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Quantitative methods in syntax/semantics research: A response to Sprouse and Almeida (2013) 语法/语义研究中的定量方法:对Sprouse和Almeida(2013)的回应
Pub Date : 2013-03-26 DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2012.704385
E. Gibson, S. Piantadosi, Evelina Fedorenko
Sprouse and Almeida (S&A) present quantitative results that suggest that intuitive judgments utilised in syntax research are generally correct in two-condition comparisons: the sentence type that is presented as “good/grammatical” is usually rated better than the sentence type that is presented as “bad/ungrammatical” in controlled experiments. Although these evaluations of intuitive relative judgments are valuable, they do not justify the use of nonquantitative linguistic methods. We argue that objectivity is a universal value in science that should be adopted by linguistics. In addition, the reliability measures that S&A report are not sufficient for developing sophisticated linguistic theories. Furthermore, quantitative methods yield two additional benefits: consistency of judgments across many pairs of judgments; and an understanding of the relative effect sizes across sets of judgments. We illustrate these points with an experiment that demonstrates five clear levels of acceptability. Finally, we observe that S&A's experiments—where only two authors evaluated 10 years' worth of journal articles and one standard textbook within a few months—further emphasise one of our critical original points: conducting behavioural experiments is in many respects easy and fast with the advent of online research tools like Amazon's Mechanical Turk. Given the current ease of performing quantitative experiments (using a platform like Mechanical Turk) and the clear limitations of not doing so, linguistic hypotheses should be evaluated quantitatively whenever it is feasible.
斯普罗斯和阿尔梅达(S&A)提出的定量结果表明,句法研究中使用的直觉判断在两种情况的比较中通常是正确的:在对照实验中,被呈现为“好/合乎语法”的句子类型通常比被呈现为“坏/不合语法”的句子类型被评为更好。虽然这些对直觉相对判断的评价是有价值的,但它们并不能证明使用非定量语言方法是合理的。我们认为客观性是科学的普遍价值,语言学应该采用这种价值。此外,S&A报告的信度测量不足以发展复杂的语言理论。此外,定量方法还带来了两个额外的好处:在许多对判断中判断的一致性;以及对一系列判断的相对效应大小的理解。我们用一个实验来说明这些观点,该实验展示了五个明确的可接受性水平。最后,我们观察到S&A的实验——只有两位作者在几个月内评估了10年的期刊文章和一本标准教科书的价值——进一步强调了我们最初的一个关键观点:随着像亚马逊的Mechanical Turk这样的在线研究工具的出现,进行行为实验在许多方面变得简单快捷。考虑到目前进行定量实验(使用像Mechanical Turk这样的平台)的便便性和不这样做的明显局限性,语言学假设应该在可行的情况下进行定量评估。
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引用次数: 39
Predictive processing of syntactic structure: Sluicing and ellipsis in real-time sentence processing 句法结构的预测加工:实时句子加工中的省略与省略
Pub Date : 2013-03-26 DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2011.622905
Masaya Yoshida, M. Dickey, P. Sturt
This paper investigates the prediction of syntactic structure during sentence processing, using constructions that temporarily allow a sluicing interpretation in English. Making use of two well-known properties of sluicing and pronoun interpretation—connectivity effects and the local antecedent requirement on reflexives, respectively—we show that (1) the parser chooses a sluicing structure over other possible structures when sluicing is a possibility, and (2) the structure which the parser posits for sluicing involves detailed hierarchical syntactic structure. A self-paced reading experiment and three offline experiments (two acceptability rating studies and a sentence completion study) find evidence that readers immediately try to associate a reflexive pronoun embedded inside a wh-phrase with a potential antecedent in the preceding clause. However, this association is made only if a sluicing structure is a possible continuation of the sentence. This finding suggests that readers actively anticipated a sluicing structure when it was grammatically permissible, and that this structure is sufficiently detailed to license reflexive binding. This result adds to the increasing evidence that comprehenders make detailed predictions regarding upcoming linguistic structure.
本文研究了句子加工过程中句法结构的预测,使用了英语中暂时允许流畅解释的结构。利用两个众所周知的属性——连接效应和对反身词的局部先行词要求——我们表明:(1)解析器在可能的情况下选择了一种解析结构,而不是其他可能的结构;(2)解析器假设的解析结构涉及详细的分层句法结构。一项自定节奏阅读实验和三项离线实验(两项可接受性评级研究和一项句子完成性研究)发现,有证据表明,读者会立即试图将嵌入在“wh”短语中的反身代词与前面从句中的潜在先行词联系起来。然而,只有当一个引水结构可能是句子的延续时,才会产生这种联系。这一发现表明,在语法允许的情况下,读者会积极地期待一个滑动结构,并且该结构足够详细,可以允许自反绑定。这一结果进一步证明,理解者会对即将到来的语言结构做出详细的预测。
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引用次数: 47
The neurophysiological correlate to grammatical function reanalysis in Swedish 瑞典语语法功能再分析的神经生理学关联
Pub Date : 2013-03-26 DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2011.651345
Thomas Hörberg, Maria Koptjevskaja-Tamm, Petter Kallioinen
Language comprehension is assumed to proceed incrementally, and comprehenders commit to initial interpretations even in the absence of unambiguous information. Initial ambiguous object arguments are therefore preferably interpreted as subjects, an interpretation that needs to be revised towards an object initial interpretation once the disambiguating information is encountered. Most accounts of such grammatical function reanalyses assume that they involve phrase structure revisions, and do not differ from other syntactic reanalyses. A number of studies using measurements of event-related brain potentials (ERPs) provide evidence for this view by showing that both reanalysis types engender similar neurophysiological responses (e.g., P600 effects). Others have claimed that grammatical function reanalyses rather involve revisions of the mapping of thematic roles to argument noun phrases (NPs). In line with this, it has been shown that grammatical function reanalysis during spoken language comprehension engenders a N400 effect, an effect which has been shown to correlate with general problems in the mapping of thematic roles to argument NPs in a number of languages. This study investigated the ERP correlate to grammatical function reanalysis in Swedish. Postverbal NPs that disambiguated the interpretation of object-topicalised sentences towards an object-initial reading engendered a N400 effect with a local, right-parietal distribution. This “reanalysis N400” effect provides further support for the view that grammatical function reanalysis is functionally distinct from syntactic reanalyses and rather involves a revision of the mapping of thematic roles to the sentence arguments. Postverbal subject pronouns in object-topicalised sentences were also found to engender an enhanced P300 wave in comparison to object pronouns, an effect which seems to depend on the overall infrequency of object-topicalised constructions. This finding provides support for the view that the “reanalysis N400” in some cases can be attenuated by a task-related P300 component.
语言理解被认为是逐步进行的,即使没有明确的信息,理解者也会做出最初的解释。因此,初始模糊的对象参数最好被解释为主体,一旦遇到消除歧义的信息,就需要将这种解释修改为对象初始解释。这种语法功能再分析的大多数描述都假定它们涉及短语结构的修改,并且与其他语法再分析没有什么不同。许多使用事件相关脑电位(ERPs)测量的研究为这一观点提供了证据,表明两种再分析类型产生相似的神经生理反应(例如,P600效应)。另一些人则认为,语法功能的重新分析需要对主位角色到论证名词短语(NPs)的映射进行修正。与此相一致的是,在口语理解过程中语法功能的再分析产生了N400效应,这一效应已被证明与许多语言中主题角色映射到论点np中的一般问题相关。本研究探讨了瑞典语中ERP与语法功能再分析的关系。言语后NPs消除了客体主题化句子对客体初始阅读的歧义解释,产生了局部右顶叶分布的N400效应。这种“再分析N400”效应进一步支持了语法功能再分析在功能上不同于句法再分析的观点,而是涉及到对主位角色到句子论点的映射的修订。与宾语代词相比,宾语主题化句子中的后置主语代词也会产生更强的P300波,这种效应似乎取决于宾语主题化结构的总体频率。这一发现为以下观点提供了支持:在某些情况下,“再分析N400”可以被与任务相关的P300成分减弱。
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引用次数: 17
When does Iconicity in Sign Language Matter? 手语中的象似性在什么时候起作用?
Pub Date : 2013-03-01 Epub Date: 2012-02-23 DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2011.620374
Cristina Baus, Manuel Carreiras, Karen Emmorey

We examined whether iconicity in American Sign Language (ASL) enhances translation performance for new learners and proficient signers. Fifteen hearing nonsigners and 15 proficient ASL-English bilinguals performed a translation recognition task and a production translation task. Nonsigners were taught 28 ASL verbs (14 iconic; 14 non-iconic) prior to performing these tasks. Only new learners benefited from sign iconicity, recognizing iconic translations faster and more accurately and exhibiting faster forward (English-ASL) and backward (ASL-English) translation times for iconic signs. In contrast, proficient ASL-English bilinguals exhibited slower recognition and translation times for iconic signs. We suggest iconicity aids memorization in the early stages of adult sign language learning, but for fluent L2 signers, iconicity interacts with other variables that slow translation (specifically, the iconic signs had more translation equivalents than the non-iconic signs). Iconicity may also have slowed translation performance by forcing conceptual mediation for iconic signs, which is slower than translating via direct lexical links.

我们研究了美国手语的象似性是否能提高新学习者和熟练手语者的翻译表现。15名听力正常的非手语者和15名熟练的美国手语-英语双语者分别执行翻译识别任务和生产翻译任务。教授非手语者28个美国手语动词(14个符号动词;在执行这些任务之前。只有新学习者受益于符号的象似性,更快、更准确地识别符号翻译,并且对符号符号表现出更快的向前(英语- asl)和向后(asl -英语)翻译时间。相比之下,熟练的ASL-English双语者对标志性符号的识别和翻译时间较慢。我们认为,在成人手语学习的早期阶段,象似性有助于记忆,但对于流利的第二语言手语使用者来说,象似性与其他变量相互作用,导致翻译缓慢(具体来说,符号符号比非符号符号有更多的翻译等效物)。象似性也可能通过强迫符号符号的概念调解来减缓翻译效果,这比通过直接词汇链接进行翻译要慢。
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引用次数: 94
The source ambiguity problem: Distinguishing the effects of grammar and processing on acceptability judgments. 来源歧义问题:区分语法和加工对可接受性判断的影响。
Pub Date : 2013-01-01 Epub Date: 2011-10-18 DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2011.572401
Philip Hofmeister, T Florian Jaeger, Inbal Arnon, Ivan A Sag, Neal Snider

Judgments of linguistic unacceptability may theoretically arise from either grammatical deviance or significant processing difficulty. Acceptability data are thus naturally ambiguous in theories that explicitly distinguish formal and functional constraints. Here, we consider this source ambiguity problem in the context of Superiority effects: the dispreference for ordering a wh-phrase in front of a syntactically "superior" wh-phrase in multiple wh-questions, e.g. What did who buy? More specifically, we consider the acceptability contrast between such examples and so-called D-linked examples, e.g. Which toys did which parents buy? Evidence from acceptability and self-paced reading experiments demonstrates that (i) judgments and processing times for Superiority violations vary in parallel, as determined by the kind of wh-phrases they contain, (ii) judgments increase with exposure while processing times decrease, (iii) reading times are highly predictive of acceptability judgments for the same items, and (iv) the effects of the complexity of the wh-phrases combine in both acceptability judgments and reading times. This evidence supports the conclusion that D-linking effects are likely reducible to independently motivated cognitive mechanisms whose effects emerge in a wide range of sentence contexts. This in turn suggests that Superiority effects, in general, may owe their character to differential processing difficulty.

从理论上讲,语言不可接受性的判断可能是由语法偏差或重大的处理困难引起的。因此,在明确区分形式约束和功能约束的理论中,可接受性数据自然是模糊的。这里,我们在优势效应的背景下考虑这个来源歧义问题:在多个“谁”问题中,人们不喜欢把“谁”短语排在语法上“优越”的“谁”短语前面,例如:What did who buy?更具体地说,我们考虑这些例子和所谓的d链接例子之间的可接受性对比,例如哪个父母买了哪些玩具?来自可接受性和自定节奏阅读实验的证据表明:(1)对优势违反的判断和处理时间是平行变化的,这取决于它们包含的“wh-短语”的种类;(2)判断随着暴露而增加,处理时间减少;(3)阅读时间对相同项目的可接受性判断具有高度预测性;(4)“wh-短语”的复杂性在可接受性判断和阅读时间中都有影响。这一证据支持了以下结论:d -连读效应可能可归结为独立动机的认知机制,其效应出现在广泛的句子语境中。这反过来表明,一般来说,优势效应的特征可能归因于不同的加工难度。
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引用次数: 102
D-linking or set-restriction? Processing Which-questions in Dutch d链接还是集合限制?荷兰语中which -疑问句
Pub Date : 2013-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2011.566343
J. Donkers, J. Hoeks, L. Stowe
Research on Wh-questions suggests that Which questions are harder to process than Who questions (e.g., Who/Which athlete won the competition?). According to the Discourse (D)-linking Hypothesis, Which-questions differ from Who-questions in that Which questions need a link to a preceding discourse, while Who questions do not. However, this difference in processing may also be caused by differences in “set-restriction.” Who is much less restrictive in the set of potential referents it presupposes than Which N (e.g., Which athlete). A self-paced reading study investigated how Who and Which N questions were processed compared to questions involving the generic Which person, which refer to the same relatively unrestrictive referential set as Who. Our results showed that Which N questions were significantly more difficult than Which person or Who questions in object initial structures, supporting the hypothesis that increased processing cost for Which should be explained by a mechanism of set-restriction inherent to Which N questions. Additionally we found that the syntactic role of the possible referents in the discourse context affects question processing before the readers encountered disambiguating information.
对“为什么”问题的研究表明,“哪个”问题比“谁”问题更难处理(例如,“谁/哪个运动员赢得了比赛?”)。根据语篇连接假说,Which疑问句与Who疑问句的不同之处在于Which疑问句需要与前面的语篇连接,而Who疑问句则不需要。然而,这种处理上的差异也可能是由“集合限制”的差异引起的。在潜在的指称物集合中,谁比哪个N(例如,哪个运动员)限制少得多。一项自定节奏阅读研究调查了Who和Which N问题与涉及一般的Which person的问题的处理方式,后者与Who指的是相同的相对不受限制的参考集合。我们的研究结果表明,在对象初始结构中,Which N题明显比Which person或Who题更难,这支持了Which N题加工成本增加的假设,这可以用Which N题固有的集限制机制来解释。此外,我们发现在读者遇到消歧义信息之前,可能的指称物在语篇语境中的句法作用会影响问题加工。
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引用次数: 18
Processing and domain selection: Quantificational variability effects. 处理和领域选择:量化变异性效应。
Pub Date : 2013-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2012.679663
Jesse A Harris, Charles Clifton, Lyn Frazier

Three studies investigated how readers interpret sentences with variable quantificational domains, e.g., The army was mostly in the capital, where mostly may quantify over individuals or parts (Most of the army was in the capital) or over times (The army was in the capital most of the time). It is proposed that a general conceptual economy principle, No Extra Times (Majewski 2006, in preparation), discourages the postulation of potentially unnecessary times, and thus favors the interpretation quantifying over parts. Disambiguating an ambiguously quantified sentence to a quantification over times interpretation was rated as less natural than disambiguating it to a quantification over parts interpretation (Experiment 1). In an interpretation questionnaire, sentences with similar quantificational variability were constructed so that both interpretations of the sentence would require postulating multiple times; this resulted in the elimination of the preference for a quantification over parts interpretation, suggesting the parts preference observed in Experiment 1 is not reducible to a lexical bias of the adverb mostly (Experiment 2). An eye movement recording study showed that, in the absence of prior evidence for multiple times, readers exhibit greater difficulty when reading material that forces a quantification over times interpretation than when reading material that allows a quantification over parts interpretation (Experiment 3). These experiments contribute to understanding readers' default assumptions about the temporal properties of sentences, which is essential for understanding the selection of a domain for adverbial quantifiers and, more generally, for understanding how situational constraints influence sentence processing.

三项研究调查了读者如何解释具有可变量化域的句子,例如:The army was Most in The capital,其中Most可以量化为个人或部分(Most of The army was in The capital)或时间(The army was in The capital)。提出了一个一般的概念经济原则,没有额外的时间(Majewski 2006,在准备中),不鼓励假设可能不必要的时间,因此倾向于量化部分的解释。将一个模棱两可的量化句子消除歧义为“量化超过时间”的解释比将其消除歧义为“量化超过部分”的解释更不自然(实验1)。在一份解释问卷中,构建了具有相似量化可变性的句子,以便对句子的两种解释都需要多次假设;结果表明,在实验1中观察到的部分偏好并不能被简化为副词的词汇偏好(实验2)。一项眼动记录研究表明,在多次缺乏先前证据的情况下,读者在阅读强迫定量多于时间解释的材料时,比阅读允许定量多于部分解释的材料时表现出更大的困难(实验3)。这些实验有助于理解读者对句子时间属性的默认假设,这对于理解状语量词的领域选择至关重要,更一般地说,了解情境约束如何影响句子加工。
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引用次数: 8
Alice's adventures in um-derland: Psycholinguistic sources of variation in disfluency production. 爱丽丝在厄姆-德兰的冒险:不流畅产生变异的心理语言学来源。
Pub Date : 2013-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2013.832785
Scott H Fraundorf, Duane G Watson

This study tests the hypothesis that three common types of disfluency (fillers, silent pauses, and repeated words) reflect variance in what strategies are available to the production system for responding to difficulty in language production. Participants' speech in a storytelling paradigm was coded for the three disfluency types. Repeats occurred most often when difficult material was already being produced and could be repeated, but fillers and silent pauses occurred most when difficult material was still being planned. Fillers were associated only with conceptual difficulties, consistent with the proposal that they reflect a communicative signal whereas silent pauses and repeats were also related to lexical and phonological difficulties. These differences are discussed in terms of different strategies available to the language production system.

本研究检验了以下假设:三种常见的不流畅类型(填充语、沉默停顿和重复单词)反映了语言生成系统在应对语言生成困难时可用的策略的差异。参与者在讲故事范式下的演讲被编码为三种不流畅类型。当困难的材料已经生产出来并且可以重复时,重复最常发生,但当困难的材料仍在计划时,填充和沉默停顿最常发生。填充物只与概念困难有关,这与它们反映交际信号的建议是一致的,而沉默的停顿和重复也与词汇和语音困难有关。这些差异是根据语言产生系统可用的不同策略来讨论的。
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引用次数: 46
Some arguments and nonarguments for reductionist accounts of syntactic phenomena 还原论对句法现象的一些论证和非论证
Pub Date : 2013-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2010.530960
C. Phillips
Many syntactic phenomena have received competing accounts, either in terms of formal grammatical mechanisms, or in terms of independently motivated properties of language processing mechanisms (“reductionist” accounts). A variety of different types of argument have been put forward in efforts to distinguish these competing accounts. This article critically examines a number of arguments that have been offered as evidence in favour of formal or reductionist analyses, and concludes that some types of argument are more decisive than others. It argues that evidence from graded acceptability effects and from isomorphism between acceptability judgements and on-line comprehension profiles are less decisive. In contrast, clearer conclusions can be drawn from cases of overgeneration, where there is a discrepancy between acceptability judgements and the representations that are briefly constructed on-line, and from tests involving individual differences in cognitive capacity. Based on these arguments, the article concludes that a formal grammatical account is better supported in some domains, and that a reductionist account fares better in other domains. Phenomena discussed include island constraints, agreement attraction, constraints on anaphora, and comparatives.
许多句法现象都有不同的解释,要么是形式语法机制,要么是语言处理机制的独立动机属性(“还原论”的说法)。为了区分这些相互竞争的说法,已经提出了各种不同类型的论点。本文批判性地考察了一些作为支持形式或简化分析的证据而提出的论点,并得出结论,某些类型的论点比其他类型的论点更具决定性。本文认为,分级可接受性效应和可接受性判断与在线理解概况之间的同构性的证据不太具有决定性。相比之下,可以从过度生成的案例中得出更明确的结论,其中可接受性判断与在线简要构建的表征之间存在差异,以及从涉及个人认知能力差异的测试中得出更明确的结论。基于这些论点,本文得出结论,形式语法解释在某些领域得到更好的支持,而还原论解释在其他领域得到更好的支持。讨论的现象包括孤岛约束、协议吸引、回指约束和比较物。
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引用次数: 58
Processing Chinese relative clauses in context 汉语定语从句的语境处理
Pub Date : 2013-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2010.536656
E. Gibson, H.-H. Iris Wu
This paper presents a self-paced reading experiment comparing the processing of subject-extracted relative clauses (SRCs) and object-extracted relative clauses (ORCs) in supportive contexts in Chinese. It is argued that lack of a consistent pattern in the literature for the comparison between Chinese SRCs and ORCs is due to potential temporary ambiguity in these constructions in null contexts. By placing the materials in contexts biased towards a relative clause (RC) interpretation, we limit the effects of temporary ambiguity. The results of the experiment demonstrate that SRCs are read more slowly than ORCs in supportive contexts. These results provide evidence for working memory-based sentence processing theories whereby processing difficulty increases for connecting sentence elements that are further apart. Some convergent evidence that strengthens these conclusions comes from recent research on aphasic populations where a dissociation between English and Chinese RC processing has been revealed: whereas English aphasic patients have more difficulty with ORCs and Chinese aphasic patients have more difficulty with SRCs (Su, Lee, & Chung, 2007). Taken together, these results support the idea that sentence processing is constrained by working memory limitations.
本文通过自定节奏阅读实验,比较了汉语辅助语境中主语提取关系从句和宾语提取关系从句的加工过程。本文认为,在文献中,由于这些结构在零语境中可能存在暂时的歧义,因此对汉语SRCs和ORCs的比较缺乏一致的模式。通过将材料置于偏向于关系分句解释的语境中,我们限制了暂时歧义的影响。实验结果表明,在支持情境下,文本阅读比文本阅读慢。这些结果为基于工作记忆的句子加工理论提供了证据,即连接距离更远的句子元素会增加加工难度。最近对失语症人群的研究显示,英语和汉语RC加工之间存在分离:英语失语症患者在处理ORCs方面更困难,而汉语失语症患者在处理SRCs方面更困难(Su, Lee, & Chung, 2007)。综上所述,这些结果支持了句子处理受工作记忆限制的观点。
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引用次数: 163
期刊
Language and cognitive processes
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