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Easton I ad Easton II 伊斯顿1和伊斯顿2
Pub Date : 1972-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/106591297202500411
J. Astin
N THE political science literature called "behavioralist" which has emerged in the past twenty years, two distinct and incompatible approaches have been used. Mathematics has been employed for rank-ordering, for the computation of correlations, and for whatever other purposes numbers may serve. This method is analytical and reductionist and assumes the validity of mechanical cause-andeffect explanation. The other outlook is called "system theory" or "systems theory." Most commonly systems theory appeals to the analogy of organicist biology, which rejects the analytical and reductionist method and adopts a teleological perspective. Its origins are to be found in Aristotle, who believed that all of nature was purposive. The organicist or "organismic" view has been abandoned by virtually all twentieth-century biologists. An exception is Ludwig von Bertalanffy, who revived the organicist outlook in biology in the 1920s and generalized it into a cosmology in 1949.' Systems theory in social science derives from Bertalanffy's advocacy. Like its counterpart in biology, systems theory in social studies is frequently holistic rather than analytical, and ordinarily it seeks to answer the question "why" 2 in terms of function or purpose, in terms of goals, rather than in terms of antecedent propelling causes. The mechanical and organicist approaches are clearly incompatible, but it is very common for a single behavioral author to employ them both. A simulacrum of scientific method is presented in a discussion of cause-and-effect; but functionalist or organicist language is employed to suggest that what is at work is a teleological process. The best-known exponent of systems theory in political science is David Easton of the University of Chicago. The difficulties which result from mixing mechanism and organicism are clearly exemplified in Easton's work. Indeed, it is fair to say that unknown to Easton himself there are two David Eastons. One is a mechanist, the other a vitalist. We will call the former Easton I, the latter Easton II. As might be expected since Easton is oblivious to the mixture the organism Easton cannot be identified entirely with one or the other position at particular periods in the development of Easton's thought; these two incompatible strands compete in his work, with one predominating, then the other. As we will see, a final victory appeared to have been won by vitalism; nevertheless, Easton's presidential address to the American Political Science Association in 1969 his most recent statement concerning "behavioralism" shows that he believes he has been faithful to the assumptions of analytical science. In this same address, he claims for behavioralism a victory over other approaches to the study of politics. He cites his own work as part of a virtually completed "behavioral revolution" in political sci-
在过去二十年出现的被称为“行为主义”的政治科学文献中,使用了两种截然不同且互不相容的方法。数学被用于排序,用于计算相关性,以及用于数字可能服务的任何其他目的。这种方法是分析性和还原性的,并假定力学因果解释的有效性。另一种观点被称为“系统理论”或“系统理论”。最常见的系统理论诉诸于有机体生物学的类比,它拒绝分析和还原论的方法,并采用目的论的观点。它的起源可以追溯到亚里士多德,他相信所有的自然都是有目的的。事实上,20世纪所有的生物学家都抛弃了有机体或“有机体”的观点。路德维希·冯·贝尔塔朗菲是个例外,他在20世纪20年代复兴了生物学中的有机体观,并在1949年将其概括为宇宙论。”社会科学中的系统理论源于贝尔塔朗菲的倡导。与生物学中的系统理论一样,社会研究中的系统理论往往是整体性的,而不是分析性的,通常它试图根据功能或目的、目标来回答“为什么”2的问题,而不是根据先行的推动原因。机械方法和有机方法显然是不相容的,但一个行为作者同时使用这两种方法是很常见的。在讨论因果关系时,提出了一个科学方法的模拟;但功能主义或有机论的语言被用来暗示起作用的是一个目的论过程。政治学中最著名的系统理论倡导者是芝加哥大学的大卫·伊斯顿。在伊斯顿的著作中清楚地说明了把机理和有机体混合在一起所产生的困难。事实上,可以说伊斯顿自己都不知道有两个大卫·伊斯顿。一个是机械师,另一个是生机论者。我们称前者为伊斯顿I,后者为伊斯顿II。正如人们所预料的那样,由于伊斯顿没有注意到这种混合的有机体,在伊斯顿思想发展的特定时期,不能把伊斯顿完全等同于其中一个或另一个立场;这两条不相容的线在他的作品中相互竞争,一个占主导地位,然后是另一个。我们将会看到,生机论似乎赢得了最后的胜利;然而,1969年伊斯顿在美国政治科学协会的主席演讲中,他最近关于“行为主义”的陈述表明,他相信自己一直忠实于分析科学的假设。在同样的演讲中,他声称行为主义是对其他政治研究方法的胜利。他把自己的研究作为政治学中几乎已经完成的“行为革命”的一部分
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引用次数: 4
The Supreme Court of the United States, 1971-1972 美国最高法院,1971-1972年
Pub Date : 1972-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/106591297202500414
P. Bartholomew
IF THE HISTORIANS of the future set a "watershed" point between the "Warren Court" and the "Burger Court" the recent term of the Court undoubtedly will be a part of that dividing line. The close vote in a considerable number of cases was one indication of a transitional stage. Too, in this term the nature of a remarkable number of the cases supported the proposition that this is a public law court. Once again the Court operated without a full complement of justices for much of its term. The death of Associate Justice Hugo L. Black before the opening of the term and the retirement and later death of Associate Justice John M. Harlan left only seven justices participating in proceedings until Lewis F. Powell and William H. Rehnquist took the oath on January 7, 1972. Even then there was a period of abstention by them from voting and decisions because they had not been present for the oral arguments. As to the statistical "box score" for the term, the Court disposed of a total of 3,645 cases, a new all-time record. In the 1970-71 term it was 3,322 (as corrected in the publication of this year's statistics) and in the 1969-70 term the total was 3,409. The number of cases remaining on the docket declined slightly from the previous term's 890 to 888. Cases argued went to 176 (including one of original jurisdiction now pending) from the 151 and 144 respectively of the two previous terms. A rather dramatic increase came in the number of cases disposed of by signed opinions, 143 by 129 signed opinions compared with 126 by 109 signed opinions in the previous term. Per curiam opinions remained stable with 24 this term and 22 the previous term. Cases set for reargument this term were 5 compared with 3 in the 1970-71 term.
如果未来的历史学家在“沃伦法院”和“伯格法院”之间设定一个“分水岭”,那么法院最近的任期无疑将成为这条分界线的一部分。在相当多的情况下,票数接近是过渡阶段的一个迹象。同样,在这个术语中,大量案件的性质支持了这是一个公法法院的主张。在最高法院的大部分任期内,法官人数又一次不足。大法官雨果·l·布莱克在任期开始前去世,大法官约翰·m·哈兰退休后去世,使得只有7名大法官参与诉讼,直到刘易斯·f·鲍威尔和威廉·h·伦奎斯特于1972年1月7日宣誓就职。即使在那时,他们也有一段时间没有投票和作出决定,因为他们没有出席口头辩论。在这一任期的统计“盒子分数”方面,法院共处理了3 645起案件,创下历史新高。在1970-71年期间,这一数字为3,322(在今年公布的统计数据中进行了更正),而在1969-70年期间,总数为3,409。待审案件的数量从上一届的890件略有下降至888件。辩论案件从前两届的151件和144件分别增加到176件(包括一件未决的原始管辖权案件)。以签署意见书的方式处理的案件从上届的126件(109件)增加到现在的143件(129件)。委员会的意见保持稳定,本届为24项,上届为22项。本学期要求重新辩论的案件有5起,而1970-71年期间为3起。
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引用次数: 0
Book Reviews : President and Congress: Power and Policy. By LOUIS FISHER. (New York: The Free Press, 1972. PP. xvi. 347. $7.95.) 书评:《总统与国会:权力与政策》。路易斯·费希尔著。(纽约:自由出版社,1972年。PP.十六。347. 7.95美元)。
Pub Date : 1972-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/106591297202500416
R. Ross
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引用次数: 0
Book Reviews : American Foreign Policy Officials. Who They Are and What They Believe Regarding International Politics. By BERNARD MENNIS. (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 19971. Pp. xii, 210. $11.00.) 书评:美国外交政策官员。关于国际政治,他们是谁,他们相信什么。伯纳德·门尼斯著。哥伦布:俄亥俄州立大学出版社,19971。第十二页,210页。11.00美元)。
Pub Date : 1972-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/106591297202500420
Willard F. Barber
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引用次数: 0
Book Reviews : Modernization: Latecomers and Survivors. By MARION J. LEVY. (Basic Books: New York, 1972. PP.160. $5.95.) 书评:现代化:后来者和幸存者。马里昂·j·利维著。Basic Books:纽约,1972年。PP.160。5.95美元)。
Pub Date : 1972-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/106591297202500425
Everett W. Chard
Among the main obstacles to party transformation leading to the emergence of a catch-all party of the left, the author stresses the durability of traditional voting patterns, the persistence of historical perspectives, organizational resistance within the parties, absence of adequate leadership and, most importantly, the persistence of strong ideologies. According to him, the French Socialists have remained dedicated to their Marxist ideology and &dquo;retain a deep emotional commitment to the basic
在导致出现一个包罗一切的左翼政党的政党转型的主要障碍中,作者强调了传统投票模式的持久性、历史观点的持久性、政党内部的组织阻力、缺乏适当的领导以及最重要的是强烈的意识形态的持久性。根据他的说法,法国社会主义者一直致力于他们的马克思主义意识形态,并对基本原则保持着深刻的情感承诺
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引用次数: 0
Book Reviews : The Constitutionalist: Notes on the First Amendment. By GEORGE ANASTAPLO. (Dallas, Texas: Southern Methodist University Press, 1971. PP. xiii, 826. $20.00.) 书评:《宪法主义者:关于第一修正案的笔记》。乔治·阿纳斯塔普罗著。达拉斯,德克萨斯州:南卫理公会大学出版社,1971年。pp十三,826。20.00美元)。
Pub Date : 1972-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/106591297202500417
G. Durham
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引用次数: 0
Bipolarity, Multipolarity, and the Reliability of Alliance Commitments 两极化、多极化与联盟承诺的可靠性
Pub Date : 1972-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/106591297202500409
L. R. Beres
HE USE of alliances represents a time-honored means of protecting actors in world politics. At the same time, the history of international political theorizing is replete with skeptical utterances concerning the deterrent capacity of alliances. Most often, the crux of such skepticism lies in what is believed to be the demonstrated unreliability of actors faithfully to honor their alliance commitments once the inducement of expected benefits has been replaced by the expectation of injury or loss. Of the many factors which may significantly affect the reliability of alliance or collective defense arrangements, only the structural configuration of the world system has been entirely disregarded by scholars.' Indeed, there has as yet been no systematic effort to determine the extent to which alliance reliability2 varies in accordance with the number of systemwide and regional axes of conflict. It is the purpose of the following discussion to remedy this situation.
在世界政治中,利用联盟是一种历史悠久的保护行为体的手段。与此同时,国际政治理论史上充满了对联盟威慑能力的怀疑言论。大多数情况下,这种怀疑的关键在于,一旦预期利益的诱因被伤害或损失的预期所取代,行为体忠实履行其联盟承诺的可靠性被证明是不可靠的。在可能显著影响联盟或集体防御安排可靠性的诸多因素中,只有世界体系的结构配置被学者们完全忽视了。事实上,迄今为止还没有系统地努力确定联盟的可靠性在多大程度上随全系统和区域冲突轴心的数量而变化。下面讨论的目的是纠正这种情况。
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引用次数: 13
Book Reviews : Milwaukee: A Contemporary Urban Profile. By HENRY J. SCHMANDT, JOHN C. GOLDBACH, and DONALD B. VOGEL. (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1971, Pp. 244. $9.50.)
Pub Date : 1972-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/106591297202500427
Lyndon R. Musolf
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引用次数: 0
The Peruvian Military: Achievement Orientation, Training, and Political Tendencies 秘鲁军队:成就取向、训练和政治倾向
Pub Date : 1972-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/106591297202500407
C. Astiz, José Z. Garcı́a
EARLY four years after the Velasco government took power in Peru, students and observers of Latin American politics are still exploring the extent ~ ~ to which the Peruvian military establishment is altering the distribution of social, economic, and political power. Without presuming in this brief article to reply definitively to these and other pertinent questions, we feel that it would be rewarding to consider two institutional aspects that have been associated wih the Peruvian military by those who have analyzed their political behavior: the degree to which achievement within the military establishment plays a more important role than in the rest of Peruvian society, and the type of intellectual orientation which senior officers have received from the Center for Higher Military Studies. The first item is relevant in practical terms because, if the military are in fact highly achievement-oriented and can impose (as they say they would like to) this orientation on the rest of Peruvian society, such change by itself might within a few years realign the still ascriptive social, economic, and political relations of the entire country. The second item is more abstract, but, if the Center for Higher Military Studies has influenced the thinking of the present regime, it may give us an idea of the ideological guidelines those in political positions are receiving from the military institution, and may help us in perceiving the internal preferences of the military establishment, as well as some of the cleavages that exist within it.
贝拉斯科(Velasco)政府在秘鲁掌权四年后,拉美政治的学生和观察家仍在探索秘鲁军方在多大程度上改变了社会、经济和政治权力的分配。我们并不认为在这篇简短的文章中肯定地回答了这些和其他有关的问题,但我们认为,考虑那些分析秘鲁军队政治行为的人所认为的与秘鲁军队有关的两个体制方面将是有益的:军事机构内的成就比在秘鲁社会其他方面发挥更重要作用的程度,以及高级军官从高等军事研究中心接受的智力指导的类型。第一个项目在实际中是相关的,因为如果军队实际上是高度以成就为导向的,并且可以(正如他们所说的那样)将这种导向强加给秘鲁社会的其他部分,这种变化本身可能会在几年内重新调整整个国家的社会、经济和政治关系。第二个项目比较抽象,但是,如果高等军事研究中心影响了现政权的思想,它可能会让我们了解那些处于政治地位的人从军事机构那里得到的意识形态指导,并可能帮助我们了解军事机构的内部偏好,以及其中存在的一些分歧。
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引用次数: 5
Book Reviews : Regional Problems and Policies in Italy and France. By KEVIN ALLEN and M. C. MACLENNAN. (Beverly Hills: Sage Publications, 1970. Pp. 352. $13.50.) 书评:意大利和法国的区域问题和政策。文/凯文·艾伦,m·c·麦克伦南。比佛利山:Sage出版社,1970年。352页。13.50美元)。
Pub Date : 1972-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/106591297202500423
R. Putnam
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引用次数: 0
期刊
The Western political quarterly
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