Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640025909-7
T. Kerimova-Kodjayeva
In this article the author examines the historiography on the problem of formation and creation of the Academy of Sciences of the Azerbaijan SSR in 1920-1945. The aim is to summarise the available literature on the subject, to analyse the works on the history of the foundation and the first years of the Academy of Sciences of Azerbaijan and to show the development of the research interest in this field. This article examines the works of Russian, Soviet, and international historians of science. Soviet historiography was based on communist methodology. Soviet publications were characterised by the use of a large number of published documents and statistical materials. The issues of the development of science, the scientific intelligentsia, scientific personnel, research work; the activities of public organizations of the intelligentsia; the organization of science in various branches and periods of the development of Soviet society were actively studied. Particular attention was paid to the system of Party and state management of science, policy in the field of its organisation, the attitude to the old scientific intelligentsia, the composition of scientific employees and the conditions of their work were analysed, and changes in their socio-political position were noted. During the Perestroika and post-Soviet periods, the tasks of studying the history of the organisation of science in the USSR expanded, new documents were introduced into academic circuit, many facts, events and names were restored, and the methodology and methods of research were improved. The author shows that post-Soviet Azerbaijani historiography of the formation and establishment of the Academy of Sciences, although it inherits the Soviet one, in many ways offers not only new approaches to understanding the history of its foundation, but also a new research topic. By the quantity and quality, time range, geography of publications by Azerbaijani, Russian and international historians, it can be argued that the problem of the formation of the Academy of Sciences is one of the areas of Azerbaijani historical scholarship.
{"title":"Formation and Creation of the Academy of Sciences of the Azerbaijani SSR (1920–1945) in the Works of Azerbaijanian and Foreign Scientists","authors":"T. Kerimova-Kodjayeva","doi":"10.31857/s013038640025909-7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640025909-7","url":null,"abstract":"In this article the author examines the historiography on the problem of formation and creation of the Academy of Sciences of the Azerbaijan SSR in 1920-1945. The aim is to summarise the available literature on the subject, to analyse the works on the history of the foundation and the first years of the Academy of Sciences of Azerbaijan and to show the development of the research interest in this field. This article examines the works of Russian, Soviet, and international historians of science. Soviet historiography was based on communist methodology. Soviet publications were characterised by the use of a large number of published documents and statistical materials. The issues of the development of science, the scientific intelligentsia, scientific personnel, research work; the activities of public organizations of the intelligentsia; the organization of science in various branches and periods of the development of Soviet society were actively studied. Particular attention was paid to the system of Party and state management of science, policy in the field of its organisation, the attitude to the old scientific intelligentsia, the composition of scientific employees and the conditions of their work were analysed, and changes in their socio-political position were noted. During the Perestroika and post-Soviet periods, the tasks of studying the history of the organisation of science in the USSR expanded, new documents were introduced into academic circuit, many facts, events and names were restored, and the methodology and methods of research were improved. The author shows that post-Soviet Azerbaijani historiography of the formation and establishment of the Academy of Sciences, although it inherits the Soviet one, in many ways offers not only new approaches to understanding the history of its foundation, but also a new research topic. By the quantity and quality, time range, geography of publications by Azerbaijani, Russian and international historians, it can be argued that the problem of the formation of the Academy of Sciences is one of the areas of Azerbaijani historical scholarship.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86700597","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640022379-4
S. Zavodyuk
In the 1950s, as the world entered an era of scientific and technological revolution, the leadership of the Soviet Union chose a new economic course based on scientific knowledge, which could enable the USSR to secure technological leadership, a competitive advantage over Western countries and closer integration with the CMEA. A key indicator of the success of this policy has been the country’s incorporation into the evolving system of international patenting and licence selling. In previous years, these processes had not been covered in historical academic publications. The purpose of this study is to explore the Soviet Union's entry into the international patent licensing system and related organizational, legislative and information measures drawing on the archival documents, including the All-Union Research Institute for State Patent Examination (VNIIGPE), introduced into the academic circuit for the first time, as well as on the published reports of the 1965 meeting of the Committee of Experts on Author's Certificates and the Washington Conference of 1970. The author demonstrates that in the 1950s and 1960s the USSR made the transition from a model of institutional and legal incorporation into international patent-licensing activity to an integration model based on patent cooperation and standardisation, in accordance with international norms. The reason for the slow development of technological cooperation, which hindered the achievement of ambitious goals, was the inertia and internal costs of the Soviet economic and administrative system, which fully affected the development of both models. Ultimately, changes in the international environment and the slowdown of economic development in the USSR in the early 1970s prevented the country from gaining even modest benefits from integration.
{"title":"Integration of the USSR into the International Patent-Licensing System in the Context of International Technological Cooperation (1950s – early 1970s)","authors":"S. Zavodyuk","doi":"10.31857/s013038640022379-4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640022379-4","url":null,"abstract":"In the 1950s, as the world entered an era of scientific and technological revolution, the leadership of the Soviet Union chose a new economic course based on scientific knowledge, which could enable the USSR to secure technological leadership, a competitive advantage over Western countries and closer integration with the CMEA. A key indicator of the success of this policy has been the country’s incorporation into the evolving system of international patenting and licence selling. In previous years, these processes had not been covered in historical academic publications. The purpose of this study is to explore the Soviet Union's entry into the international patent licensing system and related organizational, legislative and information measures drawing on the archival documents, including the All-Union Research Institute for State Patent Examination (VNIIGPE), introduced into the academic circuit for the first time, as well as on the published reports of the 1965 meeting of the Committee of Experts on Author's Certificates and the Washington Conference of 1970. The author demonstrates that in the 1950s and 1960s the USSR made the transition from a model of institutional and legal incorporation into international patent-licensing activity to an integration model based on patent cooperation and standardisation, in accordance with international norms. The reason for the slow development of technological cooperation, which hindered the achievement of ambitious goals, was the inertia and internal costs of the Soviet economic and administrative system, which fully affected the development of both models. Ultimately, changes in the international environment and the slowdown of economic development in the USSR in the early 1970s prevented the country from gaining even modest benefits from integration.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"32 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87002168","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640025917-6
D. Likharev
In this article the author analyses the academic career of Arthur Jacob Marder, a prominent student of British naval policy in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Even though he graduated from Harvard, Marder faced serious difficulties in obtaining a position at American universities because of the ethnic and religious prejudices prevalent in the 1930s. Marder chose British naval policy of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries as his field of research. A key issue in this vast area of study were the reforms put in place by Admiral John Fisher to prepare the British Navy for the Great War. His first monograph, “The Anatomy of British Sea Power”, was published in 1940. After encountering restrictions on access to British Admiralty documents in the 1940s and 1950s, Marder turned to private archives to locate sources for his study. He managed to publish both Sir Herbert Richmond's diaries and the three-volume correspondence of Sir John Fisher. The five-volume treatise “From the Dreadnought to Scapa Flow” was the crowning achievement of Marder's research. Marder is considered the founder of the classic concept of the so-called naval revolution of Sir John Fisher. Marder had the unique opportunity to study British naval documents, most of which no longer exist today and are forever lost to future generations of historians. This is the primary reason why Marder's work retains its significance to this day.
{"title":"Arthur Jacob Marder: A Glorifier of the British Sea Power","authors":"D. Likharev","doi":"10.31857/s013038640025917-6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640025917-6","url":null,"abstract":"In this article the author analyses the academic career of Arthur Jacob Marder, a prominent student of British naval policy in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Even though he graduated from Harvard, Marder faced serious difficulties in obtaining a position at American universities because of the ethnic and religious prejudices prevalent in the 1930s. Marder chose British naval policy of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries as his field of research. A key issue in this vast area of study were the reforms put in place by Admiral John Fisher to prepare the British Navy for the Great War. His first monograph, “The Anatomy of British Sea Power”, was published in 1940. After encountering restrictions on access to British Admiralty documents in the 1940s and 1950s, Marder turned to private archives to locate sources for his study. He managed to publish both Sir Herbert Richmond's diaries and the three-volume correspondence of Sir John Fisher. The five-volume treatise “From the Dreadnought to Scapa Flow” was the crowning achievement of Marder's research. Marder is considered the founder of the classic concept of the so-called naval revolution of Sir John Fisher. Marder had the unique opportunity to study British naval documents, most of which no longer exist today and are forever lost to future generations of historians. This is the primary reason why Marder's work retains its significance to this day.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"69 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86822562","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640021357-0
V. A. Kuznetsov
The article focuses on the issues of political regime transformation in Algeria after the overthrow of President Abdelaziz Bouteflika. Describing the dynamics of Algerian political life, the author points out that the country's current regime can be characterised as hybrid and authoritarian. Nevertheless, the prospects for its further evolution remain unclear. The author opines that these prospects would be determined by the ability of the system to overcome the alienation between the public and the authorities. With this in mind, two key linking mechanisms need be analysed: electoral and direct political participation. When analysing electoral processes, the author compares the events and results of the 2002, 2007, 2012, 2017 and 2021 parliamentary campaigns, concluding that the mutual distrust between the public and the government constantly affects the social life of Algeria. Looking at direct forms of participation, he focuses on the “Hirak” Movement, which made the 2019 power transition possible. Indication of its specific traits shows why it did not facilitate the creation of a new social contract. The author concludes the article with the assumption that the alienation between the government and society has not been overcome because Algerian political culture was formed in the colonial and post-colonial periods. The article’s methodology is based on the hybrid regime and social orders theories. Furthermore, the author uses the typology of political parties proposed by Maurice Duverger. The sources and materials used for the study include official documents, media publications and results of the author’s field research.
{"title":"Algeria: Political Participation During the Transformation of Political Regime after 2019","authors":"V. A. Kuznetsov","doi":"10.31857/s013038640021357-0","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640021357-0","url":null,"abstract":"The article focuses on the issues of political regime transformation in Algeria after the overthrow of President Abdelaziz Bouteflika. Describing the dynamics of Algerian political life, the author points out that the country's current regime can be characterised as hybrid and authoritarian. Nevertheless, the prospects for its further evolution remain unclear. The author opines that these prospects would be determined by the ability of the system to overcome the alienation between the public and the authorities. With this in mind, two key linking mechanisms need be analysed: electoral and direct political participation. When analysing electoral processes, the author compares the events and results of the 2002, 2007, 2012, 2017 and 2021 parliamentary campaigns, concluding that the mutual distrust between the public and the government constantly affects the social life of Algeria. Looking at direct forms of participation, he focuses on the “Hirak” Movement, which made the 2019 power transition possible. Indication of its specific traits shows why it did not facilitate the creation of a new social contract. The author concludes the article with the assumption that the alienation between the government and society has not been overcome because Algerian political culture was formed in the colonial and post-colonial periods. The article’s methodology is based on the hybrid regime and social orders theories. Furthermore, the author uses the typology of political parties proposed by Maurice Duverger. The sources and materials used for the study include official documents, media publications and results of the author’s field research.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"46 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90376495","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640028075-0
Vladimir Sogrin
Why there is no socialism in the USA? The author tries to answer this question and identifies two main reasons of that. The first lies in the nature of American civilization. The second is in the politics of the ruling class. Violence was used. But there was also what modern political scientists call “soft power”. The first one, as a rule, was used by conservatism, and the second one by liberalism. At the present stage, these are, respectively, the Republican and the Democratic Parties. In the USA itself, the classic explanation is the work of L. Hartz, who explained the absence of socialism by the absence of feudalism. But is the rooting of socialism due to capitalism not to feudalism? The colonists attributed their departure from England either to the desire for enrichment, or to a religious reason. Protestant ethics, most fully embodied in Puritanism and placing on the individual all responsibility for his successes and failures, initially became the civilizational basis of North America, and then the United States. Another civilizational factor that pushed Puritanism was national consumerism, which has been forming since the 1920s. Ronald Reagan, George W. Bush, and Donald Trump are examples of Republican presidents. Presidents from the Democratic Party who relied on “soft power” (social reforms) in the fight against socialism in the article are Franklin Delano Roosevelt, John Kennedy, Lyndon B. Johnson, Barack Obama.
{"title":"Why There Is No Socialism in the USA","authors":"Vladimir Sogrin","doi":"10.31857/s013038640028075-0","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640028075-0","url":null,"abstract":"Why there is no socialism in the USA? The author tries to answer this question and identifies two main reasons of that. The first lies in the nature of American civilization. The second is in the politics of the ruling class. Violence was used. But there was also what modern political scientists call “soft power”. The first one, as a rule, was used by conservatism, and the second one by liberalism. At the present stage, these are, respectively, the Republican and the Democratic Parties. In the USA itself, the classic explanation is the work of L. Hartz, who explained the absence of socialism by the absence of feudalism. But is the rooting of socialism due to capitalism not to feudalism? The colonists attributed their departure from England either to the desire for enrichment, or to a religious reason. Protestant ethics, most fully embodied in Puritanism and placing on the individual all responsibility for his successes and failures, initially became the civilizational basis of North America, and then the United States. Another civilizational factor that pushed Puritanism was national consumerism, which has been forming since the 1920s. Ronald Reagan, George W. Bush, and Donald Trump are examples of Republican presidents. Presidents from the Democratic Party who relied on “soft power” (social reforms) in the fight against socialism in the article are Franklin Delano Roosevelt, John Kennedy, Lyndon B. Johnson, Barack Obama.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"56 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135262816","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640028067-1
Alexey Filitov
Building on Ralph Giordano's narrative of the Germans' “second guilt”, the author presents and analyses four patterns of treatment of Nazi criminals in post-war Germany and their reflection in historiography. With regard to the Soviet practice of their legal prosecution, the author critically examines the theses about its “propaganda orientation” and “excessive rigidity” of the sentences handed down, while the actions of the Western occupation authorities are characterised by an arbitrary and politically motivated approach. Much of the article is devoted to a comparative analysis of how the problem of punishment for Nazi crimes was, or was not, addressed in the two German states and in unified Germany. The consistent efforts of the GDR authorities to identify and prosecute Nazi criminals have been duly highlighted and recognised. The author traces the winding path of “mastering the [Nazi] past” in West Germany: from the first wave of (largely ineffective) trials in the 1940s to the complete stagnation in the mid-50s and the relative growth of war crimes and crimes against humanity cases opened in subsequent years. The shortcomings of this judicial practice and the acquittal patterns reflected in German historiography are discussed and evaluated drawing on a broad source base.
{"title":"The Problem of Punishment for Nazi Criminals in the Post-War Germany: History and Historiography","authors":"Alexey Filitov","doi":"10.31857/s013038640028067-1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640028067-1","url":null,"abstract":"Building on Ralph Giordano's narrative of the Germans' “second guilt”, the author presents and analyses four patterns of treatment of Nazi criminals in post-war Germany and their reflection in historiography. With regard to the Soviet practice of their legal prosecution, the author critically examines the theses about its “propaganda orientation” and “excessive rigidity” of the sentences handed down, while the actions of the Western occupation authorities are characterised by an arbitrary and politically motivated approach. Much of the article is devoted to a comparative analysis of how the problem of punishment for Nazi crimes was, or was not, addressed in the two German states and in unified Germany. The consistent efforts of the GDR authorities to identify and prosecute Nazi criminals have been duly highlighted and recognised. The author traces the winding path of “mastering the [Nazi] past” in West Germany: from the first wave of (largely ineffective) trials in the 1940s to the complete stagnation in the mid-50s and the relative growth of war crimes and crimes against humanity cases opened in subsequent years. The shortcomings of this judicial practice and the acquittal patterns reflected in German historiography are discussed and evaluated drawing on a broad source base.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135262824","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640025460-4
Sergey Zanin
In contrast to the approaches widely accepted in historiography, in this article the author analyses the content of the concepts of “natural law”, “contract” and “sovereignty” developed by representatives of the “school of natural law” (Grotius, Pufendorf, Burlamaqui, Barbeyrac), as well as their followers (Locke, Hobbes, Rousseau). After Grotius, the individualistic concept of “natural law” emerges in the writings of Pufendorf, which led the representatives of the “school” to look for the form of the social contract in the private legal agreements of the people with the bearer of sovereign power. The author demonstrates that Rousseau, developing his criticism of these ideas, created a new concept of a public law contract in which the “sovereign” is not a party to the agreement, and the people do not alienate supreme power in his favour, remaining its bearer and its only source. At the same time, he did not raise the question of the real “origins of sovereignty”, which the representatives of the “school’ and their followers focused a lot of attention on, since Rousseau's social contract is not a historical fact. Thus, the formation of the science of public law in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries reflects the transition from the concepts of “natural law”, “contract” and “sovereignty” based on fact to the concepts based on law.
{"title":"Making of the Science of Public Law in Europe","authors":"Sergey Zanin","doi":"10.31857/s013038640025460-4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640025460-4","url":null,"abstract":"In contrast to the approaches widely accepted in historiography, in this article the author analyses the content of the concepts of “natural law”, “contract” and “sovereignty” developed by representatives of the “school of natural law” (Grotius, Pufendorf, Burlamaqui, Barbeyrac), as well as their followers (Locke, Hobbes, Rousseau). After Grotius, the individualistic concept of “natural law” emerges in the writings of Pufendorf, which led the representatives of the “school” to look for the form of the social contract in the private legal agreements of the people with the bearer of sovereign power. The author demonstrates that Rousseau, developing his criticism of these ideas, created a new concept of a public law contract in which the “sovereign” is not a party to the agreement, and the people do not alienate supreme power in his favour, remaining its bearer and its only source. At the same time, he did not raise the question of the real “origins of sovereignty”, which the representatives of the “school’ and their followers focused a lot of attention on, since Rousseau's social contract is not a historical fact. Thus, the formation of the science of public law in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries reflects the transition from the concepts of “natural law”, “contract” and “sovereignty” based on fact to the concepts based on law.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135262808","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640028078-3
Tatiana Fadeeva
{"title":"Realpolitik: Dialogue on Both Sides of the Atlantic (M. Specter. The Atlantic Realists: Empire and International Thought between Germany and the United States. Stanford (Cal.), 2022)","authors":"Tatiana Fadeeva","doi":"10.31857/s013038640028078-3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640028078-3","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135262809","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640028068-2
Andrey Mitrofanov
The Consulship of Napoleon Bonaparte is often presented as a time of his political triumph as both politician and legislator. However, this very stereotypical assessment requires further clarifications. As the latest research suggests, the whole period between the Brumaire and the proclamation of the Empire was a period of difficult search for new methods of governance under very difficult circumstances. One of the serious problems in the formation of the new borders of Napoleonic France in the early years of the nineteenth century continued to be banditry (brigandage). In a number of regions, this phenomenon had a distinct political colouring. In the French political lexicon of the era, it referred to collective violence of any kind, anti-state actions, as well as various forms of criminal robbery. The situation was most acute in the peripheral regions, particularly in Piedmont. Although the flames of the acute civil conflict of 1799 had subsided here, yet the causes of this mass phenomenon were extremely deep. The author aims to analyse the ways of solving the problem of banditry in the context of the overall Napoleonic policy, to show the role of the French administration and, in particular, of General Jean-Baptiste Jourdan in this process during the formation of new institutions of power in the Consulate period. Drawing on the archival collections of the French Ministries of General Police and Justice, the Piedmont General Administration from the French National Archives, as well as some materials from the archival collections of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, he attempts to reconstruct a set of measures to eradicate banditry. The new authorities, and above all the chief administrator of Piedmont, General Jourdan, as well as the prefects and mayors, had to resort both to the tactics of “mobile columns” and extraordinary justice, but also to seek compromise with the rural oligarchy, the parish clergy and the peasant masses in order to maintain the fragile social order. What is also significant is that the experience gained by the French in the fight against banditry in Piedmont was later successfully disseminated to other regions of Italy, and that it was this experience that largely served as the basis for the formation of Napoleon's policy of “cultural imperialism”.
{"title":"Napoleon Bonaparte, General Jean-Baptiste Jourdan, and the Problem of Banditry in Piedmont, 1800–1802","authors":"Andrey Mitrofanov","doi":"10.31857/s013038640028068-2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640028068-2","url":null,"abstract":"The Consulship of Napoleon Bonaparte is often presented as a time of his political triumph as both politician and legislator. However, this very stereotypical assessment requires further clarifications. As the latest research suggests, the whole period between the Brumaire and the proclamation of the Empire was a period of difficult search for new methods of governance under very difficult circumstances. One of the serious problems in the formation of the new borders of Napoleonic France in the early years of the nineteenth century continued to be banditry (brigandage). In a number of regions, this phenomenon had a distinct political colouring. In the French political lexicon of the era, it referred to collective violence of any kind, anti-state actions, as well as various forms of criminal robbery. The situation was most acute in the peripheral regions, particularly in Piedmont. Although the flames of the acute civil conflict of 1799 had subsided here, yet the causes of this mass phenomenon were extremely deep. The author aims to analyse the ways of solving the problem of banditry in the context of the overall Napoleonic policy, to show the role of the French administration and, in particular, of General Jean-Baptiste Jourdan in this process during the formation of new institutions of power in the Consulate period. Drawing on the archival collections of the French Ministries of General Police and Justice, the Piedmont General Administration from the French National Archives, as well as some materials from the archival collections of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, he attempts to reconstruct a set of measures to eradicate banditry. The new authorities, and above all the chief administrator of Piedmont, General Jourdan, as well as the prefects and mayors, had to resort both to the tactics of “mobile columns” and extraordinary justice, but also to seek compromise with the rural oligarchy, the parish clergy and the peasant masses in order to maintain the fragile social order. What is also significant is that the experience gained by the French in the fight against banditry in Piedmont was later successfully disseminated to other regions of Italy, and that it was this experience that largely served as the basis for the formation of Napoleon's policy of “cultural imperialism”.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135262987","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640021537-8
Anastasia Vidnichuk
Historians argue that the Modern Era was a turning point for the female population of European countries. The Renaissance, the Reformation, the Scientific Revolution and other major events and processes changed gender roles and social customs. To trace the qualitative characteristics of these changes, scholars examine different areas and aspects of women's lives in the past: family, sexuality, work, religion, and crime. The history of female criminality in Europe is now a well-developed and highly relevant field of research. In this article the author analyses Western historiography on the subject, identifies peculiarities of the historical context, sources and methods of processing them, and outlines possible approaches to the study of female criminality in modern Russia. The study of female criminality in eighteenth-century Russia is not only possible but also very promising. Nevertheless, scholars need to take into account the difference between the Russian and European historical contexts, as well as the nature of the sources. If properly approached, the study of female criminal behaviour in Russia and its comparison with European experience offers the historian an opportunity to look at Russian society and government in the period in question through new perspectives.
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