counterinsurgency. In this article, the author focuses on identifying the reasons for differences in the forms and ways of systematizing the experience of small wars in the colonial and frontier policies of both the Russian and British empires. Particular attention is paid to the circumstances that led to the gradual loss of Callwell's work to its former importance on the eve and after the Great War.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76616589","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640021392-9
A. Francev
The military administrations formed in the Soviet occupation zones in East Germany and North Korea were in similar conditions and faced similar challenges. One of the key issues of that time for both countries was land reform. The authors aim to analyse and compare the approaches of administrations in Central Europe and the Far East, to highlight common and special points in the planning of agrarian transformations. The study is based on a wide range of archival materials from the collections of the Central Archive of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation, the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation, the State Archive of the Russian Federation, as well as research papers in Russian, English, German and Korean. The source database also includes published documents of North Korean origin. Consideration of agricultural projects allows one to conclude that neither in East Germany nor in North Korea did the military administrations plan land reform as a step towards Sovietization of these territories. However, an important goal was to strengthen the social base of the Communists. The authors note that local specifics, as well as the domestic and foreign political situation in the region had a significant impact on the projects. This refutes the frequently expressed point of view in modern historiography, indicating that the USSR did not use the same template for projects in different regions.
{"title":"Comparative Analysis of Agrarian Reforms in Soviet Occupation Zone of Germany and North Korea (1945–1946)","authors":"A. Francev","doi":"10.31857/s013038640021392-9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640021392-9","url":null,"abstract":"The military administrations formed in the Soviet occupation zones in East Germany and North Korea were in similar conditions and faced similar challenges. One of the key issues of that time for both countries was land reform. The authors aim to analyse and compare the approaches of administrations in Central Europe and the Far East, to highlight common and special points in the planning of agrarian transformations. The study is based on a wide range of archival materials from the collections of the Central Archive of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation, the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation, the State Archive of the Russian Federation, as well as research papers in Russian, English, German and Korean. The source database also includes published documents of North Korean origin. Consideration of agricultural projects allows one to conclude that neither in East Germany nor in North Korea did the military administrations plan land reform as a step towards Sovietization of these territories. However, an important goal was to strengthen the social base of the Communists. The authors note that local specifics, as well as the domestic and foreign political situation in the region had a significant impact on the projects. This refutes the frequently expressed point of view in modern historiography, indicating that the USSR did not use the same template for projects in different regions.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"46 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85993124","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640021357-0
V. A. Kuznetsov
The article focuses on the issues of political regime transformation in Algeria after the overthrow of President Abdelaziz Bouteflika. Describing the dynamics of Algerian political life, the author points out that the country's current regime can be characterised as hybrid and authoritarian. Nevertheless, the prospects for its further evolution remain unclear. The author opines that these prospects would be determined by the ability of the system to overcome the alienation between the public and the authorities. With this in mind, two key linking mechanisms need be analysed: electoral and direct political participation. When analysing electoral processes, the author compares the events and results of the 2002, 2007, 2012, 2017 and 2021 parliamentary campaigns, concluding that the mutual distrust between the public and the government constantly affects the social life of Algeria. Looking at direct forms of participation, he focuses on the “Hirak” Movement, which made the 2019 power transition possible. Indication of its specific traits shows why it did not facilitate the creation of a new social contract. The author concludes the article with the assumption that the alienation between the government and society has not been overcome because Algerian political culture was formed in the colonial and post-colonial periods. The article’s methodology is based on the hybrid regime and social orders theories. Furthermore, the author uses the typology of political parties proposed by Maurice Duverger. The sources and materials used for the study include official documents, media publications and results of the author’s field research.
{"title":"Algeria: Political Participation During the Transformation of Political Regime after 2019","authors":"V. A. Kuznetsov","doi":"10.31857/s013038640021357-0","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640021357-0","url":null,"abstract":"The article focuses on the issues of political regime transformation in Algeria after the overthrow of President Abdelaziz Bouteflika. Describing the dynamics of Algerian political life, the author points out that the country's current regime can be characterised as hybrid and authoritarian. Nevertheless, the prospects for its further evolution remain unclear. The author opines that these prospects would be determined by the ability of the system to overcome the alienation between the public and the authorities. With this in mind, two key linking mechanisms need be analysed: electoral and direct political participation. When analysing electoral processes, the author compares the events and results of the 2002, 2007, 2012, 2017 and 2021 parliamentary campaigns, concluding that the mutual distrust between the public and the government constantly affects the social life of Algeria. Looking at direct forms of participation, he focuses on the “Hirak” Movement, which made the 2019 power transition possible. Indication of its specific traits shows why it did not facilitate the creation of a new social contract. The author concludes the article with the assumption that the alienation between the government and society has not been overcome because Algerian political culture was formed in the colonial and post-colonial periods. The article’s methodology is based on the hybrid regime and social orders theories. Furthermore, the author uses the typology of political parties proposed by Maurice Duverger. The sources and materials used for the study include official documents, media publications and results of the author’s field research.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"46 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90376495","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640024674-9
Vladimir Chernega
After the Second World War, the most important priority of French foreign policy in Europe was the solution of the German problem, in other words, the prevention of the revival of Germany as a revanchist state. At the same time, French diplomacy, influenced by the “power complex”, sought to ensure the leading role of its country in the Western European part of the continent. Hence Paris's course, first towards anti-German alliances and then, following the proclamation of the Federal Republic of Germany in 1949, towards the formation of European defence structures with the participation of the FRG, to at least keep its possible rearmament under control. The accession of the Federal Republic of Germany into NATO in 1955 signalled the failure of this strategy. Charles de Gaulle, who came to power in 1958, tried to form a Franco-German alliance that would allow the creation of a “European Europe” independent of the United States. The failure of this policy, due to the pro-Atlantic stance of the Federal Republic, prompted his successors to take a more flexible position. On the one hand, the French created a tandem with their German partner in order to strengthen European integration, particularly in the field of defence (European Autonomous Defence); on the other hand, they strengthened France's relations with the USA and NATO. Yet the reunification of Germany on the basis of the constitution of the Federal Republic of Germany in 1990 exacerbated the already existing problem of power disparity in the Franco-German tandem in favour of Germany, which is slowly developing its own sovereign interests However, since his election in 2017, French President Emmanuel Macron, a staunch Europeanist, has been trying to use this tandem to promote the idea of a “European state” in the EU that can compete with the United States and China. However, the prospects for the implementation of this conception are very ambiguous.
第二次世界大战后，法国在欧洲的外交政策最重要的优先事项是解决德国问题，即防止德国作为一个复仇主义国家的复兴。与此同时，受"权力情结"影响的法国外交努力确保其国家在欧洲大陆西欧部分的领导作用。因此，巴黎首先走向反德联盟，然后，在1949年宣布德意志联邦共和国成立之后，走向在德国联邦政府的参与下形成欧洲防务结构，至少使其可能的重整军备处于控制之下。1955年德意志联邦共和国加入北约标志着这一战略的失败。1958年上台的戴高乐(Charles de Gaulle)试图建立一个法德联盟，以建立一个独立于美国的“欧洲欧洲”。由于联邦共和国的亲大西洋立场，这一政策的失败促使他的继任者采取更灵活的立场。一方面，法国与德国合作伙伴建立了一个串联，以加强欧洲一体化，特别是在国防领域(欧洲自主防御);另一方面，他们加强了法国与美国和北约的关系。然而，1990年以德意志联邦共和国宪法为基础的德国统一，加剧了法德两国本已存在的权力差距问题，有利于正在缓慢发展自身主权利益的德国。然而，自2017年当选法国总统以来，坚定的欧洲主义者埃马纽埃尔·马克龙一直试图利用这一组合来推动欧盟内一个可以与美国和中国竞争的“欧洲国家”的想法。然而，实施这一构想的前景是非常模糊的。
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