Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640022379-4
S. Zavodyuk
In the 1950s, as the world entered an era of scientific and technological revolution, the leadership of the Soviet Union chose a new economic course based on scientific knowledge, which could enable the USSR to secure technological leadership, a competitive advantage over Western countries and closer integration with the CMEA. A key indicator of the success of this policy has been the country’s incorporation into the evolving system of international patenting and licence selling. In previous years, these processes had not been covered in historical academic publications. The purpose of this study is to explore the Soviet Union's entry into the international patent licensing system and related organizational, legislative and information measures drawing on the archival documents, including the All-Union Research Institute for State Patent Examination (VNIIGPE), introduced into the academic circuit for the first time, as well as on the published reports of the 1965 meeting of the Committee of Experts on Author's Certificates and the Washington Conference of 1970. The author demonstrates that in the 1950s and 1960s the USSR made the transition from a model of institutional and legal incorporation into international patent-licensing activity to an integration model based on patent cooperation and standardisation, in accordance with international norms. The reason for the slow development of technological cooperation, which hindered the achievement of ambitious goals, was the inertia and internal costs of the Soviet economic and administrative system, which fully affected the development of both models. Ultimately, changes in the international environment and the slowdown of economic development in the USSR in the early 1970s prevented the country from gaining even modest benefits from integration.
{"title":"Integration of the USSR into the International Patent-Licensing System in the Context of International Technological Cooperation (1950s – early 1970s)","authors":"S. Zavodyuk","doi":"10.31857/s013038640022379-4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640022379-4","url":null,"abstract":"In the 1950s, as the world entered an era of scientific and technological revolution, the leadership of the Soviet Union chose a new economic course based on scientific knowledge, which could enable the USSR to secure technological leadership, a competitive advantage over Western countries and closer integration with the CMEA. A key indicator of the success of this policy has been the country’s incorporation into the evolving system of international patenting and licence selling. In previous years, these processes had not been covered in historical academic publications. The purpose of this study is to explore the Soviet Union's entry into the international patent licensing system and related organizational, legislative and information measures drawing on the archival documents, including the All-Union Research Institute for State Patent Examination (VNIIGPE), introduced into the academic circuit for the first time, as well as on the published reports of the 1965 meeting of the Committee of Experts on Author's Certificates and the Washington Conference of 1970. The author demonstrates that in the 1950s and 1960s the USSR made the transition from a model of institutional and legal incorporation into international patent-licensing activity to an integration model based on patent cooperation and standardisation, in accordance with international norms. The reason for the slow development of technological cooperation, which hindered the achievement of ambitious goals, was the inertia and internal costs of the Soviet economic and administrative system, which fully affected the development of both models. Ultimately, changes in the international environment and the slowdown of economic development in the USSR in the early 1970s prevented the country from gaining even modest benefits from integration.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"32 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87002168","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640025909-7
T. Kerimova-Kodjayeva
In this article the author examines the historiography on the problem of formation and creation of the Academy of Sciences of the Azerbaijan SSR in 1920-1945. The aim is to summarise the available literature on the subject, to analyse the works on the history of the foundation and the first years of the Academy of Sciences of Azerbaijan and to show the development of the research interest in this field. This article examines the works of Russian, Soviet, and international historians of science. Soviet historiography was based on communist methodology. Soviet publications were characterised by the use of a large number of published documents and statistical materials. The issues of the development of science, the scientific intelligentsia, scientific personnel, research work; the activities of public organizations of the intelligentsia; the organization of science in various branches and periods of the development of Soviet society were actively studied. Particular attention was paid to the system of Party and state management of science, policy in the field of its organisation, the attitude to the old scientific intelligentsia, the composition of scientific employees and the conditions of their work were analysed, and changes in their socio-political position were noted. During the Perestroika and post-Soviet periods, the tasks of studying the history of the organisation of science in the USSR expanded, new documents were introduced into academic circuit, many facts, events and names were restored, and the methodology and methods of research were improved. The author shows that post-Soviet Azerbaijani historiography of the formation and establishment of the Academy of Sciences, although it inherits the Soviet one, in many ways offers not only new approaches to understanding the history of its foundation, but also a new research topic. By the quantity and quality, time range, geography of publications by Azerbaijani, Russian and international historians, it can be argued that the problem of the formation of the Academy of Sciences is one of the areas of Azerbaijani historical scholarship.
{"title":"Formation and Creation of the Academy of Sciences of the Azerbaijani SSR (1920–1945) in the Works of Azerbaijanian and Foreign Scientists","authors":"T. Kerimova-Kodjayeva","doi":"10.31857/s013038640025909-7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640025909-7","url":null,"abstract":"In this article the author examines the historiography on the problem of formation and creation of the Academy of Sciences of the Azerbaijan SSR in 1920-1945. The aim is to summarise the available literature on the subject, to analyse the works on the history of the foundation and the first years of the Academy of Sciences of Azerbaijan and to show the development of the research interest in this field. This article examines the works of Russian, Soviet, and international historians of science. Soviet historiography was based on communist methodology. Soviet publications were characterised by the use of a large number of published documents and statistical materials. The issues of the development of science, the scientific intelligentsia, scientific personnel, research work; the activities of public organizations of the intelligentsia; the organization of science in various branches and periods of the development of Soviet society were actively studied. Particular attention was paid to the system of Party and state management of science, policy in the field of its organisation, the attitude to the old scientific intelligentsia, the composition of scientific employees and the conditions of their work were analysed, and changes in their socio-political position were noted. During the Perestroika and post-Soviet periods, the tasks of studying the history of the organisation of science in the USSR expanded, new documents were introduced into academic circuit, many facts, events and names were restored, and the methodology and methods of research were improved. The author shows that post-Soviet Azerbaijani historiography of the formation and establishment of the Academy of Sciences, although it inherits the Soviet one, in many ways offers not only new approaches to understanding the history of its foundation, but also a new research topic. By the quantity and quality, time range, geography of publications by Azerbaijani, Russian and international historians, it can be argued that the problem of the formation of the Academy of Sciences is one of the areas of Azerbaijani historical scholarship.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86700597","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640025917-6
D. Likharev
In this article the author analyses the academic career of Arthur Jacob Marder, a prominent student of British naval policy in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Even though he graduated from Harvard, Marder faced serious difficulties in obtaining a position at American universities because of the ethnic and religious prejudices prevalent in the 1930s. Marder chose British naval policy of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries as his field of research. A key issue in this vast area of study were the reforms put in place by Admiral John Fisher to prepare the British Navy for the Great War. His first monograph, “The Anatomy of British Sea Power”, was published in 1940. After encountering restrictions on access to British Admiralty documents in the 1940s and 1950s, Marder turned to private archives to locate sources for his study. He managed to publish both Sir Herbert Richmond's diaries and the three-volume correspondence of Sir John Fisher. The five-volume treatise “From the Dreadnought to Scapa Flow” was the crowning achievement of Marder's research. Marder is considered the founder of the classic concept of the so-called naval revolution of Sir John Fisher. Marder had the unique opportunity to study British naval documents, most of which no longer exist today and are forever lost to future generations of historians. This is the primary reason why Marder's work retains its significance to this day.
{"title":"Arthur Jacob Marder: A Glorifier of the British Sea Power","authors":"D. Likharev","doi":"10.31857/s013038640025917-6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640025917-6","url":null,"abstract":"In this article the author analyses the academic career of Arthur Jacob Marder, a prominent student of British naval policy in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Even though he graduated from Harvard, Marder faced serious difficulties in obtaining a position at American universities because of the ethnic and religious prejudices prevalent in the 1930s. Marder chose British naval policy of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries as his field of research. A key issue in this vast area of study were the reforms put in place by Admiral John Fisher to prepare the British Navy for the Great War. His first monograph, “The Anatomy of British Sea Power”, was published in 1940. After encountering restrictions on access to British Admiralty documents in the 1940s and 1950s, Marder turned to private archives to locate sources for his study. He managed to publish both Sir Herbert Richmond's diaries and the three-volume correspondence of Sir John Fisher. The five-volume treatise “From the Dreadnought to Scapa Flow” was the crowning achievement of Marder's research. Marder is considered the founder of the classic concept of the so-called naval revolution of Sir John Fisher. Marder had the unique opportunity to study British naval documents, most of which no longer exist today and are forever lost to future generations of historians. This is the primary reason why Marder's work retains its significance to this day.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"69 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86822562","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640023664-8
Aleksandr Naumov
The authors examine the evolution of Russia's position regarding the “Bulldozer Revolution” in Serbia in 2000. The response of official Moscow to the 'colour revolutions' at the beginning of the twenty-first century is a blank spot in Russian scholarly discourse, and the issue is being analysed in Russian and international historiography for the first time. In the course of the study, the documents of the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation, the Digital Library of B. Clinton (USA), the Federal Election Commission of Yugoslavia, statements by major Russian politicians and diplomats, materials from leading domestic and Western media, many of which are published for the first time in the academic literature. The authors come to the conclusion that the official reaction of the leadership of the Russian Federation to the crisis events of autumn 2000 in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was cautious and restrained, which excluded open support for one of the parties to the internal political confrontation. While the collective West openly advocated the removal of Slobodan Milošević from power, Russia sought to ensure that the president of the country was elected by the Yugoslav people legally, without foreign interference and internal unrest. That is why, during the elections and before the victory of the “Bulldozer Revolution”, Russian officials and diplomats did not speak out in favour of any candidate, but also did not succumb to the pressure of Western politicians who sought to use Moscow to put pressure on Milošević. Russia attempted to play the role of mediator between the authorities and the opposition, yet in the face of proactive action by Western countries to overthrow the ruling regime, this policy was doomed to failure.
{"title":"The Position of the Russian Federation Regarding the “Bulldozer Revolution” in Serbia in 2000","authors":"Aleksandr Naumov","doi":"10.31857/s013038640023664-8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640023664-8","url":null,"abstract":"The authors examine the evolution of Russia's position regarding the “Bulldozer Revolution” in Serbia in 2000. The response of official Moscow to the 'colour revolutions' at the beginning of the twenty-first century is a blank spot in Russian scholarly discourse, and the issue is being analysed in Russian and international historiography for the first time. In the course of the study, the documents of the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation, the Digital Library of B. Clinton (USA), the Federal Election Commission of Yugoslavia, statements by major Russian politicians and diplomats, materials from leading domestic and Western media, many of which are published for the first time in the academic literature. The authors come to the conclusion that the official reaction of the leadership of the Russian Federation to the crisis events of autumn 2000 in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was cautious and restrained, which excluded open support for one of the parties to the internal political confrontation. While the collective West openly advocated the removal of Slobodan Milošević from power, Russia sought to ensure that the president of the country was elected by the Yugoslav people legally, without foreign interference and internal unrest. That is why, during the elections and before the victory of the “Bulldozer Revolution”, Russian officials and diplomats did not speak out in favour of any candidate, but also did not succumb to the pressure of Western politicians who sought to use Moscow to put pressure on Milošević. Russia attempted to play the role of mediator between the authorities and the opposition, yet in the face of proactive action by Western countries to overthrow the ruling regime, this policy was doomed to failure.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"22 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83495956","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640025460-4
Sergey Zanin
In contrast to the approaches widely accepted in historiography, in this article the author analyses the content of the concepts of “natural law”, “contract” and “sovereignty” developed by representatives of the “school of natural law” (Grotius, Pufendorf, Burlamaqui, Barbeyrac), as well as their followers (Locke, Hobbes, Rousseau). After Grotius, the individualistic concept of “natural law” emerges in the writings of Pufendorf, which led the representatives of the “school” to look for the form of the social contract in the private legal agreements of the people with the bearer of sovereign power. The author demonstrates that Rousseau, developing his criticism of these ideas, created a new concept of a public law contract in which the “sovereign” is not a party to the agreement, and the people do not alienate supreme power in his favour, remaining its bearer and its only source. At the same time, he did not raise the question of the real “origins of sovereignty”, which the representatives of the “school’ and their followers focused a lot of attention on, since Rousseau's social contract is not a historical fact. Thus, the formation of the science of public law in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries reflects the transition from the concepts of “natural law”, “contract” and “sovereignty” based on fact to the concepts based on law.
{"title":"Making of the Science of Public Law in Europe","authors":"Sergey Zanin","doi":"10.31857/s013038640025460-4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640025460-4","url":null,"abstract":"In contrast to the approaches widely accepted in historiography, in this article the author analyses the content of the concepts of “natural law”, “contract” and “sovereignty” developed by representatives of the “school of natural law” (Grotius, Pufendorf, Burlamaqui, Barbeyrac), as well as their followers (Locke, Hobbes, Rousseau). After Grotius, the individualistic concept of “natural law” emerges in the writings of Pufendorf, which led the representatives of the “school” to look for the form of the social contract in the private legal agreements of the people with the bearer of sovereign power. The author demonstrates that Rousseau, developing his criticism of these ideas, created a new concept of a public law contract in which the “sovereign” is not a party to the agreement, and the people do not alienate supreme power in his favour, remaining its bearer and its only source. At the same time, he did not raise the question of the real “origins of sovereignty”, which the representatives of the “school’ and their followers focused a lot of attention on, since Rousseau's social contract is not a historical fact. Thus, the formation of the science of public law in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries reflects the transition from the concepts of “natural law”, “contract” and “sovereignty” based on fact to the concepts based on law.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135262808","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640028078-3
Tatiana Fadeeva
{"title":"Realpolitik: Dialogue on Both Sides of the Atlantic (M. Specter. The Atlantic Realists: Empire and International Thought between Germany and the United States. Stanford (Cal.), 2022)","authors":"Tatiana Fadeeva","doi":"10.31857/s013038640028078-3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640028078-3","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135262809","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640028075-0
Vladimir Sogrin
Why there is no socialism in the USA? The author tries to answer this question and identifies two main reasons of that. The first lies in the nature of American civilization. The second is in the politics of the ruling class. Violence was used. But there was also what modern political scientists call “soft power”. The first one, as a rule, was used by conservatism, and the second one by liberalism. At the present stage, these are, respectively, the Republican and the Democratic Parties. In the USA itself, the classic explanation is the work of L. Hartz, who explained the absence of socialism by the absence of feudalism. But is the rooting of socialism due to capitalism not to feudalism? The colonists attributed their departure from England either to the desire for enrichment, or to a religious reason. Protestant ethics, most fully embodied in Puritanism and placing on the individual all responsibility for his successes and failures, initially became the civilizational basis of North America, and then the United States. Another civilizational factor that pushed Puritanism was national consumerism, which has been forming since the 1920s. Ronald Reagan, George W. Bush, and Donald Trump are examples of Republican presidents. Presidents from the Democratic Party who relied on “soft power” (social reforms) in the fight against socialism in the article are Franklin Delano Roosevelt, John Kennedy, Lyndon B. Johnson, Barack Obama.
{"title":"Why There Is No Socialism in the USA","authors":"Vladimir Sogrin","doi":"10.31857/s013038640028075-0","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640028075-0","url":null,"abstract":"Why there is no socialism in the USA? The author tries to answer this question and identifies two main reasons of that. The first lies in the nature of American civilization. The second is in the politics of the ruling class. Violence was used. But there was also what modern political scientists call “soft power”. The first one, as a rule, was used by conservatism, and the second one by liberalism. At the present stage, these are, respectively, the Republican and the Democratic Parties. In the USA itself, the classic explanation is the work of L. Hartz, who explained the absence of socialism by the absence of feudalism. But is the rooting of socialism due to capitalism not to feudalism? The colonists attributed their departure from England either to the desire for enrichment, or to a religious reason. Protestant ethics, most fully embodied in Puritanism and placing on the individual all responsibility for his successes and failures, initially became the civilizational basis of North America, and then the United States. Another civilizational factor that pushed Puritanism was national consumerism, which has been forming since the 1920s. Ronald Reagan, George W. Bush, and Donald Trump are examples of Republican presidents. Presidents from the Democratic Party who relied on “soft power” (social reforms) in the fight against socialism in the article are Franklin Delano Roosevelt, John Kennedy, Lyndon B. Johnson, Barack Obama.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"56 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135262816","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640028067-1
Alexey Filitov
Building on Ralph Giordano's narrative of the Germans' “second guilt”, the author presents and analyses four patterns of treatment of Nazi criminals in post-war Germany and their reflection in historiography. With regard to the Soviet practice of their legal prosecution, the author critically examines the theses about its “propaganda orientation” and “excessive rigidity” of the sentences handed down, while the actions of the Western occupation authorities are characterised by an arbitrary and politically motivated approach. Much of the article is devoted to a comparative analysis of how the problem of punishment for Nazi crimes was, or was not, addressed in the two German states and in unified Germany. The consistent efforts of the GDR authorities to identify and prosecute Nazi criminals have been duly highlighted and recognised. The author traces the winding path of “mastering the [Nazi] past” in West Germany: from the first wave of (largely ineffective) trials in the 1940s to the complete stagnation in the mid-50s and the relative growth of war crimes and crimes against humanity cases opened in subsequent years. The shortcomings of this judicial practice and the acquittal patterns reflected in German historiography are discussed and evaluated drawing on a broad source base.
{"title":"The Problem of Punishment for Nazi Criminals in the Post-War Germany: History and Historiography","authors":"Alexey Filitov","doi":"10.31857/s013038640028067-1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640028067-1","url":null,"abstract":"Building on Ralph Giordano's narrative of the Germans' “second guilt”, the author presents and analyses four patterns of treatment of Nazi criminals in post-war Germany and their reflection in historiography. With regard to the Soviet practice of their legal prosecution, the author critically examines the theses about its “propaganda orientation” and “excessive rigidity” of the sentences handed down, while the actions of the Western occupation authorities are characterised by an arbitrary and politically motivated approach. Much of the article is devoted to a comparative analysis of how the problem of punishment for Nazi crimes was, or was not, addressed in the two German states and in unified Germany. The consistent efforts of the GDR authorities to identify and prosecute Nazi criminals have been duly highlighted and recognised. The author traces the winding path of “mastering the [Nazi] past” in West Germany: from the first wave of (largely ineffective) trials in the 1940s to the complete stagnation in the mid-50s and the relative growth of war crimes and crimes against humanity cases opened in subsequent years. The shortcomings of this judicial practice and the acquittal patterns reflected in German historiography are discussed and evaluated drawing on a broad source base.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135262824","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640028068-2
Andrey Mitrofanov
The Consulship of Napoleon Bonaparte is often presented as a time of his political triumph as both politician and legislator. However, this very stereotypical assessment requires further clarifications. As the latest research suggests, the whole period between the Brumaire and the proclamation of the Empire was a period of difficult search for new methods of governance under very difficult circumstances. One of the serious problems in the formation of the new borders of Napoleonic France in the early years of the nineteenth century continued to be banditry (brigandage). In a number of regions, this phenomenon had a distinct political colouring. In the French political lexicon of the era, it referred to collective violence of any kind, anti-state actions, as well as various forms of criminal robbery. The situation was most acute in the peripheral regions, particularly in Piedmont. Although the flames of the acute civil conflict of 1799 had subsided here, yet the causes of this mass phenomenon were extremely deep. The author aims to analyse the ways of solving the problem of banditry in the context of the overall Napoleonic policy, to show the role of the French administration and, in particular, of General Jean-Baptiste Jourdan in this process during the formation of new institutions of power in the Consulate period. Drawing on the archival collections of the French Ministries of General Police and Justice, the Piedmont General Administration from the French National Archives, as well as some materials from the archival collections of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, he attempts to reconstruct a set of measures to eradicate banditry. The new authorities, and above all the chief administrator of Piedmont, General Jourdan, as well as the prefects and mayors, had to resort both to the tactics of “mobile columns” and extraordinary justice, but also to seek compromise with the rural oligarchy, the parish clergy and the peasant masses in order to maintain the fragile social order. What is also significant is that the experience gained by the French in the fight against banditry in Piedmont was later successfully disseminated to other regions of Italy, and that it was this experience that largely served as the basis for the formation of Napoleon's policy of “cultural imperialism”.
{"title":"Napoleon Bonaparte, General Jean-Baptiste Jourdan, and the Problem of Banditry in Piedmont, 1800–1802","authors":"Andrey Mitrofanov","doi":"10.31857/s013038640028068-2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640028068-2","url":null,"abstract":"The Consulship of Napoleon Bonaparte is often presented as a time of his political triumph as both politician and legislator. However, this very stereotypical assessment requires further clarifications. As the latest research suggests, the whole period between the Brumaire and the proclamation of the Empire was a period of difficult search for new methods of governance under very difficult circumstances. One of the serious problems in the formation of the new borders of Napoleonic France in the early years of the nineteenth century continued to be banditry (brigandage). In a number of regions, this phenomenon had a distinct political colouring. In the French political lexicon of the era, it referred to collective violence of any kind, anti-state actions, as well as various forms of criminal robbery. The situation was most acute in the peripheral regions, particularly in Piedmont. Although the flames of the acute civil conflict of 1799 had subsided here, yet the causes of this mass phenomenon were extremely deep. The author aims to analyse the ways of solving the problem of banditry in the context of the overall Napoleonic policy, to show the role of the French administration and, in particular, of General Jean-Baptiste Jourdan in this process during the formation of new institutions of power in the Consulate period. Drawing on the archival collections of the French Ministries of General Police and Justice, the Piedmont General Administration from the French National Archives, as well as some materials from the archival collections of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, he attempts to reconstruct a set of measures to eradicate banditry. The new authorities, and above all the chief administrator of Piedmont, General Jourdan, as well as the prefects and mayors, had to resort both to the tactics of “mobile columns” and extraordinary justice, but also to seek compromise with the rural oligarchy, the parish clergy and the peasant masses in order to maintain the fragile social order. What is also significant is that the experience gained by the French in the fight against banditry in Piedmont was later successfully disseminated to other regions of Italy, and that it was this experience that largely served as the basis for the formation of Napoleon's policy of “cultural imperialism”.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135262987","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640024239-0
Valery I. Mikhaylenko
In the summer of 1939, Hitler's Germany provoked an acute European crisis, the outcome of which had several options for resolution, including a peaceful one, along the lines of the Munich Agreement of 1938. Adolf Hitler, with his strategy of indirect action, played for higher stakes, took risks and often bluffed, leaving it to himself to exploit the option that was most favourable for him. Since 22 May 1939, Fascist Italy had been a military ally of Germany. Depending on the outcome of the Polish-German conflict, the Italian leadership planned a local “parallel” war in the Balkans and the Mediterranean in the event that the Western allies failed to counter German plans. The study proves that the British and French declarations of war on Germany were aimed at preventing Italian aggression in the area of direct geopolitical interest of the UK and France. The author analyses attempts made by Italian diplomacy to organise a “new Munich” and the reasons for their failure. The author analyses attempts made by Italian diplomacy to organise a “new Munich” and the reasons for their failure. He concludes that the Western allies succeeded in preventing the actualisation of the Italian-German military alliance. This was done under the threat of a all-out war and a crushing blow to Italy and its colonial possessions. In the context of the immediate politico-military situation at the time, the holding of a peace conference proved irrelevant to both the German leadership and the Western allies. Analyzing the four powers' negotiation process with regard to convening a peace conference, the author believes that prior to 17 September 1939, the USSR was hardly considered as an independent factor in the diplomatic and military game of the European powers. The author's conclusions are supported by data from Italian diplomatic and military documents, previously unknown in Russian historiography.
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