Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640025122-2
I. Krivushin
The aim of the article is to identify the main features of the approach of historical thought of the sixteenth century, first and foremost that of Spain, to the question of the origin of the indigenous peoples of the Americas. In general, this problem remains poorly studied in recent historiography (with the exception of the works of Lee Huddleston and Vladimir Acosta), although it is associated with one of the most important aspects of European understanding of the reality of the New World, not yet known to them, whether it be ethnic, spatial, historical. The main task of the author is to try to explain the fact that the study of the origin of the Indians, despite the abundance of various theories (Phoenician, Carthaginian, Hebrew, Ophirian, etc.), remained on the periphery of interest of European writers and thinkers throughout the sixteenth century. To answer this question, the author analyses the writings of some Renaissance writers (Fernando Colón, Cabello Balboa, José de Acosta, Gregorio García) who addressed this issue in order to identify the methods and ways of argumentation that they used in this case. The most popular of them, as shown in the article, were the analysis of the content of historical sources based on common sense, and the method of cultural and anthropological comparison of present inhabitants of the New World with ancient and modern peoples of the Old One. The article concludes that the European historical thought of the Renaissance eventually recognized its inability to answer the question of the origin of the Indians due to the extreme scarcity of historical data at its disposal and the irrelevance of the tools of historical analysis that it had.
{"title":"The Origins of American Indians in the European Historical Thought of the Sixteenth Century","authors":"I. Krivushin","doi":"10.31857/s013038640025122-2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640025122-2","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of the article is to identify the main features of the approach of historical thought of the sixteenth century, first and foremost that of Spain, to the question of the origin of the indigenous peoples of the Americas. In general, this problem remains poorly studied in recent historiography (with the exception of the works of Lee Huddleston and Vladimir Acosta), although it is associated with one of the most important aspects of European understanding of the reality of the New World, not yet known to them, whether it be ethnic, spatial, historical. The main task of the author is to try to explain the fact that the study of the origin of the Indians, despite the abundance of various theories (Phoenician, Carthaginian, Hebrew, Ophirian, etc.), remained on the periphery of interest of European writers and thinkers throughout the sixteenth century. To answer this question, the author analyses the writings of some Renaissance writers (Fernando Colón, Cabello Balboa, José de Acosta, Gregorio García) who addressed this issue in order to identify the methods and ways of argumentation that they used in this case. The most popular of them, as shown in the article, were the analysis of the content of historical sources based on common sense, and the method of cultural and anthropological comparison of present inhabitants of the New World with ancient and modern peoples of the Old One. The article concludes that the European historical thought of the Renaissance eventually recognized its inability to answer the question of the origin of the Indians due to the extreme scarcity of historical data at its disposal and the irrelevance of the tools of historical analysis that it had.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"15 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84504411","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640024944-6
Aleksandra Zhidkova
The French electoral cycle that ended in 2022 proved that far-right leader Marine Le Pen has succeeded in establishing herself as the recognised standard-bearer of the French opposition. The success of the 2022 elections was another milestone in the successive electoral ascent of the Rassemblement Nationale: in the 2012 presidential election, Marine Le Pen obtained 17.9% of the vote, 21% in 2017, and in 2022 she received 23% in the first round and 41% in the second. This expansion of the electoral base was accompanied by a change in the party's electoral profile, as evidenced by the sociological research that was the main source for this article. First of all, the author demonstrates which social categories were responsible for the rise in Le Pen's popularity and how the party's rhetoric and, at times, policy positions were transformed in response to the mood of voters. She also analyses the correlation between the unstable socio-economic situation and the strengthening of the extreme right, suggesting the extent to which the vote for Le Pen is influenced not only by the financial and social status of the voter, but also by the anxiety triggered by worsening economic issues and the mainstreaming of immigration and security issues. Finally, an examination of the values of Le Pen's electorate allows one to look at the perspectives and constraints of the “Marinism” strategy in a broader context.
2022年结束的法国选举周期证明，极右翼领导人马琳•勒庞(Marine Le Pen)成功地确立了自己作为法国反对派公认旗手的地位。2022年选举的成功是国民大会党连续选举上升的又一个里程碑:在2012年总统选举中，马琳·勒庞获得17.9%的选票，2017年获得21%的选票，2022年她在第一轮获得23%的选票，在第二轮获得41%的选票。随着选举基础的扩大，该党的选举形象也发生了变化，本文的主要来源社会学研究证明了这一点。首先，作者论证了哪些社会阶层导致了勒庞支持率的上升，以及该党的言论和有时的政策立场是如何根据选民的情绪而转变的。她还分析了不稳定的社会经济形势与极右势力的增强之间的相关性，表明勒庞的投票不仅受到选民的经济和社会地位的影响，还受到经济问题恶化以及移民和安全问题主流化所引发的焦虑的影响。最后，考察勒庞选民的价值观，可以让人们在更广泛的背景下审视“马列主义”战略的前景和制约因素。
{"title":"Between the System and the Opposition: The Evolution of the Electoral Portrait of the National Rally, 2017–2022","authors":"Aleksandra Zhidkova","doi":"10.31857/s013038640024944-6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640024944-6","url":null,"abstract":"The French electoral cycle that ended in 2022 proved that far-right leader Marine Le Pen has succeeded in establishing herself as the recognised standard-bearer of the French opposition. The success of the 2022 elections was another milestone in the successive electoral ascent of the Rassemblement Nationale: in the 2012 presidential election, Marine Le Pen obtained 17.9% of the vote, 21% in 2017, and in 2022 she received 23% in the first round and 41% in the second. This expansion of the electoral base was accompanied by a change in the party's electoral profile, as evidenced by the sociological research that was the main source for this article. First of all, the author demonstrates which social categories were responsible for the rise in Le Pen's popularity and how the party's rhetoric and, at times, policy positions were transformed in response to the mood of voters. She also analyses the correlation between the unstable socio-economic situation and the strengthening of the extreme right, suggesting the extent to which the vote for Le Pen is influenced not only by the financial and social status of the voter, but also by the anxiety triggered by worsening economic issues and the mainstreaming of immigration and security issues. Finally, an examination of the values of Le Pen's electorate allows one to look at the perspectives and constraints of the “Marinism” strategy in a broader context.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"85 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84066535","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640028069-3
Dmitry Sterkhov
The author focuses on the first mass mobilisation in Prussia carried out by the Prussian government during the Liberation Wars of 1813–1815. He aims to answer the question of how successful this mobilisation was and whether the Prussian political elite managed to obtain the popular support for the war against Napoleonic France. Methodologically, the study is based on the theory of modernisation, according to which, during the Napoleonic Wars, universal conscription was introduced in the countries of Europe and modern mass warfare emerged. The introduction deals with the general causes prompting the government of the Prussian King Frederick William III to introduce the universal conscription in Prussia in the spring of 1813. The author pays attention is paid to the military reforms conducted by Gerhard von Scharnhorst, Hermann von Boyen and other reformers. He focuses on legislative acts of March and April 1813 which laid the foundation for the mass mobilisation in Prussia, namely. royal decrees abolishing all exemptions from the military service and establishing voluntary detachments or the Prussian National Militia (Landwehr and Landsturm). The author also analyses the social and provincial origin of those who were mobilised in the Prussian army. In the second part of the article, he considers the organisation of the patriotic propaganda which was indispensable for the mass mobilisation. To this end, he examines official governmental proclamations, newspaper articles, pamphlets, leaflets, brochures, political lyrics, and sermons. He emphasises that not only men were supposed to be mobilised for the needs of war but women as well. He concludes that the first mass mobilisation in Prussia in 1813–1815 turned out to be highly successful and effective. The Prussian government managed to mobilise large groups of people within a very short period of time. The universal conscription became law in 1814, and the pantheon of national heroes who died for the freedom of the Fatherland was created. The massive public support for the war against Napoleon significantly contributed to Prussia's rapid rise to the leading power among all German states.
作者着重于1813-1815年解放战争期间普鲁士政府在普鲁士进行的第一次群众动员。他的目的是回答这样的问题:这场动员有多成功，普鲁士的政治精英是否设法获得了民众对反对拿破仑统治下的法国的支持。在方法论上，该研究基于现代化理论，根据该理论，在拿破仑战争期间，欧洲国家引入了普遍征兵制，现代大规模战争出现了。引言论述了促使普鲁士国王腓特烈·威廉三世政府于1813年春在普鲁士推行普遍征兵制的一般原因。作者关注的是格哈德·冯·沙恩霍斯特、赫尔曼·冯·博因等改革家的军事改革。他着重于1813年3月和4月的立法法案，这些法案为普鲁士的群众动员奠定了基础，即。皇家法令废除所有兵役豁免，并建立自愿分遣队或普鲁士国民民兵(Landwehr and Landsturm)。作者还分析了那些在普鲁士军队中被动员的人的社会和省出身。在文章的第二部分，他认为爱国主义宣传的组织是必不可少的群众动员。为此，他研究了官方的政府公告、报纸文章、小册子、传单、小册子、政治歌词和布道。他强调，不仅男性应该为战争的需要而动员起来，女性也应该如此。他的结论是，1813年至1815年普鲁士的第一次群众动员是非常成功和有效的。普鲁士政府设法在很短的时间内动员了大批人民。1814年，普遍征兵制成为法律，为祖国的自由而牺牲的民族英雄的万神殿也被建立起来。公众对反对拿破仑战争的巨大支持，极大地促进了普鲁士迅速崛起为德意志诸国中的头号强国。
{"title":"Military and Patriotic Mobilisation in Prussia During the Liberations Wars of 1813–1815","authors":"Dmitry Sterkhov","doi":"10.31857/s013038640028069-3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640028069-3","url":null,"abstract":"The author focuses on the first mass mobilisation in Prussia carried out by the Prussian government during the Liberation Wars of 1813–1815. He aims to answer the question of how successful this mobilisation was and whether the Prussian political elite managed to obtain the popular support for the war against Napoleonic France. Methodologically, the study is based on the theory of modernisation, according to which, during the Napoleonic Wars, universal conscription was introduced in the countries of Europe and modern mass warfare emerged. The introduction deals with the general causes prompting the government of the Prussian King Frederick William III to introduce the universal conscription in Prussia in the spring of 1813. The author pays attention is paid to the military reforms conducted by Gerhard von Scharnhorst, Hermann von Boyen and other reformers. He focuses on legislative acts of March and April 1813 which laid the foundation for the mass mobilisation in Prussia, namely. royal decrees abolishing all exemptions from the military service and establishing voluntary detachments or the Prussian National Militia (Landwehr and Landsturm). The author also analyses the social and provincial origin of those who were mobilised in the Prussian army. In the second part of the article, he considers the organisation of the patriotic propaganda which was indispensable for the mass mobilisation. To this end, he examines official governmental proclamations, newspaper articles, pamphlets, leaflets, brochures, political lyrics, and sermons. He emphasises that not only men were supposed to be mobilised for the needs of war but women as well. He concludes that the first mass mobilisation in Prussia in 1813–1815 turned out to be highly successful and effective. The Prussian government managed to mobilise large groups of people within a very short period of time. The universal conscription became law in 1814, and the pantheon of national heroes who died for the freedom of the Fatherland was created. The massive public support for the war against Napoleon significantly contributed to Prussia's rapid rise to the leading power among all German states.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"131 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135262823","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640025683-9
Alexey Bezugolny
Foreign military formations established on the Soviet territory, more than anything else, epitomised the coalition nature of the struggle against Nazi aggression. In the latter stages of the war, they became a powerful tool for promoting the geopolitical interests of the Soviet Union in Eastern Europe, in connection with which the formation of alien troops received a new powerful impetus. The article draws on the documents of the Central Archive of the Ministry of Defence of the Russian Federation, which are introduced into the academic circuit for the first time. The author analyses the activities of a special body of military administration directly subordinate to the highest leadership of the country, namely the Commissioner for Foreign Formations in the USSR during the Great Patriotic War. He coordinated and supervised the formation of Polish, Czechoslovak, and Yugoslav military units both within the Soviet military establishment and at the interdepartmental and international levels. In the research literature, this institution has been very poorly studied and current knowledge about it is fragmentary, which determines its academic relevance. It was a highly effective instrument of Soviet “soft power&8j1;, which facilitated the extension of the Stalinist leadership's military and political influence over the countries of Eastern Europe. During the war years, the institution of the Commissioner underwent a complex evolution, changing its functions and its name several times. The direct command vertical between Stalin and the Commissioner invariably remained unchanged, which provided the latter with extremely wide administrative and control possibilities, despite the fact that this institution was not even clearly defined.
{"title":"Stalin's “Soft Power”: Activities of the Commissioner for Foreign Military Formations in the USSR During the Great Patriotic War","authors":"Alexey Bezugolny","doi":"10.31857/s013038640025683-9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640025683-9","url":null,"abstract":"Foreign military formations established on the Soviet territory, more than anything else, epitomised the coalition nature of the struggle against Nazi aggression. In the latter stages of the war, they became a powerful tool for promoting the geopolitical interests of the Soviet Union in Eastern Europe, in connection with which the formation of alien troops received a new powerful impetus. The article draws on the documents of the Central Archive of the Ministry of Defence of the Russian Federation, which are introduced into the academic circuit for the first time. The author analyses the activities of a special body of military administration directly subordinate to the highest leadership of the country, namely the Commissioner for Foreign Formations in the USSR during the Great Patriotic War. He coordinated and supervised the formation of Polish, Czechoslovak, and Yugoslav military units both within the Soviet military establishment and at the interdepartmental and international levels. In the research literature, this institution has been very poorly studied and current knowledge about it is fragmentary, which determines its academic relevance. It was a highly effective instrument of Soviet “soft power&8j1;, which facilitated the extension of the Stalinist leadership's military and political influence over the countries of Eastern Europe. During the war years, the institution of the Commissioner underwent a complex evolution, changing its functions and its name several times. The direct command vertical between Stalin and the Commissioner invariably remained unchanged, which provided the latter with extremely wide administrative and control possibilities, despite the fact that this institution was not even clearly defined.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"47 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135312859","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640022011-0
D. Volodin
The Mulroney Government's decision to draw direct baselines around the Canadian Arctic Archipelago and explicitly assert Canadian sovereignty over these waters marked a move away from a functional approach that was aimed merely to increase Canadian control over shipping in these waters. From that time onwards, the straight baseline method has been a key element in the justification for Canadian sovereignty over the waters of the Canadian Arctic Archipelago. As the largest Arctic power with similar positions on some Arctic issues (the legal status of the Northwest Passage and the Northern Sea Route) and a potential field of conflict of interest (the continental shelf), it is crucial for Russia to understand the nuances of Canada's position regarding its sovereignty over various types of space in the Arctic (land, sea space, continental shelf). The article draws on a wide range of sources: transcripts of debates in the House of Commons; news articles; ministerial documents and statements by their leaders; and the memoirs of Prime Minister Brian Mulroney. Significant among the sources are articles by Canadian lawyers of the time who substantiated the benefits for Canada of using the straight baseline method to justify its sovereignty in the Arctic. The author concludes that the measures taken by the Mulroney Government are important for the international recognition of Canadian sovereignty over the waters of the Canadian Arctic Archipelago.
{"title":"The Mulroney Government and the Problem of Sovereignty of Canada in the Arctic in 1980s","authors":"D. Volodin","doi":"10.31857/s013038640022011-0","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640022011-0","url":null,"abstract":"The Mulroney Government's decision to draw direct baselines around the Canadian Arctic Archipelago and explicitly assert Canadian sovereignty over these waters marked a move away from a functional approach that was aimed merely to increase Canadian control over shipping in these waters. From that time onwards, the straight baseline method has been a key element in the justification for Canadian sovereignty over the waters of the Canadian Arctic Archipelago. As the largest Arctic power with similar positions on some Arctic issues (the legal status of the Northwest Passage and the Northern Sea Route) and a potential field of conflict of interest (the continental shelf), it is crucial for Russia to understand the nuances of Canada's position regarding its sovereignty over various types of space in the Arctic (land, sea space, continental shelf). The article draws on a wide range of sources: transcripts of debates in the House of Commons; news articles; ministerial documents and statements by their leaders; and the memoirs of Prime Minister Brian Mulroney. Significant among the sources are articles by Canadian lawyers of the time who substantiated the benefits for Canada of using the straight baseline method to justify its sovereignty in the Arctic. The author concludes that the measures taken by the Mulroney Government are important for the international recognition of Canadian sovereignty over the waters of the Canadian Arctic Archipelago.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"14 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81417356","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640025106-4
Alexandra Arabadzhyan
In this paper the author examines the contradictions between Cuba and the USSR after the Cuban Missile Crisis. The author's review of the academic literature on the subject reveals that both the conflict itself and its short-term consequences have been extensively analysed. Yet, as far as one could ascertain, there is no historiography that sheds light on the further development of the contradictions between Cuba and the USSR in the 1960s. Drawing on documents from the Soviet embassy in Cuba held in the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History, the author demonstrates that the Cuban government was still extremely concerned about its security and on several occasions even attempted to join the Warsaw Pact. Contradictions between the two countries deepened with the radicalisation of Cuban position on the international stage and the implementation of guerrilla tactics pursued by Ernesto Guevara, who also tried to implement them during his trip to Africa at the turn of 1964-1965. This is evident from the notes the revolutionary took during the trip. The document, held in the personal archive of Guevara at the Che Guevara Studies Centre in Havana, is being introduced into academic discussion for the first time. The author explores the contradictions between the USSR and Cuba over issues of socialist construction, taking as an example the economic debates in Cuba and the attempt to introduce the budgetary finance system, which was later replaced by the economic register, implying the total negation of monetary relations. The study shows that Cuban socialist construction schemes in the 1960s reflected a radical political economy approach that could not be characterised as classical “real socialism”.
{"title":"Tensions Between Cuba and the USSR After the Cuban Missile Crisis: From International Politics to Political Economy","authors":"Alexandra Arabadzhyan","doi":"10.31857/s013038640025106-4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640025106-4","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper the author examines the contradictions between Cuba and the USSR after the Cuban Missile Crisis. The author's review of the academic literature on the subject reveals that both the conflict itself and its short-term consequences have been extensively analysed. Yet, as far as one could ascertain, there is no historiography that sheds light on the further development of the contradictions between Cuba and the USSR in the 1960s. Drawing on documents from the Soviet embassy in Cuba held in the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History, the author demonstrates that the Cuban government was still extremely concerned about its security and on several occasions even attempted to join the Warsaw Pact. Contradictions between the two countries deepened with the radicalisation of Cuban position on the international stage and the implementation of guerrilla tactics pursued by Ernesto Guevara, who also tried to implement them during his trip to Africa at the turn of 1964-1965. This is evident from the notes the revolutionary took during the trip. The document, held in the personal archive of Guevara at the Che Guevara Studies Centre in Havana, is being introduced into academic discussion for the first time. The author explores the contradictions between the USSR and Cuba over issues of socialist construction, taking as an example the economic debates in Cuba and the attempt to introduce the budgetary finance system, which was later replaced by the economic register, implying the total negation of monetary relations. The study shows that Cuban socialist construction schemes in the 1960s reflected a radical political economy approach that could not be characterised as classical “real socialism”.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"19 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87894341","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640021359-2
S. Serebrov
The fact that cross-border forms of civic activism in Arab countries during the “Arab Spring” are similar is commonly attributed to their socio-cultural commonalities, which provide markers of their identities. The manifestation of this interaction, in the author's view, is the phenomenon of an implicit civil society that draws on the hidden springs of Islamic culture, but that functions in a completely different way. The author's attempt to describe it in this article using the example of Yemen includes three aspects: as an active participant in the watershed events of contemporary Yemeni social history; as a centre of civic strategies that fundamentally differentiate it from religious and political groupings; and as a mechanism for adapting the indigenous cultural identity of a society to new ideological environment. The article spans the period from its emergence at an early stage of modernisation in a deeply archaic society united under British colonial rule in the first third of the twentieth century, to its culmination in the early twenty-first century. The article is based on publications examining relevant cases from different historical and cultural regions of Yemen. Early examples include the “Nadi al-Islah al-Arabi al-Islami” Club in Aden and the Irshadist Movement in Hadramaut extremely active at the turn of 1930s when the national intelligentsia started to reach prominence and managed to convert reformist narrative from the religious frames to the public discourse. They have elaborated the number of tools inherent also to the modern implicit civil society performances like educational work through clubs, preference to dialog between rivals, high attention to maintaining the continuity of cultural traditions, etc. The recent diversity of this phenomenon is illustrated by the experience of the “Shabab al-Mumin” Club, founded in the mid-1990s in the Saada Governorate of northern Yemen, as well as the spontaneous urban youth committees that emerged during the 2011 uprising, which channelled a huge wave of social activism into peaceful activity. The aim of the article is to explore the phenomenon of implicit civil society using a descriptive method. The practical significance of the proposed approach lies in a better understanding of the reasons for the heightened permeability of the boundaries between civic and political activism so characteristic of such societies.
{"title":"Implicit Civil Society and Reform in Yemen: Lessons from the Twentieth Century","authors":"S. Serebrov","doi":"10.31857/s013038640021359-2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640021359-2","url":null,"abstract":"The fact that cross-border forms of civic activism in Arab countries during the “Arab Spring” are similar is commonly attributed to their socio-cultural commonalities, which provide markers of their identities. The manifestation of this interaction, in the author's view, is the phenomenon of an implicit civil society that draws on the hidden springs of Islamic culture, but that functions in a completely different way. The author's attempt to describe it in this article using the example of Yemen includes three aspects: as an active participant in the watershed events of contemporary Yemeni social history; as a centre of civic strategies that fundamentally differentiate it from religious and political groupings; and as a mechanism for adapting the indigenous cultural identity of a society to new ideological environment. The article spans the period from its emergence at an early stage of modernisation in a deeply archaic society united under British colonial rule in the first third of the twentieth century, to its culmination in the early twenty-first century. The article is based on publications examining relevant cases from different historical and cultural regions of Yemen. Early examples include the “Nadi al-Islah al-Arabi al-Islami” Club in Aden and the Irshadist Movement in Hadramaut extremely active at the turn of 1930s when the national intelligentsia started to reach prominence and managed to convert reformist narrative from the religious frames to the public discourse. They have elaborated the number of tools inherent also to the modern implicit civil society performances like educational work through clubs, preference to dialog between rivals, high attention to maintaining the continuity of cultural traditions, etc. The recent diversity of this phenomenon is illustrated by the experience of the “Shabab al-Mumin” Club, founded in the mid-1990s in the Saada Governorate of northern Yemen, as well as the spontaneous urban youth committees that emerged during the 2011 uprising, which channelled a huge wave of social activism into peaceful activity. The aim of the article is to explore the phenomenon of implicit civil society using a descriptive method. The practical significance of the proposed approach lies in a better understanding of the reasons for the heightened permeability of the boundaries between civic and political activism so characteristic of such societies.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"3 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83644882","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640023364-8
A. Ipatov
{"title":"“What is Good for a Russian, is Death for a German?” (V.S. Dudarev. Bismarck and Russia 1851–1871. Saint-Petersburg, 2021)","authors":"A. Ipatov","doi":"10.31857/s013038640023364-8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640023364-8","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"41 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78378485","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640027032-3
Sergey V. Mazov
Drawing on newly available documents from the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Federation (AVP RF) the author closely examines Soviet-Nigerian military and technical cooperation during the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970). He focuses on the following issues: the extent of Soviet assistance to the war efforts by the Federal Military Government (FMG) of Nigeria, how Soviet weapons were used in combat operations, what effect military aid had on Soviet-Nigerian relations. On 30th May 1967, the southeastern provinces of Nigeria attempted to secede as the self-proclaimed Republic of Biafra. This caused the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970). The head of the FMG general Yakubu Gowon had to apply the USSR for military assistance. The USSR did not recognize the break-away region. The author argues that there were three Soviet-Nigerian arms deals in 1967–1969. The quantity of military hardware and small arms supplied to the FMG remains a guarded secret, and the author had to rely on the declassified CIA intelligence and other published sources. Soviet military personnel in Nigeria, mostly pilots and aviation specialists, strictly adhered to the rule: do not commit acts that might have involved the Soviet Union in the Nigerian conflict. During the war, Soviet-Nigerian relations rose from virtually zero to a fairly high level. However, military assistance did not turn Nigeria into a Soviet ally. Nigerian foreign policy did not change fundamentally, it was still dominated by the Western vector.
{"title":"USSR Military Assistance to the Federal Government During the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970)","authors":"Sergey V. Mazov","doi":"10.31857/s013038640027032-3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640027032-3","url":null,"abstract":"Drawing on newly available documents from the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Federation (AVP RF) the author closely examines Soviet-Nigerian military and technical cooperation during the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970). He focuses on the following issues: the extent of Soviet assistance to the war efforts by the Federal Military Government (FMG) of Nigeria, how Soviet weapons were used in combat operations, what effect military aid had on Soviet-Nigerian relations. On 30th May 1967, the southeastern provinces of Nigeria attempted to secede as the self-proclaimed Republic of Biafra. This caused the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970). The head of the FMG general Yakubu Gowon had to apply the USSR for military assistance. The USSR did not recognize the break-away region. The author argues that there were three Soviet-Nigerian arms deals in 1967–1969. The quantity of military hardware and small arms supplied to the FMG remains a guarded secret, and the author had to rely on the declassified CIA intelligence and other published sources. Soviet military personnel in Nigeria, mostly pilots and aviation specialists, strictly adhered to the rule: do not commit acts that might have involved the Soviet Union in the Nigerian conflict. During the war, Soviet-Nigerian relations rose from virtually zero to a fairly high level. However, military assistance did not turn Nigeria into a Soviet ally. Nigerian foreign policy did not change fundamentally, it was still dominated by the Western vector.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"74 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75890044","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640024136-7
Natalia Matveeva
In this article, drawing on recently declassified archive sources from the Soviet embassy in Pyongyang, the author aims to refute the traditional view of North Korean-Cuban relations as historically close and equal, based on socialist solidarity and a common struggle against imperialism. In it, she argues that for North Korea, its “unbreakable friendship” with Cuba was motivated by more than just a desire to help the “brotherly country” in its anti-imperialist struggle. Exploring the early phase of bilateral relations, the author looks behind the propaganda façade of internationalism and socialist solidarity to examine the pragmatic motives behind North Korean desire to establish strong relations with the new socialist Cuba. She argues that North Korea originally sought to adopt the same senior partner role to Cuba that the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries had with respect to North Korea itself, promoting a North Korean political and ideological model in Cuba and contrasting it with both the Soviet and Chinese models. North Korea used the growing Sino-Soviet rift to discredit both the Soviet Union and China, while simultaneously promoting itself and its model as an alternative to the two quarrelling socialist giants. The study of archival sources provides a more detailed insight into the early phase of North Korean-Cuban relations and contributes to an understanding of North Korean foreign policy and its characteristic features still in place today.
{"title":"The DPRK and Cuba in the Initial Period of Bilateral Relations (1960–1965): The Limits of “Socialist Solidarity”","authors":"Natalia Matveeva","doi":"10.31857/s013038640024136-7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640024136-7","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, drawing on recently declassified archive sources from the Soviet embassy in Pyongyang, the author aims to refute the traditional view of North Korean-Cuban relations as historically close and equal, based on socialist solidarity and a common struggle against imperialism. In it, she argues that for North Korea, its “unbreakable friendship” with Cuba was motivated by more than just a desire to help the “brotherly country” in its anti-imperialist struggle. Exploring the early phase of bilateral relations, the author looks behind the propaganda façade of internationalism and socialist solidarity to examine the pragmatic motives behind North Korean desire to establish strong relations with the new socialist Cuba. She argues that North Korea originally sought to adopt the same senior partner role to Cuba that the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries had with respect to North Korea itself, promoting a North Korean political and ideological model in Cuba and contrasting it with both the Soviet and Chinese models. North Korea used the growing Sino-Soviet rift to discredit both the Soviet Union and China, while simultaneously promoting itself and its model as an alternative to the two quarrelling socialist giants. The study of archival sources provides a more detailed insight into the early phase of North Korean-Cuban relations and contributes to an understanding of North Korean foreign policy and its characteristic features still in place today.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"56 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135311061","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：