Pub Date : 2024-07-19DOI: 10.31857/s0130386424030023
George V. Shpak
In the eighteenth century, an entertainment industry grew in England, including educational games such as playing cards, puzzles, and board games. The educational aspect implied that the game was not only a way of entertainment, but also a source of knowledge. The author examines the image of the Russian Empire shaped by British games of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. He gives special attention to the problem of the player’s interaction with the game reality, analyses the implicit properties of geographical spaces, which manifest themselves when, depending on the characteristics of the “place”, the player is asked to perform a certain action. The author divides the games of the period under review into three types, namely card games, board games designed as geographical maps, and board games with an individual playing field and booklet. He concludes that, regardless of the game format, the traditional early modern division of Russia into Asian and European parts was reflected in its image in all the games under consideration. The European part of Russia, as a rule, was described in the same tones as other regions of Europe. Asian Russia could be endowed with a variety of qualities. In some games it could be described as inhabited by ignorant nomadic tribes of Tartaria, in others – as frosty and deserted Siberia. Sometimes these characteristics were combined, but it is clear that the fragmentation into the “European” and “Asian” worlds presented in British educational games influenced significantly the formation of identification patterns among British youth of the Georgian era.
{"title":"Russia as a Frontier of Europe in the British Educational Games of the Georgian Age","authors":"George V. Shpak","doi":"10.31857/s0130386424030023","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s0130386424030023","url":null,"abstract":"In the eighteenth century, an entertainment industry grew in England, including educational games such as playing cards, puzzles, and board games. The educational aspect implied that the game was not only a way of entertainment, but also a source of knowledge. The author examines the image of the Russian Empire shaped by British games of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. He gives special attention to the problem of the player’s interaction with the game reality, analyses the implicit properties of geographical spaces, which manifest themselves when, depending on the characteristics of the “place”, the player is asked to perform a certain action. The author divides the games of the period under review into three types, namely card games, board games designed as geographical maps, and board games with an individual playing field and booklet. He concludes that, regardless of the game format, the traditional early modern division of Russia into Asian and European parts was reflected in its image in all the games under consideration. The European part of Russia, as a rule, was described in the same tones as other regions of Europe. Asian Russia could be endowed with a variety of qualities. In some games it could be described as inhabited by ignorant nomadic tribes of Tartaria, in others – as frosty and deserted Siberia. Sometimes these characteristics were combined, but it is clear that the fragmentation into the “European” and “Asian” worlds presented in British educational games influenced significantly the formation of identification patterns among British youth of the Georgian era.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":" 1195","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141823450","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-19DOI: 10.31857/s0130386424030135
Olga А. Chagadaeva
The author explores the issue of the erosion of the social stratum of engineers and technicians, which occupied a significant place in the structure of Soviet society, under the influence of the transformation processes of the late 1980s–1990s. Using the materials of in-depth interviews, ego-documents, “digital footprint”, and archival sources, with the use of digital methods (analytical platform PolyAnalyst), the author studies the processes of adaptation of engineering and technical intelligentsia to the realities of the transition economy, traces the change of value attitudes of engineers and technicians. The author identifies three key strategies of post-Soviet engineers’ adaptation to so-called “savage capitalism”: cooperative entrepreneurship, application of professional knowledge and skills in the sphere of private household services, and leaving the profession for private trade. She analyses factors that contributed to the choice of this or that strategy, favored and hindered adaptation in general. She concludes that the loss of socio-professional identity led to the deterioration of social well-being of former soviet ITRs, regardless of their former specialization and acquired material status, and, more broadly, led to the crisis of social and civic identity in post-soviet Russia, the consequences of which are still being felt today.
{"title":"On the Issue of the Erosion of the Social Stratum of Engineering and Technical Workers During the Years of Socio-Economic Transition (1987–1999)","authors":"Olga А. Chagadaeva","doi":"10.31857/s0130386424030135","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s0130386424030135","url":null,"abstract":"The author explores the issue of the erosion of the social stratum of engineers and technicians, which occupied a significant place in the structure of Soviet society, under the influence of the transformation processes of the late 1980s–1990s. Using the materials of in-depth interviews, ego-documents, “digital footprint”, and archival sources, with the use of digital methods (analytical platform PolyAnalyst), the author studies the processes of adaptation of engineering and technical intelligentsia to the realities of the transition economy, traces the change of value attitudes of engineers and technicians. The author identifies three key strategies of post-Soviet engineers’ adaptation to so-called “savage capitalism”: cooperative entrepreneurship, application of professional knowledge and skills in the sphere of private household services, and leaving the profession for private trade. She analyses factors that contributed to the choice of this or that strategy, favored and hindered adaptation in general. She concludes that the loss of socio-professional identity led to the deterioration of social well-being of former soviet ITRs, regardless of their former specialization and acquired material status, and, more broadly, led to the crisis of social and civic identity in post-soviet Russia, the consequences of which are still being felt today.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":" 579","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141823655","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-19DOI: 10.31857/s0130386424030128
D. Sadakov
In this article, the author charts the evolution of US Korea policy after the failed attempts to establish a unification dialogue between the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and the reduction of the US military presence on the peninsula in 1974–1980. In 1973, The United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea (UNCURK), which the Americans had supported for decades, ceased operations. The question of the fate of the United Nations Command loomed large. On the whole, in 1974–1980, the Americans did not reduce their military presence in Korea. At the same time, diplomatic support for negotiations on this topic and participation in maintaining the inter-Korean dialogue on the status of the ROK and DPRK in the UN and scenarios for possible unification of the country were quite effective. The Americans managed to prevent destabilisation in South Korea even in the face of a sudden change of power following the assassination of Park Chung-Hee. Simultaneously, the necessary international structures, such as the ROK/US Joint Forces Command, were put in place. Moreover, US diplomats managed to preserve even such a relic of the Korean War as the UN Command. At the same time, the issue of Korean unification had by this time become an instrument of political manipulation by all countries concerned. Under these circumstances, unification could not be achieved by diplomatic means alone.
{"title":"The “Two Koreas” Problem in U.S. Policy, 1974–1980","authors":"D. Sadakov","doi":"10.31857/s0130386424030128","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s0130386424030128","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, the author charts the evolution of US Korea policy after the failed attempts to establish a unification dialogue between the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and the reduction of the US military presence on the peninsula in 1974–1980. In 1973, The United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea (UNCURK), which the Americans had supported for decades, ceased operations. The question of the fate of the United Nations Command loomed large. On the whole, in 1974–1980, the Americans did not reduce their military presence in Korea. At the same time, diplomatic support for negotiations on this topic and participation in maintaining the inter-Korean dialogue on the status of the ROK and DPRK in the UN and scenarios for possible unification of the country were quite effective. The Americans managed to prevent destabilisation in South Korea even in the face of a sudden change of power following the assassination of Park Chung-Hee. Simultaneously, the necessary international structures, such as the ROK/US Joint Forces Command, were put in place. Moreover, US diplomats managed to preserve even such a relic of the Korean War as the UN Command. At the same time, the issue of Korean unification had by this time become an instrument of political manipulation by all countries concerned. Under these circumstances, unification could not be achieved by diplomatic means alone.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"124 45","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141821617","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-19DOI: 10.31857/s0130386424030155
Dmitry D. Filippov
At present, security environment in East Asia is becoming increasingly fraught, characterised by the growing strategic rivalry between the US and China. Meanwhile, Japan is faced with the challenge of formulating such a foreign policy approach that would both ensure its national security and avoid further escalating the US-China conflict. In these circumstances, it is of interest to examine the views of Japanese Prime Minister Hatoyama Yukio (2009–2010) on Japan’s foreign policy and its role in the international community. This article analyses Hatoyama’s attitudes and rhetoric within the context of Japanese political elites’ longstanding search for alternatives to the Yoshida Doctrine, which underpinned Japan’s grand strategy throughout the Cold War. While the Prime Minister’s attempts to modify Japanese diplomatic approach have often been considered incoherent or “naïve”, the author argues that, drawing partially from the concepts pertaining to Japan’s role on the international stage that were introduced in the 1990s, Hatoyama consistently advocated the formulation of a new strategy. While admitting that some of Hatoyama’s proposals were not well-thought-out and went beyond the political mainstream, the author posits that he pursued the same goal as previous Japanese leaders, namely achieving balance in Japan’s relations with the US and China. The parameters of Hatoyama’s strategy were different from both the Yoshida Doctrine and the emerging course towards a more robust security policy, which was fully implemented under the second administration of Abe Shinzo (2012–2020). This strategy was based on Japan’s proactive role in upholding global stability through non-military means, reducing its dependence on the US, deepening integration in East Asia, and achieving friendly ties with China. The objectives of this article are to analyse Hatoyama’s political philosophy, identify the similarities and differences between it and other key contemporary foreign policy initiatives, as well as examine the Prime Minister’s approach towards foreign-policy making. The sources include Hatoyama’s speeches and writings as well as a range of academic literature devoted to analysing his foreign policy with an emphasis on the works of Japanese scholars.
{"title":"The Views of Prime Minister Hatoyama Yukio on Japan’s Foreign Policy Within the Context of the Search for a New Grand Strategy","authors":"Dmitry D. Filippov","doi":"10.31857/s0130386424030155","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s0130386424030155","url":null,"abstract":"At present, security environment in East Asia is becoming increasingly fraught, characterised by the growing strategic rivalry between the US and China. Meanwhile, Japan is faced with the challenge of formulating such a foreign policy approach that would both ensure its national security and avoid further escalating the US-China conflict. In these circumstances, it is of interest to examine the views of Japanese Prime Minister Hatoyama Yukio (2009–2010) on Japan’s foreign policy and its role in the international community. This article analyses Hatoyama’s attitudes and rhetoric within the context of Japanese political elites’ longstanding search for alternatives to the Yoshida Doctrine, which underpinned Japan’s grand strategy throughout the Cold War. While the Prime Minister’s attempts to modify Japanese diplomatic approach have often been considered incoherent or “naïve”, the author argues that, drawing partially from the concepts pertaining to Japan’s role on the international stage that were introduced in the 1990s, Hatoyama consistently advocated the formulation of a new strategy. While admitting that some of Hatoyama’s proposals were not well-thought-out and went beyond the political mainstream, the author posits that he pursued the same goal as previous Japanese leaders, namely achieving balance in Japan’s relations with the US and China. The parameters of Hatoyama’s strategy were different from both the Yoshida Doctrine and the emerging course towards a more robust security policy, which was fully implemented under the second administration of Abe Shinzo (2012–2020). This strategy was based on Japan’s proactive role in upholding global stability through non-military means, reducing its dependence on the US, deepening integration in East Asia, and achieving friendly ties with China. The objectives of this article are to analyse Hatoyama’s political philosophy, identify the similarities and differences between it and other key contemporary foreign policy initiatives, as well as examine the Prime Minister’s approach towards foreign-policy making. The sources include Hatoyama’s speeches and writings as well as a range of academic literature devoted to analysing his foreign policy with an emphasis on the works of Japanese scholars.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"115 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141822014","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-19DOI: 10.31857/s0130386424030202
D. Mikhel
{"title":"Global history for universities. \u0000Rec. ad op.: T.L. Shestova. Global history. A Manual. Moscow: Moscow State University Press, 2022. 576 s.","authors":"D. Mikhel","doi":"10.31857/s0130386424030202","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s0130386424030202","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"116 30","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141822216","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-19DOI: 10.31857/s0130386424030035
T. Labutina
Reviewing the policy pursued by a prominent Russian statesman, head of the foreign policy department during the reign of Empress Elizaveta Petrovna, Chancellor Alexey Bestuzhev-Ryumin, the author assesses his relations with the British ambassadors in the period between 1746 and 1756 somewhat differently compared to other historians. Great Britain, which was actively participating at that time in the War of the Austrian Succession (1740–1748), and then, preparing for the Seven Years’ War (1756–1763), negotiated the lease of the Russian auxiliary military corps in exchange for the payment of cash subsidies. Alexey Bestuzhev-Ryumin played an active role in the negotiation process. However, whose interests was he protecting and was his service in a high public office entirely selfless? From the analysis of diplomatic correspondence between British ambassadors and the Secretary of State, the author concludes that Alexey Bestuzhev-Ryumin supported the British more often than not, as he was in the secret service of the British government. This is confirmed by the actions of the Chancellor, aimed at accelerating negotiations on subsidies in the interests of Great Britain, seeking to reduce their size, supporting the privileges of English merchants to the detriment of Russian interests, as well as supplying ambassadors with secret information about the armed forces of the country. The biography of the Chancellor, containing a number of dubious facts, such as documents forged by his father to prove the English ancestry of his family, an unusual acquaintance with the future King George I of Great Britain and service under him, receiving a permanent pension and expensive gifts from the British, suggests that Alexey Bestuzhev-Ryumin was recruited by the British while in the service of King George I, and therefore frequently acted in the interests of Great Britain.
{"title":"“Two-Faced Janus”: Was Chancellor Alexey Bestuzhev-Ryumin in the Service of the British?","authors":"T. Labutina","doi":"10.31857/s0130386424030035","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s0130386424030035","url":null,"abstract":"Reviewing the policy pursued by a prominent Russian statesman, head of the foreign policy department during the reign of Empress Elizaveta Petrovna, Chancellor Alexey Bestuzhev-Ryumin, the author assesses his relations with the British ambassadors in the period between 1746 and 1756 somewhat differently compared to other historians. Great Britain, which was actively participating at that time in the War of the Austrian Succession (1740–1748), and then, preparing for the Seven Years’ War (1756–1763), negotiated the lease of the Russian auxiliary military corps in exchange for the payment of cash subsidies. Alexey Bestuzhev-Ryumin played an active role in the negotiation process. However, whose interests was he protecting and was his service in a high public office entirely selfless? From the analysis of diplomatic correspondence between British ambassadors and the Secretary of State, the author concludes that Alexey Bestuzhev-Ryumin supported the British more often than not, as he was in the secret service of the British government. This is confirmed by the actions of the Chancellor, aimed at accelerating negotiations on subsidies in the interests of Great Britain, seeking to reduce their size, supporting the privileges of English merchants to the detriment of Russian interests, as well as supplying ambassadors with secret information about the armed forces of the country. The biography of the Chancellor, containing a number of dubious facts, such as documents forged by his father to prove the English ancestry of his family, an unusual acquaintance with the future King George I of Great Britain and service under him, receiving a permanent pension and expensive gifts from the British, suggests that Alexey Bestuzhev-Ryumin was recruited by the British while in the service of King George I, and therefore frequently acted in the interests of Great Britain.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"101 33","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141820702","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-19DOI: 10.31857/s0130386424030067
Alexander V. Tchoudinov
The author of the essay* tells about the main milestones of more than two hundred years old historiography of the Egyptian campaign of 1798–1801, undertaken by the French land forces and navy under the general command of Napoleon Bonaparte, identifies the prerequisites that made such an audacious military enterprise possible, highlights the vicissitudes of the Egyptian and Syrian campaigns of Bonaparte’s Oriental Army, analyzes the motives of the decisive rejection by the local population of the values of the French Revolution, planted by the occupation administration, and establishes the reasons for the final catastrophic outcome of this expedition. The history of the Egyptian campaign is considered by the author in the general context of the evolution of international relations caused by the French Revolution and by the active expansion of revolutionary France. In his opinion, Bonaparte’s Egyptian campaign, which had as its main goal to undermine Britain’s position in the Middle East and Asia, led to exactly the opposite result than the one its initiators had hoped for: the British managed not only to stay in this region, but to gain dominant influence there, whereas France, having spent on this adventure large human and material resources, turned out to be almost completely displaced from there for some time.
{"title":"The Egyptian Campaign and the Middle East","authors":"Alexander V. Tchoudinov","doi":"10.31857/s0130386424030067","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s0130386424030067","url":null,"abstract":"The author of the essay* tells about the main milestones of more than two hundred years old historiography of the Egyptian campaign of 1798–1801, undertaken by the French land forces and navy under the general command of Napoleon Bonaparte, identifies the prerequisites that made such an audacious military enterprise possible, highlights the vicissitudes of the Egyptian and Syrian campaigns of Bonaparte’s Oriental Army, analyzes the motives of the decisive rejection by the local population of the values of the French Revolution, planted by the occupation administration, and establishes the reasons for the final catastrophic outcome of this expedition. The history of the Egyptian campaign is considered by the author in the general context of the evolution of international relations caused by the French Revolution and by the active expansion of revolutionary France. In his opinion, Bonaparte’s Egyptian campaign, which had as its main goal to undermine Britain’s position in the Middle East and Asia, led to exactly the opposite result than the one its initiators had hoped for: the British managed not only to stay in this region, but to gain dominant influence there, whereas France, having spent on this adventure large human and material resources, turned out to be almost completely displaced from there for some time.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"121 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141821047","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-19DOI: 10.31857/s0130386424030059
Dariya S. Staroskolskaya
The title of the article refers to Edgar de V. Vermont’s first American heraldic treatise for a reason. There are no seminal studies on US heraldry in the Russian language. Accordingly, the general public assumes that it does not exist at all. Thus, the purpose of the article, which presents a broad overview of American heraldic entities, is to prove the opposite. Despite considerable opposition on the part of Republican sceptics, heraldry in America is widely used by both individuals and institutions, public as well as private. Although no official heraldic body has ever been established in the United States, various private non-profit organisations are active in theoretical research and applied heraldic art, and specialised departments have been set up within government structures to meet the nation’s armorial needs. All of them maintain successful and fruitful co-operation with overseas heraldic institutes. The American historiography of heraldry, though meagre compared to that of the Old World, is still highly representative of the national American perspective on the phenomenon of coats of arms. The author touches on the themes of mass perception of heraldry among Americans: its historical reception, how it is used and interpreted by members of different social strata, contemporary trends, and the growing interest in it as part of historical heritage. She concludes that American heraldry is a distinctive and unique cultural phenomenon that deserves to be examined along with other “national” heraldic systems.
文章标题提到埃德加-德-佛蒙特（Edgar de V. Vermont）的首部美国纹章学论文是有原因的。俄语中没有关于美国纹章学的开创性研究。因此，一般公众认为根本不存在美国纹章学。因此，这篇文章对美国纹章实体进行了广泛的概述，其目的就是要证明相反的情况。尽管共和党怀疑论者相当反对，但美国的个人和机构，无论是公共机构还是私人机构，都在广泛使用纹章。虽然美国从未成立过官方的纹章机构，但各种非营利性私人组织在理论研究和应用纹章艺术方面十分活跃，政府机构内也设立了专门部门来满足国家的纹章需求。所有这些机构都与海外纹章机构保持着成功和富有成效的合作。与旧世界相比，美国的纹章学史料虽然贫乏，但仍能很好地代表美国国家对纹章现象的看法。作者论述了美国人对纹章的大众认知主题：纹章的历史接受、不同社会阶层成员如何使用和解释纹章、当代趋势以及作为历史遗产的一部分人们对纹章日益增长的兴趣。她的结论是，美国纹章是一种与众不同的独特文化现象，值得与其他 "国家 "纹章系统一起研究。
{"title":"Heraldic America","authors":"Dariya S. Staroskolskaya","doi":"10.31857/s0130386424030059","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s0130386424030059","url":null,"abstract":"The title of the article refers to Edgar de V. Vermont’s first American heraldic treatise for a reason. There are no seminal studies on US heraldry in the Russian language. Accordingly, the general public assumes that it does not exist at all. Thus, the purpose of the article, which presents a broad overview of American heraldic entities, is to prove the opposite. Despite considerable opposition on the part of Republican sceptics, heraldry in America is widely used by both individuals and institutions, public as well as private. Although no official heraldic body has ever been established in the United States, various private non-profit organisations are active in theoretical research and applied heraldic art, and specialised departments have been set up within government structures to meet the nation’s armorial needs. All of them maintain successful and fruitful co-operation with overseas heraldic institutes. The American historiography of heraldry, though meagre compared to that of the Old World, is still highly representative of the national American perspective on the phenomenon of coats of arms. The author touches on the themes of mass perception of heraldry among Americans: its historical reception, how it is used and interpreted by members of different social strata, contemporary trends, and the growing interest in it as part of historical heritage. She concludes that American heraldry is a distinctive and unique cultural phenomenon that deserves to be examined along with other “national” heraldic systems.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"116 27","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141821121","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-19DOI: 10.31857/s0130386424030146
Milana Zhivanovic
Many studies have recently focused on the tragic events in the Balkans from 1991 to 1995. The Yugoslav crisis researchers examined various aspects of the crisis, including its causes, stages, and consequences, as well as Russia’s Yugoslav policy at the time. Nevertheless, neither domestic nor foreign authors have provided in-depth coverage of the Yugoslav crisis in the Russian press. The issue of the “image of the other”, particularly in crisis situations, has taken on a wide range of, often asymmetrical, configurations, and it is becoming increasingly relevant for preserving humanity’s long-term development. Examining it can help one gain a better understanding of the media’s role as the most important communicator in interethnic dialogue. In this paper, we will examine articles from four Russian newspapers with opposing political views, namely “Pravda”, “Rossiyskaya Gazeta”, “Nezavisimaya Gazeta”, and “Izvestia” on international sanctions imposed on Yugoslavia at the time, and the country’s situation between 1992 and 1995. We will examine its perspectives on the sanctions, its causes, and consequences. Journalists from four Russian newspapers reported on events in the Balkans in the first half of the 1990s, analyzed the consequences of international sanctions and took into account important factors of the Yugoslav crisis such as the role of the Western countries in the conflict, Slobodan Milošević's political ambitions, and etc. Some journalists have taken an openly pro-Serbian stance, criticizing not only the US and Western European policies towards Belgrade, but also the “inactivity” of the Russian diplomacy, although the majority of them have showed restraint in their assessments of the Balkans situation. They portrayed Yugoslavia as an isolated country by informing their readers about the reasons for imposing sanctions, its nature, and Western policy toward it.
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Pub Date : 2024-07-19DOI: 10.31857/s0130386424030015
O. V. Vorobieva
In the article the author examines the origin and development of the research interest of the British historian Arnold Joseph Toynbee (1889–1975) in ekistics, the science of the formation and evolution of human settlements. It describes the circumstances of his meeting and cooperation with the Greek architect Constantinos Doxiadis, the originator of this science, and analyses three of Toynbee’s books written in the course of this collaboration, which have not yet attracted much scholarly attention so far. Toynbee tried to combine the view of the city offered by ekistics with his own historical ideas and his interest in human geography. The author demonstrates that for Toynbee the city is part of the general civilizing process, a general historical phenomenon – both horizontal and vertical – and it is this view of the city that is the least developed aspect of world urbanism. Toynbee makes a number of interesting observations, showing how patterns of urban life developed in antiquity, have been transmitted in time and space, appearing in different areas of the globe, and have been partially transformed under the influence of world processes, especially colonialism and globalization. The author concludes that Toynbee’s observations on the relationship between tradition, modernization, and colonization in the structure of cities, on the specificity of imperial cities, on the peculiarities of creating an urban environment in the space of the modern megacity and Ecumenopolis may have a certain potential for future urban studies.
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