Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640022558-1
A. Kozlova
{"title":"India – The Path to Independence and Dialogue with Russia (V.P. Kashin. India. Independence, Partition and Dialogue with Russia / ed. T.L. Shaumyan. Moscow, 2022)","authors":"A. Kozlova","doi":"10.31857/s013038640022558-1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640022558-1","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"14 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73320545","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640025912-1
A. Posadsky
In the article, the authors examine the role of Saratov in the 1918 campaign of the Great War. The significance of this Russian rear city in the events of the war only became apparent after the conclusion of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk between the German Empire and Soviet Russia. The Treaty of 3 March 1918 created a vast field of new opportunities for the Central Powers, which had supposedly triumphed on the Eastern Front. The fragmentation of the Russian Empire, lack of resources and aspirations for a future radical colonial redistribution forced the German Empire to think on a Eurasian scale. The numerous descendants of German colonists in the Russian governorates of Saratov and Samara became an important point of diplomatic and military effort for both Germany and the parties of the Russian Civil War. From spring to autumn 1918, German military and political projects in the East would invariably include Saratov as a crucial location on the road to Turkestan and India.For the various anti-Bolshevik forces in the East and South, which managed to form independently by the summer of 1918, there was the possibility of uniting in the obvious Volga operational direction. In their hypothetical unification, wealthy Volga Germans could constitute a substantial reinforcement, although any interaction with them required an unambiguous pro-German orientation. In the article, the authors examine and assess the capabilities and actions of the main military and political actors – the German Empire, the RSFSR, the anti-Bolshevik governments – in the Brest system of international relations and in the context of the Russian Civil War in March – November 1918. They substantiate the hypothesis of the role, including the potential role, of the Saratov direction, in which both Germany and the White Movement missed the opportunity to achieve decisive results.
{"title":"“Saratov Key” to the 1918 Campaign","authors":"A. Posadsky","doi":"10.31857/s013038640025912-1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640025912-1","url":null,"abstract":"In the article, the authors examine the role of Saratov in the 1918 campaign of the Great War. The significance of this Russian rear city in the events of the war only became apparent after the conclusion of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk between the German Empire and Soviet Russia. The Treaty of 3 March 1918 created a vast field of new opportunities for the Central Powers, which had supposedly triumphed on the Eastern Front. The fragmentation of the Russian Empire, lack of resources and aspirations for a future radical colonial redistribution forced the German Empire to think on a Eurasian scale. The numerous descendants of German colonists in the Russian governorates of Saratov and Samara became an important point of diplomatic and military effort for both Germany and the parties of the Russian Civil War. From spring to autumn 1918, German military and political projects in the East would invariably include Saratov as a crucial location on the road to Turkestan and India.For the various anti-Bolshevik forces in the East and South, which managed to form independently by the summer of 1918, there was the possibility of uniting in the obvious Volga operational direction. In their hypothetical unification, wealthy Volga Germans could constitute a substantial reinforcement, although any interaction with them required an unambiguous pro-German orientation. In the article, the authors examine and assess the capabilities and actions of the main military and political actors – the German Empire, the RSFSR, the anti-Bolshevik governments – in the Brest system of international relations and in the context of the Russian Civil War in March – November 1918. They substantiate the hypothesis of the role, including the potential role, of the Saratov direction, in which both Germany and the White Movement missed the opportunity to achieve decisive results.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"57 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74931141","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640021366-0
B. Dolgov
The paper analyses the development of civil society in the key Arab countries of the Greater Middle East – Egypt, Tunisia and Syria – through the 2000s and early 2020s. The research mainly focuses on identifying specific features of civic activity developing by various Islamic and Islamist organizations. Methodologically the paper utilizes a set of methods borrowed from history, sociology, Islamic studies and political science. The source base of the research includes a wide range of primary materials on the civic activity in various countries of the region and the author’s interviews conducted with politicians and public figures in Egypt, Tunisia and Syria. The author identifies and analyses the key factors that led to civil society activism and the multidirectional development of civil society organisations and activism in countries in the Middle East region during the “Arab Spring” and social protests of the late 2010s and early 2020s. He carefully examines the transformation of civil society in the Arab Middle East in close relation to new socio-political developments in the West in the 2010s and 2020s and the phenomenon of growing social and political subjectivity exhibited by Muslim diasporas in Europe. The article postulates the hypothesis of the emergence of leader countries with significant influence on Islamist civil society actors in the Middle East through whose influence the “Islamic project” is reinforced as a factor structuring civic engagement in key Arab states in the Middle East.
{"title":"Civil Society in the Middle East During the Arab Spring and Socio-Political Transformations of the Late 2010s and Early 2020s","authors":"B. Dolgov","doi":"10.31857/s013038640021366-0","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640021366-0","url":null,"abstract":"The paper analyses the development of civil society in the key Arab countries of the Greater Middle East – Egypt, Tunisia and Syria – through the 2000s and early 2020s. The research mainly focuses on identifying specific features of civic activity developing by various Islamic and Islamist organizations. Methodologically the paper utilizes a set of methods borrowed from history, sociology, Islamic studies and political science. The source base of the research includes a wide range of primary materials on the civic activity in various countries of the region and the author’s interviews conducted with politicians and public figures in Egypt, Tunisia and Syria. The author identifies and analyses the key factors that led to civil society activism and the multidirectional development of civil society organisations and activism in countries in the Middle East region during the “Arab Spring” and social protests of the late 2010s and early 2020s. He carefully examines the transformation of civil society in the Arab Middle East in close relation to new socio-political developments in the West in the 2010s and 2020s and the phenomenon of growing social and political subjectivity exhibited by Muslim diasporas in Europe. The article postulates the hypothesis of the emergence of leader countries with significant influence on Islamist civil society actors in the Middle East through whose influence the “Islamic project” is reinforced as a factor structuring civic engagement in key Arab states in the Middle East.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"32 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85461155","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640024699-6
Alexander Balezin
{"title":"The Journey of a French Woman to African Studies (C. Coquery=Vidrovitch. Le choix de l’afrique. Les combats d’une pionnière de l’histoire africaine. Paris, 2021)","authors":"Alexander Balezin","doi":"10.31857/s013038640024699-6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640024699-6","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"111 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77846000","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640025204-2
Victoria Inviyaeva
Almost two months after the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War, the leader of the insurgents Generalissimo Francisco Franco proclaimed himself the head of Spain on 1 October 1936 and immediately began to deal with its internal structure and with establishing ties with other countries to gain recognition by ideologically close states as Italy and Germany, but also by Western democracies, in particular the United States. To this end, Juan Francisco de Cardenas, an experienced diplomat, went to New York at the end of August 1936. In 1937–1938, he tried to get the government of Francisco Franco recognised and obtain the status of a Francoist agent in the USA. The fact that the United States did not recognise de Cárdenas de jure as Franco's agent in New York, did not name him consul and banned the official seal and the Francoist flag as an attribute of statehood on its territory, indicated that the US did not regard the Franco government as a legitimate one. The Americans maintained formal diplomatic relations with the leadership of Republican Spain until 1 April 1939, viewing it as the only legitimate Spanish government. Nevertheless, with the US State Department's knowledge, de Cardenas was in fact able to provide almost all consular services, which to a certain extent indicated the duality of US policy. In this article the author, for the first time in Russian scholarly literature, studied the materials of the Spanish General Archive of Administration (Alcala de Henares, Spain) where the incoming and outgoing correspondence of Juan Francisco de Cardenas and other Francoist politicians for 1936–1939 is stored.
西班牙内战爆发近两个月后，起义军领导人弗朗西斯科·佛朗哥(Generalissimo Francisco Franco)于1936年10月1日宣布自己为西班牙元首，并立即着手处理西班牙的内部结构，建立与其他国家的关系，以获得意识形态相近的国家，如意大利和德国，以及西方民主国家，特别是美国的承认。为此，经验丰富的外交官胡安·弗朗西斯科·德·卡德纳斯于1936年8月底前往纽约。1937年至1938年，他试图让佛朗哥政府得到承认，并获得佛朗哥在美国的代理人身份。美国不承认de Cárdenas在法律上是佛朗哥在纽约的代理人，不任命他为领事，并禁止在其领土上使用官方印章和佛朗哥旗帜作为国家属性，这表明美国不认为佛朗哥政府是合法的政府。1939年4月1日之前，美国一直与西班牙共和国的领导层保持正式外交关系，并视其为唯一合法的西班牙政府。然而，在美国国务院知情的情况下，德·卡德纳斯实际上能够提供几乎所有的领事服务，这在一定程度上表明了美国政策的双重性。在本文中，作者首次在俄罗斯学术文献中研究了西班牙行政总档案馆(Alcala de Henares，西班牙)的材料，其中存储了胡安·弗朗西斯科·德·卡德纳斯(Juan Francisco de Cardenas)和其他弗朗哥主义政治家1936-1939年的来往信件。
{"title":"Francoist Diplomacy in the United States During the Spanish Civil War 1936–1939: On the Question of the Status of the Francoist Representative to the United States Juan Francisco de Cardenas","authors":"Victoria Inviyaeva","doi":"10.31857/s013038640025204-2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640025204-2","url":null,"abstract":"Almost two months after the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War, the leader of the insurgents Generalissimo Francisco Franco proclaimed himself the head of Spain on 1 October 1936 and immediately began to deal with its internal structure and with establishing ties with other countries to gain recognition by ideologically close states as Italy and Germany, but also by Western democracies, in particular the United States. To this end, Juan Francisco de Cardenas, an experienced diplomat, went to New York at the end of August 1936. In 1937–1938, he tried to get the government of Francisco Franco recognised and obtain the status of a Francoist agent in the USA. The fact that the United States did not recognise de Cárdenas de jure as Franco's agent in New York, did not name him consul and banned the official seal and the Francoist flag as an attribute of statehood on its territory, indicated that the US did not regard the Franco government as a legitimate one. The Americans maintained formal diplomatic relations with the leadership of Republican Spain until 1 April 1939, viewing it as the only legitimate Spanish government. Nevertheless, with the US State Department's knowledge, de Cardenas was in fact able to provide almost all consular services, which to a certain extent indicated the duality of US policy. In this article the author, for the first time in Russian scholarly literature, studied the materials of the Spanish General Archive of Administration (Alcala de Henares, Spain) where the incoming and outgoing correspondence of Juan Francisco de Cardenas and other Francoist politicians for 1936–1939 is stored.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"229 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86690389","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640024937-8
A. Beglov
In this article, the authors analyse and comment upon four documents from the archives of the Vatican Secretariat of State which reflect the earliest phase of US-Soviet contacts during the Great Patriotic War relating to the question of religious freedom in the USSR. The international reputation of the Soviet Union as a country of deliberate persecution of religion became a domestic political problem for the administration of President Franklin D. Roosevelt in the autumn of 1941, as its attempts to include the USSR in the Lend-Lease programme met with resistance from influential religious circles, particularly American Catholics. These circumstances led the US administration to seek the support of the Vatican, on the one hand, and, on the other, to seek statements from the Soviet leadership that would confirm the latter's commitment to the principle of religious freedom declared in Soviet law. At the same time, Roosevelt himself was convinced that a military crisis would force the Soviet Union to abandon its previous anti-religious policy. This view was also shared by the representative of the Roman Catholic Church in Moscow, the American Assumptionist Fr Leopold Braun. As can be seen from the letters published here, Fr Braun was convinced that the US administration should take immediate and vigorous steps to secure guarantees of religious freedom from the Soviet leaders. His letters were sent both to Washington and to the Vatican, where they were read as confirming the position of the American side in urging the Holy See to show flexibility towards Soviet Russia.
本文对梵蒂冈国务秘书处档案中的四份文件进行了分析和评论，这些文件反映了卫国战争时期美苏接触的最早阶段，涉及苏联的宗教自由问题。苏联作为一个蓄意迫害宗教的国家的国际声誉，在1941年秋成为富兰克林·d·罗斯福(Franklin D. Roosevelt)总统的政府面临的一个国内政治问题，因为它试图将苏联纳入《租借法案》方案，遭到了有影响力的宗教界，特别是美国天主教徒的抵制。这些情况导致美国政府一方面寻求梵蒂冈的支持，另一方面寻求苏联领导层的声明，以确认后者对苏联法律中宣布的宗教自由原则的承诺。与此同时，罗斯福本人深信，军事危机将迫使苏联放弃其先前的反宗教政策。这一观点也得到了罗马天主教会在莫斯科的代表、美国假定主义者利奥波德·布劳恩神父的赞同。从这里发表的信件中可以看出，布劳恩神父确信美国政府应该立即采取有力措施，从苏联领导人那里获得宗教自由的保障。他的信被送往华盛顿和梵蒂冈，在那里，这些信被解读为确认了美国方面敦促罗马教廷对苏俄表现出灵活性的立场。
{"title":"American Representatives to the USSR and the Fate of Soviet Religious Policy at the Beginning of the Great Patriotic War. From Father Leopold Braun's Correspondence of 1941","authors":"A. Beglov","doi":"10.31857/s013038640024937-8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640024937-8","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, the authors analyse and comment upon four documents from the archives of the Vatican Secretariat of State which reflect the earliest phase of US-Soviet contacts during the Great Patriotic War relating to the question of religious freedom in the USSR. The international reputation of the Soviet Union as a country of deliberate persecution of religion became a domestic political problem for the administration of President Franklin D. Roosevelt in the autumn of 1941, as its attempts to include the USSR in the Lend-Lease programme met with resistance from influential religious circles, particularly American Catholics. These circumstances led the US administration to seek the support of the Vatican, on the one hand, and, on the other, to seek statements from the Soviet leadership that would confirm the latter's commitment to the principle of religious freedom declared in Soviet law. At the same time, Roosevelt himself was convinced that a military crisis would force the Soviet Union to abandon its previous anti-religious policy. This view was also shared by the representative of the Roman Catholic Church in Moscow, the American Assumptionist Fr Leopold Braun. As can be seen from the letters published here, Fr Braun was convinced that the US administration should take immediate and vigorous steps to secure guarantees of religious freedom from the Soviet leaders. His letters were sent both to Washington and to the Vatican, where they were read as confirming the position of the American side in urging the Holy See to show flexibility towards Soviet Russia.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90288396","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640021364-8
Anna Ardashnikova
In this study the author examines the main stages and social characteristics of the women's rights movement in republican Iran, which has generated an active controversy between the authorities and the society over the last three decades. This polemic disagreement was triggered by the legal status of the Iranian woman enshrined in the Constitution. Human rights activists with significant religious and social status, insisting on the right of Muslim women to be represented in the highest echelons of state power, were the first to join the debate. At the turn of the 1990s and 2000s, this initiative was taken up by secular activists advocating civil and individual rights for Iranian women. All have made extensive use of a specialised, women-oriented press and, since the early 2000s, the Internet and social media, as well as NPOs/NGOs existing in different regions of the country, in their struggle. Acting along the same lines of the women's rights movement, secular and religious activists represent autonomous segments of civil society. The content of the print and electronic media, television programmes and literary works, used for the first time as a source for the study, forms the basis of the research.
{"title":"“Becoming Visible”: Civil Society of Modern Iran in the Focus of Gender Discussion","authors":"Anna Ardashnikova","doi":"10.31857/s013038640021364-8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640021364-8","url":null,"abstract":"In this study the author examines the main stages and social characteristics of the women's rights movement in republican Iran, which has generated an active controversy between the authorities and the society over the last three decades. This polemic disagreement was triggered by the legal status of the Iranian woman enshrined in the Constitution. Human rights activists with significant religious and social status, insisting on the right of Muslim women to be represented in the highest echelons of state power, were the first to join the debate. At the turn of the 1990s and 2000s, this initiative was taken up by secular activists advocating civil and individual rights for Iranian women. All have made extensive use of a specialised, women-oriented press and, since the early 2000s, the Internet and social media, as well as NPOs/NGOs existing in different regions of the country, in their struggle. Acting along the same lines of the women's rights movement, secular and religious activists represent autonomous segments of civil society. The content of the print and electronic media, television programmes and literary works, used for the first time as a source for the study, forms the basis of the research.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"17 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84418275","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640025910-9
T. Labutina
In 1740–1748, the War of the Austrian Succession took place in Europe, which involved France, Britain, Prussia, Austria and a number of other countries seeking to conquer territories both within and outside Europe. In 1748 Russia, which had no such objectives, also entered the war. In fact, Russia had been drawn into the war by Great Britain through the signing of the three Subsidy Conventions of 1747. This involved the use of a Russian military corps by the British in return for the payment of monetary subsidies. The British Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, John Carmichael, 3rd Earl of Hyndford, was a witness to these events and also one of the principal negotiators of the conventions. Drawing on reports from the Ambassador to the Russian court to the British Secretary of State, the author provides the first detailed analysis of the negotiation process, showing its inner workings through the diplomat's reports, which allows one to determine which position each side took and what goals they were pursuing. Attention is drawn to the complex nature of the negotiations and the difficulties that diplomats on both sides had to face in negotiating a number of issues, including the manner and amount of subsidies, the choice of commanders, the cost of food and medical treatment for troops from the Russian corps, etc. This issue is addressed for the first time in historical scholarship. As analysis of both Hyndford's reports and the Secretary of State's dispatches demonstrates, persistence in pursuing objectives, the pursuit of one's own interests alone, firmness of position, as well as blackmail and bribery, were all used by British diplomacy in the negotiation process. In turn, the Russian govern-ment, represented by Empress Elizabeth Petrovna and Chancellor Alexey Bestuzhev-Rumin, persistently and consistently defended the interests of the Russian Empire. Through the subsidy conventions, which provided support for Britain and the Netherlands, the War of the Austrian Succession soon came to an end, but as a result Russia was not among the beneficiaries.
{"title":"Russia in War for Foreign Interests: Negotiations Between British and Rus-sian Diplomats on the Subsidy Conventions of 1747","authors":"T. Labutina","doi":"10.31857/s013038640025910-9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640025910-9","url":null,"abstract":"In 1740–1748, the War of the Austrian Succession took place in Europe, which involved France, Britain, Prussia, Austria and a number of other countries seeking to conquer territories both within and outside Europe. In 1748 Russia, which had no such objectives, also entered the war. In fact, Russia had been drawn into the war by Great Britain through the signing of the three Subsidy Conventions of 1747. This involved the use of a Russian military corps by the British in return for the payment of monetary subsidies. The British Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, John Carmichael, 3rd Earl of Hyndford, was a witness to these events and also one of the principal negotiators of the conventions. Drawing on reports from the Ambassador to the Russian court to the British Secretary of State, the author provides the first detailed analysis of the negotiation process, showing its inner workings through the diplomat's reports, which allows one to determine which position each side took and what goals they were pursuing. Attention is drawn to the complex nature of the negotiations and the difficulties that diplomats on both sides had to face in negotiating a number of issues, including the manner and amount of subsidies, the choice of commanders, the cost of food and medical treatment for troops from the Russian corps, etc. This issue is addressed for the first time in historical scholarship. As analysis of both Hyndford's reports and the Secretary of State's dispatches demonstrates, persistence in pursuing objectives, the pursuit of one's own interests alone, firmness of position, as well as blackmail and bribery, were all used by British diplomacy in the negotiation process. In turn, the Russian govern-ment, represented by Empress Elizabeth Petrovna and Chancellor Alexey Bestuzhev-Rumin, persistently and consistently defended the interests of the Russian Empire. Through the subsidy conventions, which provided support for Britain and the Netherlands, the War of the Austrian Succession soon came to an end, but as a result Russia was not among the beneficiaries.","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"31 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83735955","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640025921-1
Nina Vashkau
{"title":"Russia and Germany in the Fates of Russian Historians. Conference in Lipetsk Marking the 90th Anniversary of the Birth of Alexander Boroznyak","authors":"Nina Vashkau","doi":"10.31857/s013038640025921-1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31857/s013038640025921-1","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":82203,"journal":{"name":"Novaia i noveishaia istoriia","volume":"30 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81757262","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.31857/s013038640024400-8
A. Vatlin
On the basis of a historiographical analysis, the authors of this article attempt to reflect on the thirty-year reign of German Emperor Wilhelm II, taking into account the historically shaped tendencies of power, ideology, social and political organisation, as well as the Emperor's own ideas of monarchy and state. The authors systematise historians' assessments of the concepts of “dual modernization”, the “regime of personal rule by the emperor” and “Wilhelminianism” as well as interpretations of the phenomenon of radicalisation of public opinion and the activities of political parties and popular associations. It is their shared opinion that the far-reaching constitutional guarantees and powers proclaimed and granted to the German public by the 1871 Constitution were in fact substantially circumscribed. The Reichstag, as a social and political institution of power, never really became the main actor in the legislative process with controlling powers over the executive. The German middle class failed to secure the “classical prerogatives of parliamentarianism” (Georg Iggers). The constitutionally enshrined preponderance of monarchical power was reinforced by the alliance of the princes with the agrarian elite, which continued to dominate both economically and politically, occupying key positions in both the bureaucracy and the army. Therefore, due to the comparatively late unification of the country, the preservation of medieval monarchical culture and structures of domination, social groups, associations, unions, political movements and parties became the subjects of modernisation changes during this period of time. The war unleashed by the German monarchy and its subsequent tragedy clearly showed the other side of national unity. All these developments are considered in the context of the transformation of the monarchy, but not in the direction of limiting the personal power of the ruler, but in the direction of the traditional view of it ("the alliance between throne and altar"), which predetermined the final disaster of the reign of Emperor Wilhelm II.
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