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Heroes and Anti-Heroes of the 1940s: Pendulous Swings in Greek Historiography 20世纪40年代的英雄与反英雄:希腊史学的摇摆
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.31857/s013038640024157-0
Olga E. Petrunina
In this article, the author examines the evolution of Greek historiography's approaches to the study of one of the most controversial periods of national history, namely the 1940s, covering World War II and the following Greek Civil War, 1946–1949. Firstly, she demonstrates how the development of historiography after the end of the Civil War was influenced by the social and political situation in the country and how subsequent political development of Greece influenced historical research. The Communists who were defeated in the Civil War were repressed and their contribution to the national resistance movement during the years of occupation was glossed over or negatively assessed. A softening of the official perspective on the issue came in the 1960s, and a comprehensive examination of the events of World War II took place in the 1980s, when the socialists came to power in Greece. However, a consensus perception of the controversial issues in Greek society did not emerge even after the rehabilitation of the Left in the 1980s. These factors set the stage for its revision, which was carried out by a historiographical movement calling itself “New Wave” or post-revisionism, which emerged at the beginning of the twenty-first century. The article analyses the methodological positions of this movement and the most important works of its founders, the political scientist Stathis Kalyvas and the sociologist Nikos Marandzidis. But the debate on controversial issues is far from being over, as the views of the neo-conservatives are gradually making their way into Greek society.
在这篇文章中,作者考察了希腊史学方法的演变,以研究最具争议的国家历史时期之一,即1940年代,涵盖第二次世界大战和随后的希腊内战,1946-1949。首先,她论证了内战结束后的史学发展如何受到该国社会和政治形势的影响,以及希腊随后的政治发展如何影响历史研究。在内战中被打败的共产党人受到镇压,他们在占领期间对全国抵抗运动的贡献被掩盖或负面评价。20世纪60年代,官方对这个问题的看法有所软化,20世纪80年代,社会主义者在希腊掌权,对第二次世界大战的事件进行了全面审视。然而,即使在20世纪80年代左翼复兴之后,希腊社会的争议问题也没有形成共识。这些因素为其修订奠定了基础,这是由21世纪初出现的一场自称为“新浪潮”或后修正主义的史学运动所进行的。本文分析了这一运动的方法论立场及其创始人——政治学家斯塔蒂斯•卡利瓦斯和社会学家尼科斯•马兰齐迪斯的重要著作。但围绕争议性问题的辩论远未结束,新保守主义的观点正逐渐进入希腊社会。
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引用次数: 0
The Historical and Political Peculiarities of the Swiss Economic Development until the early 2000s 21世纪初之前瑞士经济发展的历史和政治特点
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.31857/s013038640019349-1
Trofimova Trofimova Olga
The study of the historical characteristics of the Swiss economy and its development up to the twenty-first century has not been thoroughly examined by either Soviet or Russian scholars and is highly topical due to the fact that the transformation of Switzerland from a backward economy to one of the most advanced and competitive countries is of considerable interest to the academic community. The goal is to examine and analyse the characteristics of the evolution of a multi-ethnic and multi-confessional union into a federal state, which have directly influenced the development of capitalist relations, the industrialisation of Switzerland, its particular niche specialisation and competitiveness. The author also draws the attention to the political and economic equilibration of the 'neutral' Confederation between the Сеntral Powers led by Germany and Entente countries and Allies and the Axis during the two world wars, which allowed its economy to be safeguarded and successfully grown. A number of factors determining the country's main economic development trends are identified in the article. The conclusion is drawn that there is a linkage between Switzerland's national and regional historical development and its economic success. The Swiss peculiar approach to pragmatic exploitation of weaknesses and disadvantages, its particular identity and the mentality that has developed over a long historical period, have played a crucial role in the creation of the Swiss economic model.
对瑞士经济的历史特征及其在21世纪的发展的研究,无论是苏联还是俄罗斯的学者都没有进行过彻底的研究,由于瑞士从一个落后的经济体转变为最先进和最具竞争力的国家之一,这一事实引起了学术界的极大兴趣,因此这一研究是高度热门的。其目的是考察和分析一个多民族和多宗教联盟向联邦国家演变的特点,这些特点直接影响了资本主义关系的发展、瑞士的工业化、其特殊的利基专业化和竞争力。文章确定了决定该国主要经济发展趋势的一些因素。得出的结论是,瑞士的国家和地区历史发展与其经济成功之间存在联系。瑞士人务实地利用弱点和劣势的独特方法,以及在漫长的历史时期形成的独特身份和心态,在瑞士经济模式的创造中发挥了至关重要的作用。
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引用次数: 0
Young People in Iranian Socio-Political Landscape of the Modernization Era: 20th –21st Centuries 年轻人在现代化时代的伊朗社会政治景观:20 - 21世纪
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.31857/s013038640021349-1
Vladislav Zaytsev
The article, based on materials from various sources and studies in Russian, English, French, and Persian, considers for the first time in modern Iranian studies in Russia the place and role of youth in the socio-political life of Iran in 20th–21st centuries. This period of the country's history was marked by a consecutive modernization of all the foundations of the state and society, in which the author identifies three stages: the struggle for the restoration of sovereignty and choosing ways to renew the country (1905-early 60s); modernization via “revolution from above” (early 60s – 1979); systemic crisis, social explosion, change of the State system; continuation of modernization under external pressure (1979 – early 20s of the XXI century). Contradictions and conflicts generated by this long and uneven process stimulate mass involvement of the younger generation of Iranians in political struggle, where they generally choose the most radical ways of civic self-realization. They played a prominent, sometimes crucial part in major events of Iran’s modern history, such as the movement for natinalization of the Iranian petroleum Industry (1949–1953); engagement in several reforms of 1960s–70s; revolutionary actions that brought to an end the Iranian monarchy; the Iran-Iraqi War. The young people’s potential for political activism to a considerable extent is due to their large and steadily growing share of population and relatively high level of education and professional competence of many among them. The literate and active young people still remain both the main generator of opposition sentiments and а basic resource of Iran’s dynamic development.
这篇文章以俄语、英语、法语和波斯语的各种资料和研究为基础,在俄罗斯的现代伊朗研究中首次考虑了青年在20 - 21世纪伊朗社会政治生活中的地位和作用。这一时期的历史标志是国家和社会基础的连续现代化,作者将其分为三个阶段:争取恢复主权和选择更新国家的方式(1905年至60年代初);通过“自上而下的革命”实现现代化(60年代初至1979年);体制危机、社会爆炸、国家体制变革;在外部压力下现代化的延续(1979年至21世纪20年代初)。这个漫长而不平衡的过程所产生的矛盾和冲突刺激了年轻一代伊朗人大规模参与政治斗争,他们通常选择最激进的公民自我实现方式。他们在伊朗现代史的重大事件中发挥了突出的作用,有时甚至是至关重要的作用,例如伊朗石油工业国有化运动(1949-1953);参与六七十年代的几项改革;结束伊朗君主制的革命行动;两伊战争年轻人在政治活动方面的潜力在很大程度上是由于他们在人口中所占的比例很大,而且不断增长,他们中的许多人的教育水平和专业能力相对较高。有文化和活跃的年轻人仍然是反对派情绪的主要产生者,也是伊朗动态发展的基本资源。
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引用次数: 0
Moscow Museums on the Eve and in the Initial Period of the Great Patriotic War: Organization, Structure, Evacuation 卫国战争前夕和初期的莫斯科博物馆:组织、结构、疏散
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.31857/s013038640024421-1
Alexey Bezugolny
In the article, the author examines the condition of the museum industry in Moscow on the eve of the Great Patriotic War and in the first months thereof, when urgent measures were required to move a large number of museum collections far inland. In the research literature, the topic has been considered mainly on the example of individual Moscow museums. The source base of the work comprises archival documents of the People's Commissariat of Education of the RSFSR, the Committee for Arts of the USSR, and the Moscow City Council. The author shows that since the beginning of the war, the main efforts of the significantly reduced staff of Moscow museums were aimed at saving museum collections. The exposition activity was practically curtailed. The experience of mass conservation and relocation of museum collections seems relevant from a scholarly and practical point of view, especially since today the management of museums is as decentralised as during the war. This circumstance made it much more difficult to organize the evacuation of museum valuables. An urgent categorisation of museum objects had to be carried out, selecting a relatively small number of the most important historical exhibits, jewels and masterpieces of art that had to be evacuated without delay. The rest of the museum collections were sheltered on the premises of the museums themselves, or were amassed in a special joint storage facility. The transportation of museum valuables in November 1941 was effectively disrupted by the inability to organise rail transport. The immediate danger to museum collections was only removed after the successful counter-offensive of the Red Army in December 1941.
在这篇文章中,作者考察了卫国战争前夕和战争头几个月莫斯科博物馆工业的状况,当时需要采取紧急措施将大量博物馆藏品转移到遥远的内陆。在研究文献中,这一主题主要以莫斯科个别博物馆为例。作品的来源包括俄罗斯苏维埃社会主义共和国社会主义共和国教育人民委员会、苏联艺术委员会和莫斯科市议会的档案文件。作者指出,自战争开始以来,莫斯科博物馆工作人员大幅减少的主要努力是为了保存博物馆的藏品。博览会活动实际上被削减了。从学术和实践的角度来看,大规模保护和重新安置博物馆藏品的经验似乎是相关的,特别是因为今天博物馆的管理与战争期间一样分散。这种情况使得组织撤离博物馆的贵重物品变得更加困难。必须对博物馆物品进行紧急分类,选择相对较少的最重要的历史展品,珠宝和艺术杰作,必须立即撤离。其余的博物馆藏品被安置在博物馆本身的场地上,或者被聚集在一个特殊的联合存储设施中。1941年11月,由于无法组织铁路运输,博物馆贵重物品的运输实际上中断了。1941年12月红军反攻成功后,博物馆藏品面临的直接危险才得以消除。
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引用次数: 0
Count de Lubersac: Mission in Russia, 1916–1919 吕贝尔萨克伯爵:在俄国的使命,1916-1919
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.31857/s013038640019197-4
A. Pavlov
The author examines the activities of Count Jean de Lubersac, a member of the French military mission in Russia, and demonstrates how the main stages of his activities in that position vividly illustrate the evolution of French policy towards Russia in the critical years of Franco-Russian relations. Published in August 1918, “A Letter to American Workingmen” by Vladimir Lenin mentions his meeting with two French officers in February of the same year. One of them, Jacques Sadoul, is fairly well known, while the personality and area of activity of the other has not yet attracted the same degree of research interest. Meanwhile, his name, Jean de Lubersac, is mentioned in the memoirs of many French and Russian military and political figures when describing the events of 1916–1919 in Russia. Arriving in Russia as a mere second lieutenant on an air mission, this highly enterprising man quickly took up a position in the Russian Fifth Army, then in the French military mission and finally in the ranks of the interventionists in northern Russia. It was a most unusual feat for a junior officer, especially one from abroad. The primary sources for the study include the memoirs of those French and Russian nationals who knew de Lubersac personally, as well as documents from French and Russian archives. Although these sources contain only sketchy accounts, together they provide a fairly complete picture of what Jean de Lubersac was doing in Russia, not only in 1916–1919, but also later, in 1922.
作者考察了法国驻俄军事使团成员让·德·吕贝尔萨克伯爵的活动,并论证了他在该职位上活动的主要阶段如何生动地说明了法俄关系关键时期法国对俄政策的演变。列宁在1918年8月出版的《致美国工人的信》中提到了同年2月他与两名法国军官的会面。其中一位名叫雅克·萨杜尔(Jacques Sadoul),相当有名,而另一位的个性和活动领域还没有引起同样程度的研究兴趣。同时,他的名字,让·德·吕贝尔萨克,在许多法国和俄罗斯军事和政治人物的回忆录中,在描述1916-1919年的俄罗斯事件时被提及。刚到俄国时,他只是一名执行空中任务的少尉,这个极具进取心的人很快就在俄罗斯第五集团军谋到了一个职位,然后又加入了法国军事使团,最后加入了俄罗斯北部的干涉主义者队伍。对于一名下级军官来说,这是最不寻常的壮举,尤其是对一名来自国外的军官来说。这项研究的主要资料来源包括那些与德·吕贝尔萨克有私交的法国和俄罗斯国民的回忆录,以及法国和俄罗斯档案馆的文件。虽然这些资料只包含粗略的描述,但它们合在一起,提供了一个相当完整的画面,让·德·吕贝尔萨克在俄罗斯做了什么,不仅是1916-1919年,还有后来的1922年。
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引用次数: 0
“We Arrived Openly and Without any Disguise on this Coast…”: The Schooner “Vixen” Case in the Investigation Papers and British Press of the Late 1830s “我们公开地、毫不掩饰地到达了这片海岸……”:19世纪30年代后期《调查文件》和英国出版社中的“雌狐”号纵帆船案
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.31857/s013038640019754-7
D. Tkachenko
In this article, the author examines the details of the detention of the British schooner “Vixen” on the north-east coast of the Black Sea in November 1836. Although the analysis of the Russian-British diplomatic controversy surrounding the incident has been undertaken in Russian historiography, it has not made use of original investigative material or official accounts of the perpetrators in the English-language press of the late 1830s. The use of historical computer reconstructions can significantly clarify both the “Vixen” Inquiry materials and correct the conclusions of some contemporary researchers who have addressed the political background of the incident. It also allowed the author to check the credibility of the investigative material collected between 1836 and 1837 as part of the original “Vixen” files. It also clarifies the political conclusions drawn by both Russian imperial authorities and British politicians, and corrects some of the assumptions of contemporary historians focused on examining the political repercussions of the case. The author also examines the conditions of the Russian blockade of the Black Sea coast of the Caucasus at the end of the 1830s. This is consistent with the aim of the study, namely to recreate a complete picture of the capture of the schooner “Vixen”. The latter was beyond the scope of previous studies. The study is based on materials from the Russian Navy State Archives (RGA VMF), as well as publications in British, American, and Australian newspapers. The author used the memoirs of the owner of the “Vixen”, James Stanislaus Bell, and the captain of the Russian ship, N.P. Volf, as additional primary source material. The study corroborates the conclusions that the “Vixen” incident was a premeditated provocation, but disputes the popular perception that the ship was actually carrying a cargo of weapons and gunpowder, as insisted on by the Russian side. The breach of the blockade by “Vixen” was a clear reconnaissance operation, which allowed the British to observe not only the technical inferiority of Russian ships in terms of modern requirements, but also the excessive bureaucratisation of the entire Russian Black Sea Fleet's management system. This gave British diplomacy, which had contested the terms of the Treaty of Adrianople, additional arguments for its diplomatic efforts.
在这篇文章中,作者考察了1836年11月英国“雌狐”号纵帆船在黑海东北海岸被扣留的细节。尽管俄罗斯史学对围绕这一事件的俄英外交争议进行了分析,但它并没有利用19世纪30年代后期英语媒体上对肇事者的原始调查材料或官方描述。使用历史计算机重建可以大大澄清“雌狐”调查材料,并纠正一些当代研究人员对事件政治背景的结论。它还允许作者检查1836年至1837年间收集的调查材料的可信度,这些材料是“Vixen”原始文件的一部分。它还澄清了俄罗斯帝国当局和英国政治家得出的政治结论,并纠正了当代历史学家专注于研究此案的政治影响的一些假设。作者还考察了19世纪30年代末俄国对高加索黑海沿岸的封锁情况。这与这项研究的目的是一致的,即重现“雌狐”号纵帆船被捕获的完整画面。后者超出了以往研究的范围。这项研究基于俄罗斯海军国家档案馆(RGA VMF)的材料,以及英国、美国和澳大利亚报纸上的出版物。作者使用了“雌狐”号船主詹姆斯·斯坦尼斯劳斯·贝尔和俄罗斯船只船长N.P.沃尔夫的回忆录作为补充的主要资料来源。该研究证实了“Vixen”号事件是有预谋的挑衅的结论,但反驳了俄罗斯方面坚持认为该船实际上载有武器和火药的普遍看法。“雌狐”号的突破封锁是一次明显的侦察行动,这不仅使英国人看到了俄罗斯舰船在现代要求方面的技术劣势,而且也看到了整个俄罗斯黑海舰队管理体系的过度官僚化。这给了一直反对阿德里安堡条约条款的英国外交,为其外交努力提供了额外的论据。
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引用次数: 0
New Books on the Thirty Years’ War (A.Ju. Prokopjev. The Thirty Year’s War. Saint-Petersburg, 2020; Vor 400 Jahren. Der Dreißigjährige Krieg / Hrsg. R. Rebitsch, L. Hobelt, E.A. Schmidl. Innsbruck, 2019) 三十年战争新书》(A.Ju.普罗科皮耶夫三十年战争》。圣彼得堡,2020 年;400 年前。R. Rebitsch, L. Hobelt, E.A. Schmidl.因斯布鲁克,2019 年)
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.31857/s013038640025107-5
Anton Korolenkov
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引用次数: 0
On the brink and beyond the brink of war. Conference at the Faculty of History of Moscow State University. 战争的边缘和超越战争的边缘。莫斯科国立大学历史系会议。
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.31857/s013038640023113-2
Alexander Fomin
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引用次数: 0
The Unmasking of the “Second Kotzebue”: Background to a Spy Scandal 1831 揭露“第二个科泽布”:间谍丑闻的背景1831
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.31857/s013038640025638-9
Olga Zaichenko
In 1818–1819, a high-profile spy scandal broke out in Germany. The renowned German playwright August von Kotzebue was declared a “Russian spy” and murdered as a “traitor to the Fatherland” amidst a tide of rising anti-Russian sentiment. Twelve years later, in 1831, the publicist Harro Paul Harring initiated a similar press campaign against the poet Carl Friedrich von Schweitzer de Schweigrois, also denounced as a “Russian spy”, an “enemy of the German nation”, and a “second Kotzebue”, against the backdrop of the suppression of the Polish Uprising by the Russian Empire. In the present study, the author considers the spy scandal of 1831 not only as an attempt by Harro Harringa to recreate the 1819 scenario in similar political circumstances, but also as an example of purposeful inflaming of anti-Russian sentiments in the wake of the initiation of public hysteria associated with the search for external and internal enemies of the “German nation” in the context of political processes within Germany. To study the subject, which has never been addressed in the historiography before, the author analyses the sources that have not been consulted before, namely the publications for 1830–1831 in the central and regional German press, primarily of the Kingdom of Saxony and the Duchy of Saxe-Weimar, which covered the scandal with the exposure of the “Russian spy” von Schweitzer de Schweigrois, eyewitness accounts, correspondence and memoirs of Harro Harring, as well as a number of indirect sources to reconstruct the biography of his opponent, appointed by German society to the role of “the second Kotzebue”.
1818-1819年,德国爆发了一场备受瞩目的间谍丑闻。在反俄情绪高涨的浪潮中,著名的德国剧作家奥古斯特·冯·科策布(August von Kotzebue)被宣布为“俄罗斯间谍”,并作为“祖国叛徒”被谋杀。12年后,1831年,在俄罗斯帝国镇压波兰起义的背景下,公关人员哈罗·保罗·哈林发起了一场类似的新闻运动,反对诗人卡尔·弗里德里希·冯·施韦策尔·德·施韦格罗伊斯,他也被谴责为“俄罗斯间谍”、“德意志民族的敌人”和“第二个科策布”。在本研究中,作者认为1831年的间谍丑闻不仅是Harro Harringa试图在类似的政治环境下重现1819年的场景,而且也是在德国政治进程背景下,在公众歇斯底里地寻找“德意志民族”的内外敌人之后,有目的地煽动反俄情绪的一个例子。为了研究这一以前从未在史学中提到过的问题,作者分析了以前从未参考过的资料来源,即1830-1831年德国中部和地区媒体的出版物,主要是萨克森王国和萨克森-魏玛公国的出版物,这些出版物揭露了“俄罗斯间谍”冯·施韦策尔·德·施韦格罗伊的丑闻,目击者的叙述,信件和哈罗·哈林的回忆录。以及一些间接来源来重建他的对手的传记,他被德国社会任命为“第二个Kotzebue”。
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引用次数: 0
The Impact of Anti-Colonial Movements in the Middle East upon the Soviet-British Relations in the 1920s 20世纪20年代中东反殖民运动对苏英关系的影响
Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.31857/s013038640028072-7
Evgeny Sergeev
The author analyses the impact of anti-colonial movements in the Middle East on Soviet-British relations in the 1920s. The region, which comprised Persia, Afghanistan, Northwest India, Chinese Turkestan (Sinkiang), and Tibet always played an important role in bilateral political and economic dialogue. However, the assessment of the correlation between events in Asian states and the dynamics of political developments inside both the Soviet Union and the United Kingdom has not yet been the subject of special studies, despite a significant quantity of academic publications covering the history of their relationship. Drawing on a wide range of sources, including diplomatic correspondence, analytical reviews by experts, journalists’ comments and personal impressions of contemporaries, the author examines scenarios of actions plotted by the Kremlin and Whitehall in the Middle East, while taking into account the long-term forecasts which various political groups put forward to the Soviet and British leading circles. The conclusions drawn by the author made it possible to clarify the reasons and nature of Moscow’s abstention from the idea of “world revolution”, on the one hand, and of London’s subsequent transition from mono-party to nationwide coalition Cabinets, on the other.
作者分析了20世纪20年代中东地区的反殖民运动对苏英关系的影响。该地区包括波斯、阿富汗、西北印度、中国突厥斯坦(新疆)和西藏,一直在双边政治和经济对话中发挥着重要作用。然而,对亚洲国家事件与苏联和联合王国内部政治发展动态之间的相关性的评估尚未成为专门研究的主题,尽管有大量的学术出版物涵盖了它们之间关系的历史。作者利用广泛的资料来源,包括外交信件、专家的分析评论、记者的评论和同时代人的个人印象,研究了克里姆林宫和白厅在中东策划的行动方案,同时考虑到各种政治团体向苏联和英国领导圈子提出的长期预测。作者得出的结论使我们有可能澄清莫斯科放弃“世界革命”思想的原因和性质,以及伦敦随后从一党执政过渡到全国联合执政的另一方面。
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引用次数: 0
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