Pub Date : 2009-12-01DOI: 10.1179/102452908x289820
Joseph Harris
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Pub Date : 2009-12-01DOI: 10.1179/175226913X13789831448026
J. Harris
Abstract This article explores the representation of tears onstage in Corneille's Horace. Far from being a straightforward passive response to suffering, tears appear in Corneille's play as a dangerous political act of insubordination — most notably, of course, when Camille provokes her own death at her brother's hand by lamenting her own dead lover Curiace. As I demonstrate, Corneille strategically rewrites his historical source in order to accentuate both the harshness of Roman honour codes and the transgressiveness of Camille's tears. Within Corneille's fictionalised ancient Rome, weeping threatens to be doubly transgressive. For a start, the stock association of tears with femininity and weakness paradoxically accords women a powerful weapon in their dealings with male relatives and suitors; through tears, the perceived contagiousness of feminine weakness threatens to infect men and compromise their autonomy. On a more general level, Camille's mourning for Curiace also symbolically challenges the positivistic, anti-tragic ethos of Roman society — a society which regards tears as an appropriate response only to a loss of honour rather than to a loss of life. Camille's defiant tears, therefore, suggest a new value system that transcends and threatens the blinkered patriarchal, homosocial system in which she lives.
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Pub Date : 2009-12-01DOI: 10.1179/175226913X13789831447982
J. F. Gaines
Abstract Racine is often viewed in literary history as a fledgling artist who betrayed Molière personally and distanced himself progressively from his former associate in the course of his career as an author for the Hôtel de Bourgogne troupe. As acrimonious as relationships may have become between the two dramatists, a study of key texts, especially Britannicus, shows that the literary relationship was far more complex, as Racine strove to emulate and in some ways to outdo Molière by adapting elements of the great comic author's œuvre into his own works. The strategic relationship of Britannnicus to Racine's only comedy, Les Plaideurs, adds insight to this process of adaptation. Racine shows familiarity with many of Molière's recurring types of scenes and the most prominent among these is the stylized lovers' quarrel named after the play that first featured it, Dépit amoureux. In crafting the amorous relationship between Nero's half-brother Britannicus and the captive noblewoman Junie, Racine refashions the symmetrical dépit amoureux in order to take tragic advantage of its alternate movements of repulsion and reattraction, based on such emotional factors as pride, uncertainty, and vulnerability raised to a heightened pitch. An important ingredient in this adaptation is the role of Néron as an ironic voyeur and manipulator, attempting to control the conversations remotely for his own amusement and self-interest.
在文学史上，拉辛经常被视为一个初出茅庐的艺术家，他个人背叛了莫里埃尔，并在他作为Hôtel de Bourgogne剧团的作家的职业生涯中逐渐疏远了他的前同事。尽管这两位剧作家之间的关系可能已经变得尖酸刻薄，但对关键文本的研究，尤其是对《大英百科全书》的研究表明，他们的文学关系要复杂得多，因为拉辛努力模仿，并在某些方面超越了伟大的喜剧作家œuvre的元素，将其融入自己的作品中。《不列颠百科》与拉辛唯一一部喜剧《平原人》的战略关系，为这一适应过程增添了洞察力。拉辛表现出对莫里埃尔反复出现的场景类型的熟悉，其中最突出的是程式化的恋人争吵，以第一次出现它的戏剧命名，dsamureux。在塑造尼禄同父异母的兄弟Britannicus和被俘的贵妇Junie之间的爱情关系时，拉辛重新塑造了对称的dacimpit amoureux，以利用其排斥和重新吸引的交替运动的悲剧优势，基于诸如骄傲，不确定和脆弱等情感因素，提高到一个高度。这种改编的一个重要因素是，nsamron扮演了一个具有讽刺意味的偷窥者和操纵者的角色，他试图远程控制对话，以满足自己的娱乐和自身利益。
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Pub Date : 2009-12-01DOI: 10.1179/175226913X13789831448107
Margot Martin
Abstract In seventeenth-century France there was an entire branch of rhetorical theory based upon the non-verbal notion of mouvement, prevalent not only in artistic and intellectual disciplines but also within the musical arts. Modern studies have examined this philosophy with regard to the visual arts and to the vocal art of song, but have not yet explored the relation of this notion to contemporary instrumental music. This article, however, will do just that, illustrating how the rhetoric of mouvement applied to seventeenth-century French harpsichord music. The article discusses the chief concepts of mouvement and its relation to passionate expression, demonstrating how they manifest themselves within different artistic disciplines by citing primary sources on painting, poetry, singing, and ballet. The principles discussed in these writings are echoed in Saint-Lambert's treatise on harpsichord playing, allowing us to apply them to harpsichord music. How mouvement in harpsichord music was engendered by directing the physical/temporal motion of sound on many levels — tempo, meter, melody, rhythm, harmonic rate of change, use of agréments — is examined, illustrating their participation in an intricate declamatory language used to create an expressive rhetorical discourse that reflected contemporary aesthetic values.
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Pub Date : 2009-12-01DOI: 10.1179/175226913X13789831448143
Michael J. Call
Abstract Numerous authors and critics in the seventeenth century compared Molière with Terence, the Roman playwright. However, a close examination of the two authors shows that this comparison is difficult to sustain from the perspective of style or source material. There appears to be a much closer connection in the way that the two playwrights described their role as authors, their approach to compositional rules, and their deliberate use of controversy to solicit interest in their plays. By examining Terence's prologues and Molière's published prefaces, this study argues that Molière did indeed read and imitate Terence, but that Molière's understanding of Terence's work avoided the narrow tangential reading imposed upon the Roman playwright by Molière's contemporaries, using Terence instead as a guide to negotiating classical comedy's paradoxical imperative: to make extensive use of what has already been written in order to celebrate the primacy of present over past. What critics such as Boileau saw as betraying the classical tradition — the combining of farce and high-brow comedy; the disregard for rules in favour of the audience's pleasure; the uninhibited use of source material — actually places Molière in the tradition of classical authorship as Terence defines and describes it.
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Pub Date : 2009-12-01DOI: 10.1179/175226913X13789831448189
J. Lyons
Abstract In seventeenth-century France, the choice of the person one loves, the object of love, is frequently described as irrational. Blaise Pascal, in one of the best-known passages of his Pensées, set forth this view with the example of the effect of Cleopatra's nose on Mark Anthony. This article considers a number of seventeenth-century works in which the choice of the object of love is shown to be a matter of rational choice, as described in René Descartes's Traité des passions de l'âme. First Pierre Corneille's Le Cid, largely considered to be a model of rational choice, is described as conforming to that reputation. Then, Jean Racine's Phèdre, often considered to convey an anti-rationalist view of love, is shown to depict the protagonists as choosing their love objects rationally. The third literary example considered is from Madeleine de Scudéry's Clélie, in which the rationalist and anti-rationalist views are debated and left in an inconclusive opposition. Finally, the article contends that the rational-choice position leads potentially to much more pessimistic outcomes than the anti-rationalist opposition.
在17世纪的法国，人们对所爱之人、所爱对象的选择常常被描述为非理性的。布莱兹·帕斯卡在他的《彭萨梅斯》中最著名的一篇文章中，以克利奥帕特拉的鼻子对马克·安东尼的影响为例，阐述了这一观点。这篇文章考虑了一些17世纪的作品，在这些作品中，爱的对象的选择被证明是一种理性的选择，正如笛卡尔在他的《trait des passions de l' me》中所描述的那样。首先，Pierre Corneille的Le Cid，被认为是理性选择的典范，被描述为符合这一声誉。然后，Jean Racine的ph，通常被认为传达了一种反理性主义的爱情观，被证明是把主角描绘成理性地选择他们的爱情对象。我们考虑的第三个文学例子是玛德琳·德·斯库德萨里的《克莱姆萨》，其中理性主义和反理性主义的观点进行了辩论，并处于不确定的对立状态。最后，本文认为理性选择立场比反理性主义立场可能导致更为悲观的结果。
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Pub Date : 2009-12-01DOI: 10.1179/175226909X12591470229034
C. Baxter
Abstract This article examines the actions of female religious orders to explore the scope available to them to exercise power in the French Counter-Reformation Church. It argues that while the Ursuline and Visitandine communities accepted enclosure, which affected their ability to undertake an active charitable role outside the cloister, they nonetheless consistently sought to carve out an active role for themselves that went beyond the traditional space accorded to nuns. These nuns actively sought roles as spiritual directors to women in their local communities, to clerics and to prominent courtiers. By exercising subversive power clandestinely, they succeeded in wielding significant influence, even over doctrinal matters. In contrast, Madame Guyon challenged the right of the ecclesiastical establishment to declare her writings heretical. Similarly, the Port-Royal nuns overtly challenged the commands of Pope and King, arguing that the dictates of conscience superseded the doctrinal judgements of the religious authorities. Such overtly subversive challenges were harshly punished by the religious establishment. This article concludes that the skill with which certain orders negotiated to expand their roles without constituting an overt challenge to authority should be recognised as an exercise of subversive yet effective power rather than as an unquestioning acceptance of patriarchal authority.
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Pub Date : 2009-12-01DOI: 10.1179/175226913X13789831448062
J. Robin
Les Amants magnifiques, spectacle encomiastique total, serait-il à double entente? De par la présence de l’‘astrologue Anaxarque, dont la princesse Aristione est entêtée’, la pièce ressortit au cycle moliéresque de la dénonciation de l’imposture et n’est pas à ce titre dénuée de portée philosophique. Cependant, en raisonnant a contrario, son apparente innocence pourrait bien fournir les meilleurs indices de dissidence. Innocence du sujet, plaisamment galant, que le rationalisme du ‘général d’armée’ Sostrate n’entache nullement si on le rapporte à la tradition humaniste et sa prédilection pour Périclès. Innocence de sa poétique, puisque Molière semble faire concession entière à l’esthétique galante. Ce paravent d’innocence dissimule mal une scène centrale jumelle de celle de Dom Juan puisque s’y retrouve à l’œuvre le principe d’inférence sganarellien, en vertu duquel l’impiété de Sostrate se déduit de son aveu d’impiété en astrologie. Sostrate est impie en astrologie comme Dom Juan en médecine. Son caractère est probablement celui de l’impie tout court, impie dont le discours n’est galant que par défaut. L’astrologie participe de la mystification absolutiste. Pièce redoutable, car disposant au doute, Les Amants magnifiques sape subrepticement, à travers la démolition de l’astrologie, le dogme de la souveraineté absolutiste en lui déniant in fine toute transcendance.
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Pub Date : 2009-07-01DOI: 10.1179/175226909X445231
C. J. Gossip
Abstract Chappuzeau's Le Théâtre françois was published in 1674, being the first description of day-to-day operations in the Paris theatres as well as containing several arguments in favour of drama and against the doctrinaires who opposed it. A slightly earlier version of the work, in an autograph manuscript dedicated to the newly established Guénégaud theatre company, offers evidence of the author's more robust references to Catholic clergy and greater exuberance in his comments on authors and their works and on the acting profession. Taken together with remarks contained in two printings of Chappuzeau's L'Europe vivante (1666–67), the 1673 text provides a setting for information about performance days, premières and seasonal preferences which, although retained in the printed edition, does not accord with what is known of actual practice.
Chappuzeau的Le thth tre franois出版于1674年，是第一本描述巴黎剧院日常运作的书，其中包含了支持戏剧和反对戏剧的教条主义者的几个论点。这部作品的一个稍早的版本，在一份给新成立的古姆萨姆格剧院公司的亲笔手稿中，提供了证据，证明作者更有力地提到了天主教神职人员，在他对作家及其作品和表演职业的评论中更加丰富。1673年的文本与查普措的《欧洲的生活》(1666-67)两版中所载的评论结合在一起，提供了有关演出日期、预演日期和季节偏好的信息设置，这些信息虽然保留在印刷版中，但与已知的实际做法不符。
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