Pub Date : 2013-01-01DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2010.548391
Ian Cunnings, C. Felser
We report results from two eye-movement experiments that examined how differences in working memory (WM) capacity affect readers' application of structural constraints on reflexive anaphor resolution during sentence comprehension. We examined whether binding Principle A, a syntactic constraint on the interpretation of reflexives, is reducible to a memory friendly “recency” strategy, and whether WM capacity influences the degree to which readers create anaphoric dependencies ruled out by binding theory. Our results indicate that low and high WM span readers applied Principle A early during processing. However, contrary to previous findings, low span readers also showed immediate intrusion effects of a linearly closer but structurally inaccessible competitor antecedent. We interpret these findings as indicating that although the relative prominence of potential antecedents in WM can affect online anaphor resolution, Principle A is not reducible to a processing or linear distance based “least effort” constraint.
{"title":"The role of working memory in the processing of reflexives","authors":"Ian Cunnings, C. Felser","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2010.548391","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2010.548391","url":null,"abstract":"We report results from two eye-movement experiments that examined how differences in working memory (WM) capacity affect readers' application of structural constraints on reflexive anaphor resolution during sentence comprehension. We examined whether binding Principle A, a syntactic constraint on the interpretation of reflexives, is reducible to a memory friendly “recency” strategy, and whether WM capacity influences the degree to which readers create anaphoric dependencies ruled out by binding theory. Our results indicate that low and high WM span readers applied Principle A early during processing. However, contrary to previous findings, low span readers also showed immediate intrusion effects of a linearly closer but structurally inaccessible competitor antecedent. We interpret these findings as indicating that although the relative prominence of potential antecedents in WM can affect online anaphor resolution, Principle A is not reducible to a processing or linear distance based “least effort” constraint.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2010.548391","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59134816","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-01-01DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2012.718087
H. Goodluck, E. Zweig
We summarise some of the factors affecting decisions about the status of syntactic phenomena: pragmatics, linguistic processing capacity, extra-linguistic computation, and methodology. We conclude that although there are clear-cut cases for which the decision to assign a phenomenon to processing or to irreducible syntactic principles is simple, there are many instances in which the decision is contentious.
{"title":"Introduction: Formal vs. processing explanations of linguistic phenomena","authors":"H. Goodluck, E. Zweig","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2012.718087","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2012.718087","url":null,"abstract":"We summarise some of the factors affecting decisions about the status of syntactic phenomena: pragmatics, linguistic processing capacity, extra-linguistic computation, and methodology. We conclude that although there are clear-cut cases for which the decision to assign a phenomenon to processing or to irreducible syntactic principles is simple, there are many instances in which the decision is contentious.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2012.718087","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59135835","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-01-01DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2012.676190
L. Roberts, A. Matsuo, N. Duffield
In this paper, we report on an eye-tracking study investigating the processing of English VP-ellipsis (John took the rubbish out. Fred did [] too) (VPE) and VP-anaphora (John took the rubbish out. Fred did it too) (VPA) constructions, with syntactically parallel versus nonparallel antecedent clauses (e.g., The rubbish was taken out by John. Fred did [] too/Fred did it too). The results show first that VPE involves greater processing costs than VPA overall. Second, although the structural nonparallelism of the antecedent clause elicited a processing cost for both anaphor types, there was a difference in the timing and the strength of this parallelism effect: it was earlier and more fleeting for VPA, as evidenced by regression path times, whereas the effect occurred later with VPE completions, showing up in second and total fixation times measures, and continuing on into the reading of the adjacent text. Taking the observed differences between the processing of the two anaphor types together with other research findings in the literature, we argue that our data support the idea that in the case of VPE, the VP from the antecedent clause necessitates more computation at the elision site before it is linked to its antecedent than is the case for VPA.
本文报道了一项关于英语vp -省略句(John took the rubbish out)加工过程的眼动研究。弗雷德也这样做了(VPE)和副总统(约翰把垃圾拿出去了)。弗雷德也这样做过)(VPA)结构,具有语法上平行和非平行的先行句(例如,垃圾被约翰拿走了。Fred did [] too/Fred也做了。结果首先表明,VPE涉及的处理成本比VPA总体上要高。其次,虽然先行句的结构不平行性会引起两种类型的照应的处理成本,但这种平行效应的时间和强度是不同的:VPA的处理成本更早,更短暂,正如回归路径时间所证明的那样,而VPE补全的影响发生得更晚,表现在秒和总注视时间测量中,并持续到相邻文本的阅读中。结合观察到的两种暗指类型处理之间的差异以及文献中的其他研究结果,我们认为我们的数据支持这样一种观点,即在VPE的情况下,来自先行句的VP在与其先行词相关联之前需要在省略位点进行更多的计算,而不是VPA。
{"title":"Processing VP-ellipsis and VP-anaphora with structurally parallel and nonparallel antecedents: An eye-tracking study","authors":"L. Roberts, A. Matsuo, N. Duffield","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2012.676190","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2012.676190","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, we report on an eye-tracking study investigating the processing of English VP-ellipsis (John took the rubbish out. Fred did [] too) (VPE) and VP-anaphora (John took the rubbish out. Fred did it too) (VPA) constructions, with syntactically parallel versus nonparallel antecedent clauses (e.g., The rubbish was taken out by John. Fred did [] too/Fred did it too). The results show first that VPE involves greater processing costs than VPA overall. Second, although the structural nonparallelism of the antecedent clause elicited a processing cost for both anaphor types, there was a difference in the timing and the strength of this parallelism effect: it was earlier and more fleeting for VPA, as evidenced by regression path times, whereas the effect occurred later with VPE completions, showing up in second and total fixation times measures, and continuing on into the reading of the adjacent text. Taking the observed differences between the processing of the two anaphor types together with other research findings in the literature, we argue that our data support the idea that in the case of VPE, the VP from the antecedent clause necessitates more computation at the elision site before it is linked to its antecedent than is the case for VPA.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2012.676190","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59135849","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-01-01DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2012.685481
Shalyn Oberle, Lori E James
Word and name retrieval failures increase with age, and this study investigated how priming impacts young and older adults' ability to produce proper names. The transmission deficit hypothesis predicts facilitation from related prime names, whereas the blocking and inhibition deficit hypotheses predict interference from related names, especially for older adults. On half of our experimental trials, we exposed participants to a prime name that is phonologically- and semantically-related to a target name. Related names facilitated production of targets overall, with older adults' naming ability improved at least as much as young adults'. Results are contrary to predictions of the blocking and inhibitory deficit hypotheses, and suggest that an activation-based model of memory and language better accounts for retrieval and production of well-known names.
{"title":"Semantically- and Phonologically-Related Primes Improve Name Retrieval in Young and Older Adults.","authors":"Shalyn Oberle, Lori E James","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2012.685481","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2012.685481","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Word and name retrieval failures increase with age, and this study investigated how priming impacts young and older adults' ability to produce proper names. The transmission deficit hypothesis predicts facilitation from related prime names, whereas the blocking and inhibition deficit hypotheses predict interference from related names, especially for older adults. On half of our experimental trials, we exposed participants to a prime name that is phonologically- and semantically-related to a target name. Related names facilitated production of targets overall, with older adults' naming ability improved at least as much as young adults'. Results are contrary to predictions of the blocking and inhibitory deficit hypotheses, and suggest that an activation-based model of memory and language better accounts for retrieval and production of well-known names.</p>","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2012.685481","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"31831365","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-01-01Epub Date: 2012-08-28DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2012.682071
Eduardo Navarrete, Bradford Z Mahon
The Response Exclusion Hypothesis localises the semantic interference effect as observed in the picture-word paradigm at a postlexical level of processing. An important aspect of this proposal is that the ease with which distractor words can be excluded from production at the response level is determined by the degree to which they satisfy criteria demanded of a correct response. This proposal predicts that naming a picture of a "rose" with the response "flower" will be slower with the distractor "rose" than a distractor word that would not be appropriate for the picture (e.g., "tulip"). Hantsch and Mädebach report evidence consistent with this expectation; however, the authors argue that the results are problematic for the Response Exclusion Hypothesis. Here we unpack Hantsch and Mädebach's arguments about why their finding is (putatively) problematic for the Response Exclusion Hypothesis. We conclude that the pattern of effects that the authors report are not only in line with what would be expected by the Response Exclusion Hypothesis, but are difficult to reconcile with Hantsch and Mädebach's preferred theoretical position.
{"title":"A rose by any other name is still a rose: A reinterpretation of Hantsch and Mädebach.","authors":"Eduardo Navarrete, Bradford Z Mahon","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2012.682071","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2012.682071","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>The Response Exclusion Hypothesis localises the semantic interference effect as observed in the picture-word paradigm at a postlexical level of processing. An important aspect of this proposal is that the ease with which distractor words can be excluded from production at the response level is determined by the degree to which they satisfy criteria demanded of a correct response. This proposal predicts that naming a picture of a \"rose\" with the response \"flower\" will be slower with the distractor \"rose\" than a distractor word that would not be appropriate for the picture (e.g., \"tulip\"). Hantsch and Mädebach report evidence consistent with this expectation; however, the authors argue that the results are problematic for the Response Exclusion Hypothesis. Here we unpack Hantsch and Mädebach's arguments about why their finding is (putatively) problematic for the Response Exclusion Hypothesis. We conclude that the pattern of effects that the authors report are not only in line with what would be expected by the Response Exclusion Hypothesis, but are difficult to reconcile with Hantsch and Mädebach's preferred theoretical position.</p>","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2012.682071","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"35130409","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-01-01DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2012.672754
Aya Meltzer-Asscher, Julia Schuchard, Dirk-Bart den Ouden, Cynthia K Thompson
This study examines the neural correlates of processing verbal entries with multiple argument structures using fMRI. We compared brain activation in response to 'alternating transitivity' verbs, corresponding to two different verbal alternates - one transitive and one intransitive - and simple verbs, with only one, intransitive, thematic grid. Fourteen young healthy participants performed a lexical decision task with the two verb types. Results showed significantly greater activation in the angular and supramarginal gyri (BAs 39 and 40) extending to the posterior superior and middle temporal gyri bilaterally, for alternating compared to simple verbs. Additional activation was detected in bilateral middle and superior frontal gyri (BAs 8 and 9). The opposite contrast, simple compared to alternating verbs, showed no significant differential activation in any regions of the brain. These findings are consistent with previous studies implicating a posterior network including the superior temporal, supramarginal and angular gyri for processing verbs with multiple thematic roles, as well as with those suggesting involvement of the middle and superior frontal gyri in lexical ambiguity processing. However, because 'alternating transitivity' verbs differ from simple intransitives with regard to both the number of thematic grids (two vs. one) and the number of thematic roles (two vs. one), our findings do not distinguish between activations associated with these two differences.
{"title":"The neural substrates of complex argument structure representations: Processing 'alternating transitivity' verbs.","authors":"Aya Meltzer-Asscher, Julia Schuchard, Dirk-Bart den Ouden, Cynthia K Thompson","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2012.672754","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2012.672754","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>This study examines the neural correlates of processing verbal entries with multiple argument structures using fMRI. We compared brain activation in response to 'alternating transitivity' verbs, corresponding to two different verbal alternates - one transitive and one intransitive - and simple verbs, with only one, intransitive, thematic grid. Fourteen young healthy participants performed a lexical decision task with the two verb types. Results showed significantly greater activation in the angular and supramarginal gyri (BAs 39 and 40) extending to the posterior superior and middle temporal gyri bilaterally, for alternating compared to simple verbs. Additional activation was detected in bilateral middle and superior frontal gyri (BAs 8 and 9). The opposite contrast, simple compared to alternating verbs, showed no significant differential activation in any regions of the brain. These findings are consistent with previous studies implicating a posterior network including the superior temporal, supramarginal and angular gyri for processing verbs with multiple thematic roles, as well as with those suggesting involvement of the middle and superior frontal gyri in lexical ambiguity processing. However, because 'alternating transitivity' verbs differ from simple intransitives with regard to both the number of thematic grids (two vs. one) and the number of thematic roles (two vs. one), our findings do not distinguish between activations associated with these two differences.</p>","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2012.672754","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"34259544","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-01-01DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2010.515080
E. Gibson, Evelina Fedorenko, Diogo Almeida, Leon Bergen, Joan Bresnan, David Caplan, Nick Chater, Morten H. Christiansen, Mike Frank, Adele Goldberg, Helen Goodluck, Greg Hickok, Ray Jackendoff, N. Kanwisher, R. Levy, Maryellen Macdonald, James Myers, Colin Phillips, Steven Piantadosi, Steve Pinker, D. Poeppel, Omer Preminger, Ian Roberts, Greg Scontras, Jon Sprouse, Carson Schü, Mike Tanenhaus, Vince Walsh, Duane Watson, E. Zweig
The prevalent method in syntax and semantics research involves obtaining a judgement of the acceptability of a sentence/meaning pair, typically by just the author of the paper, sometimes with feedback from colleagues. This methodology does not allow proper testing of scientific hypotheses because of (a) the small number of experimental participants (typically one); (b) the small number of experimental stimuli (typically one); (c) cognitive biases on the part of the researcher and participants; and (d) the effect of the preceding context (e.g., other constructions the researcher may have been recently considering). In the current paper we respond to some arguments that have been given in support of continuing to use the traditional nonquantitative method in syntax/semantics research. One recent defence of the traditional method comes from Phillips (2009), who argues that no harm has come from the nonquantitative approach in syntax research thus far. Phillips argues that there are no cases in the literature where an incorrect intuitive judgement has become the basis for a widely accepted generalisation or an important theoretical claim. He therefore concludes that there is no reason to adopt more rigorous data collection standards. We challenge Philips' conclusion by presenting three cases from the literature where a faulty intuition has led to incorrect generalisations and mistaken theorising, plausibly due to cognitive biases on the part of the researchers. Furthermore, we present additional arguments for rigorous data collection standards. For example, allowing lax data collection standards has the undesirable effect that the results and claims will often be ignored by researchers with stronger methodological standards. Finally, we observe that behavioural experiments are easier to conduct in English than ever before, with the advent of Amazon.com's Mechanical Turk, a marketplace interface that can be used for collecting behavioural data over the internet.
{"title":"The need for quantitative methods in syntax and semantics research","authors":"E. Gibson, Evelina Fedorenko, Diogo Almeida, Leon Bergen, Joan Bresnan, David Caplan, Nick Chater, Morten H. Christiansen, Mike Frank, Adele Goldberg, Helen Goodluck, Greg Hickok, Ray Jackendoff, N. Kanwisher, R. Levy, Maryellen Macdonald, James Myers, Colin Phillips, Steven Piantadosi, Steve Pinker, D. Poeppel, Omer Preminger, Ian Roberts, Greg Scontras, Jon Sprouse, Carson Schü, Mike Tanenhaus, Vince Walsh, Duane Watson, E. Zweig","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2010.515080","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2010.515080","url":null,"abstract":"The prevalent method in syntax and semantics research involves obtaining a judgement of the acceptability of a sentence/meaning pair, typically by just the author of the paper, sometimes with feedback from colleagues. This methodology does not allow proper testing of scientific hypotheses because of (a) the small number of experimental participants (typically one); (b) the small number of experimental stimuli (typically one); (c) cognitive biases on the part of the researcher and participants; and (d) the effect of the preceding context (e.g., other constructions the researcher may have been recently considering). In the current paper we respond to some arguments that have been given in support of continuing to use the traditional nonquantitative method in syntax/semantics research. One recent defence of the traditional method comes from Phillips (2009), who argues that no harm has come from the nonquantitative approach in syntax research thus far. Phillips argues that there are no cases in the literature where an incorrect intuitive judgement has become the basis for a widely accepted generalisation or an important theoretical claim. He therefore concludes that there is no reason to adopt more rigorous data collection standards. We challenge Philips' conclusion by presenting three cases from the literature where a faulty intuition has led to incorrect generalisations and mistaken theorising, plausibly due to cognitive biases on the part of the researchers. Furthermore, we present additional arguments for rigorous data collection standards. For example, allowing lax data collection standards has the undesirable effect that the results and claims will often be ignored by researchers with stronger methodological standards. Finally, we observe that behavioural experiments are easier to conduct in English than ever before, with the advent of Amazon.com's Mechanical Turk, a marketplace interface that can be used for collecting behavioural data over the internet.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2010.515080","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59133841","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-12-01Epub Date: 2011-12-19DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2011.610595
Michael Shelton, Chip Gerfen, Nicolás Gutiérrez Palma
This study employs a naming task to examine the role of the syllable in speech production, focusing on a lesser-studied aspect of syllabic processing, the interaction of subsyllabic patterns (i.e. syllable phonotactics) and higher-level prosody, in this case, stress assignment in Spanish. Specifically, we examine a controversial debate in Spanish regarding the interaction of syllable weight and stress placement, showing that traditional representations of weight fail to predict the differential modulation of stress placement by rising versus falling diphthongs in Spanish nonce forms. Our results also suggest that the internal structure of the syllable plays a larger role than is assumed in the processing literature in that it modulates higher-level processes such as stress encoding. Our results thus inform the debate regarding syllable weight in Spanish and linguistic theorizing more broadly, as well as expand our understanding of the importance of the syllable, and more specifically its internal structure, in modulating word processing.
{"title":"The interaction of subsyllabic encoding and stress assignment: A new examination of an old problem in Spanish.","authors":"Michael Shelton, Chip Gerfen, Nicolás Gutiérrez Palma","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2011.610595","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2011.610595","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>This study employs a naming task to examine the role of the syllable in speech production, focusing on a lesser-studied aspect of syllabic processing, the interaction of subsyllabic patterns (i.e. syllable phonotactics) and higher-level prosody, in this case, stress assignment in Spanish. Specifically, we examine a controversial debate in Spanish regarding the interaction of syllable weight and stress placement, showing that traditional representations of weight fail to predict the differential modulation of stress placement by rising versus falling diphthongs in Spanish nonce forms. Our results also suggest that the internal structure of the syllable plays a larger role than is assumed in the processing literature in that it modulates higher-level processes such as stress encoding. Our results thus inform the debate regarding syllable weight in Spanish and linguistic theorizing more broadly, as well as expand our understanding of the importance of the syllable, and more specifically its internal structure, in modulating word processing.</p>","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2011.610595","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"31144048","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-12-01DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2012.737612
{"title":"Volume 27, 2012, List of Reviewers","authors":"","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2012.737612","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2012.737612","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2012.737612","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59135581","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}