Pub Date : 2011-07-01DOI: 10.1179/175226911X13025317627603
R. Parish
Abstract In both the Introduction à la vie dévote and the Traité de l'amour de Dieu, St François de Sales (1567–1622) makes extensive reference to the animal world. Writing in a tradition dating back to the medieval Christian bestiary, he draws his evidence from classical sources and from the Bible and Fathers, as well as from more demotic material. His zoological imagery is remarkable by its diversity, and by François's readiness to include the fantastic or improbable alongside the more scientifically attested. His pagan examples do not however function as a mythological fable; rather they place classical zoology at the service of Christian theology, with pride of place accorded to elephants and bees. Biblical examples too extend beyond commonplace similes; and even more modest contemporary illustrations are transformed into the means of spiritual encouragement. All such analogies are described by François as 'similitudes', and serve to effect a link between the natural and divine worlds. Yet if such zoological images may at times appear comic by their improbability or disproportion, these features do nothing to diminish their didactic potential; nor does their incorporation detract from the uniqueness of humankind's capacity to aspire to a closer spiritual union with God.
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Pub Date : 2011-07-01DOI: 10.1179/175226911X13025317627702
T. Meding
Abstract In this essay, I treat problems of translation and ekphrasis and their relationship to the representation of gender in the First Part of Honoré d'Urfé's pastoral romance, L'Astrée. Through allusion to Petrarch's canzone 90, d'Urfé provides in the opening pages of his romance a template of feminine beauty and power which serves as the basis for idealized portraits of both beauty and ugliness, particularly in two important ekphrases of the First Part (the 'peintures esclattantes' in Book 2, and the 'Histoire de Damon et de Fortune' in Book 11), both contained by the garden of the nymph Galathée's Palais d'Isoure. The parallels between ekphrasis and translation, particularly with regard to the topos of enargeia, make gender subject to the wondrous 'raretez' that issue from the lair of the sorceress Mandrague: as an old woman, the witch herself assumes the posture of the nymphs at the romance's beginning, but her stance is clearly masculinised. The portrait of this 'hag' in Book 11 harmonises with the 1657 English translator's astonishing conversion of Saturn as father of the gods to a ghastly mother who ingests the flesh of her own children: translatio imperii, or the transfer of power from Saturn to Jupiter depicted in the murals of the Palais d'Isoure, calls forth the translator's gender-based, interpretive dismantling and re-fashioning of source text. Ekphrasis and translation conjoin in the First Part of L'Astrée to make clear the ties between pastoral romance and fairy-tale motifs. The shepherd Céladon is an apt witness to both ekphrases, where gender is ambiguous and polyvalent, in both source text and translation, since he will later incarnate the principle of enargeia through cross-dressing.
摘要本文探讨了《阿斯特拉西姆》第一部分中翻译和措辞的问题及其与性别表现的关系。通过对彼得拉克的第90章的暗示，d' urf在他的浪漫故事的开头提供了一个女性美和力量的模板，作为美和丑的理想化肖像的基础，特别是在第一部分的两个重要短语(第二册的“peintures esclattantes”和第十一册的“Histoire de Damon et de Fortune”)，两者都包含在女神galathacime的Palais d' isoure的花园中。习语和翻译之间的相似之处，特别是关于enargeia的主题，使性别受到来自女巫Mandrague巢穴的奇妙的“raretez”的影响:作为一个老妇人，女巫自己在浪漫开始时采取了仙女的姿势，但她的立场显然是男性化的。第11卷中这个“女巫”的肖像与1657年的英文译者将土星从诸神之父惊人地转变为一个可怕的母亲，她吞食了自己孩子的肉:translatio imperii，或者从土星到朱庇特的权力转移，描绘在Palais d' isoure的壁画中，唤起了译者基于性别的，解释性的拆除和对源文本的重新塑造。在《阿斯特拉西姆》的第一部分中，将习语与翻译结合起来，明确了田园浪漫主义与童话母题之间的联系。牧羊人cassaladon是这两个短语的恰当见证，在原文和翻译中，性别都是模棱两可和多重的，因为他后来将通过变装体现出enargeia原则。
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Pub Date : 2010-12-01DOI: 10.1179/026510610X12857561930958
Jonathan Patterson
Abstract Marie de Gournay's poetic treatises and epic translations highlight her disgust at seeing the stylistic concept of douceur overly feminized in the verse of her Malherbian contemporaries. For Gournay this had rendered French poetry incapable of cognitive complexity. Gournay developed a new understanding of douceur through the notions of esprit and vigueur: a poetic style influenced by the Pléiade and by Montaigne. Gournay attempted to foreground douceur in complex metaphor rather than in euphony and rationalized clarity; she privileged forceful, oratorical vehemence rather than purely conciliatory discourse. Gournay dismissed her contemporaries' conception of douceur as mollesse, a pejorative vice commonly associated with women in her day. Conversely, douceur rendered through esprit and vigueur appears at first to privilege qualities more readily associated with men. However, in her search for 'vraye douceur' through the medium of Virgilian epic, Gournay shows that esprit and vigueur may be associated with ideals of masculinity and femininity — indeed, classical decorum should lead us to expect no less. Inspired by Virgil, yet also anticipating the femme forte of the 1640s, Gournay depicts a Venus who is douce yet vigorous, suggesting the possibility of a gender-neutral style for French verse.
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Pub Date : 2010-12-01DOI: 10.1179/026510610X12857561930714
J. Ravel
Abstract The case of Angélique-Nicole Carlier Tiquet, convicted of organizing a plot to assassinate her husband in 1699, prompts questions about histories of torture and public execution over the last several centuries. During the two-month trial that followed the assassination attempt against her husband, official inquiry and public opinion coalesced around the idea that Madame Tiquet was guilty. At least some observers came to believe that her crime represented a threat to husbands and paternal authority more generally throughout the kingdom. In the wake of her torture and public execution, which she endured so gracefully that many observers found themselves lamenting her death, male Catholic polemicists argued in print about the meanings of her demise, while one female Protestant writer, Anne Marguerite Petit du Noyer, asserted her innocence. Several years later, in the 1702 edition of his Dictionnaire historique et critique, Pierre Bayle cited the case in the context of a broader secular reflection on marital relations in morally corrupt societies. The affair that prompted these texts is fascinating precisely because it resists insertion into misleading histories of progress and civility, or ever-expanding statist surveillance of citizens.
尼科尔·卡里尔·蒂凯(nicole Carlier Tiquet)因在1699年策划暗杀丈夫而被定罪，这一案件引发了人们对过去几个世纪以来酷刑和公开处决历史的质疑。在针对她丈夫的暗杀企图之后的两个月的审判中，官方调查和公众舆论一致认为蒂凯夫人有罪。至少一些观察家开始相信，她的罪行对整个王国的丈夫和父权构成了威胁。她优雅地忍受了酷刑和公开处决，许多旁观者都为她的死感到惋惜。在她遭受酷刑和公开处决之后，男性天主教辩论家在出版物中争论她死亡的意义，而一位新教女性作家安妮·玛格丽特·佩蒂·杜·诺亚(Anne Marguerite Petit du Noyer)则坚称她是无辜的。几年后，在1702年版的《历史与批判词典》中，皮埃尔·贝勒在对道德败坏的社会中婚姻关系的更广泛的世俗反思的背景下引用了这个案例。促成这些文本的事件之所以引人入胜，正是因为它不愿被插入关于进步和文明的误导性历史，也不愿被插入不断扩大的中央政府对公民的监视之中。
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Pub Date : 2010-12-01DOI: 10.1179/026510610X12857561930912
Ellen R. Welch
Abstract Although exotic figures were a staple of the ballet de cour under Louis XIV, critics of the genre have tended to dismiss these masquerades as rehearsals of ignorant stereotypes about foreign peoples and places. This essay argues instead that the ballets' seemingly grotesque citations of preconceptions about other countries were often informed by a subtle understanding of the discursive force of national tropes. Through an examination of the sophisticated use of national stereotypes in Benserade, Lully, and Molière's Ballet des Muses (1666–67), particularly in the Spanish masquerade, Molière's Sicilian comedy and the Moorish dance, I aim to show that this work explicitly figures national character as a formal commonplace rather than a meaningful category. By enacting well-known stereotypes in ways that divorce them from any notion of original identity, the ballet's performers made space for a critique of more essentialist interpretations of nationality, including those used to underpin French claims to superiority. Thus reframing 'nationality' as performable, the work implies that mastery of the performing arts displaces any particular 'national' trait as the basis for a claim to European or global dominance. As a corollary, this essay also seeks to correct the common misconception that the understanding of 'identities' as performable and performative is uniquely a product of our own postmodern age.
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Pub Date : 2010-12-01DOI: 10.1179/026510610X12857561930877
J. Brillaud
Cet article est une invitation à relire le dictionnaire de Richelet non pas comme un simple ouvrage de consultation, défaillant de surcroît, mais comme un ‘raccommodage’ à l’instar des Caractères de La Bruyère. Nous nous proposons de montrer dans un premier temps que le projet lexicographique calque dans son hybridité, dans ses remaniements et dans sa forme privilégiée, la remarque, la variété des choses et l’instabilité des référents. Le protocole de lecture est lui-même instable, allant de la lecture méthodique dite de consultation aux rencontres fortuites avec des unités de sens. La dernière partie de l’article est consacrée à deux phénomènes communs aux Caractères et au Dictionnaire françois, à savoir la dissimilation sémantique et la syllepse qui ont pour fonction d’illustrer le branle du monde, le branle des mots et le branle de ‘toute l’activité linguistique’.
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Pub Date : 2010-12-01DOI: 10.1179/026510610X12857561930750
Robert W. Berger
Abstract Pierre du Bellocq's L'Eglise des Invalides. Poëme, published in 1702, is a dramatic narrative, replete with otherworldly powers, of the genesis and creation of the Dôme des Invalides in Paris, and the recounting of a miracle that allowed the completion of the baldachin over the high altar. The miracle was meant as an allegory alluding to Louis XIV's command of the previous year for a final modification of the baldachin columns. The poem (which exists in one known copy) is unique among architectural writings of the Louis XIV period.
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Pub Date : 2010-12-01DOI: 10.1179/026510610X12857561930831
W. O'Brien
Abstract In his sermon 'Pour la profession d'une religieuse', French Jesuit Claude La Colombière (1641–1682) explains that a girl who has professed religious vows becomes a perfect nun when Jesus Christ lives in her in place of the world. Traditionally, spiritual writers have tended to discuss this 'indwelling' of Christ in quasi-mystical terms, as a kind of metaphysical and often eroticized union with God. With reference to the classical American philosophical tradition, the present article interprets the expression, 'le Christ vit en moi', as La Colombière himself uses it, not as a mystical state but as a conception of one's feelings, actions, and thoughts. In this sense, to say that Christ 'lives in' a nun is to call to mind what one can expect of her — even what she can expect of herself. By focusing on the logical structure of this expression, pragmatic method thus helps reveal how La Colombière understood nuns and how they understood themselves, as they lived within the religious institutions created for them and that they themselves sustained and developed.
法国耶稣会士Claude la colombi(1641-1682)在他的布道“Pour la profession d'une religieuse”中解释说，当一个女孩宣布宗教誓言时，耶稣基督住在她身上，而不是世界，她就会成为一个完美的修女。传统上，精神作家倾向于用准神秘主义的术语来讨论基督的这种“内住”，作为一种形而上学的，通常是与上帝的情色结合。参考美国古典哲学传统，本文将“le Christ vit en moi”这句话解释为La colombi自己所说的，不是作为一种神秘的状态，而是作为一个人的感觉、行为和思想的概念。从这个意义上说，说基督“住在”一个修女身上，就是让人想起人们对她的期望——甚至是她对自己的期望。通过关注这种表达的逻辑结构，实用主义方法有助于揭示La colombi如何理解修女，以及她们如何理解自己，因为她们生活在为她们创建的宗教机构中，并且她们自己维持和发展。
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