Pub Date : 2020-11-25DOI: 10.1163/19589514-05101008
P. Jenks
Moro has a rich array of copular clause constructions which show clear contrasts in their syntactic makeup. One class of copular clauses contain verbal heads, others are headed by non-verbal predicates that bear some inflectional morphology which is shared with verbs, while a final group of copular clauses lack any words which could be identified as verbs. I show that verbal and verb-like copular clauses always contain a predicative core. On the other hand, verbless copular clauses lack predicative semantics, serving the functions of identification or equation. I provide a simple syntactic analysis which accounts for the morphosyntactic distribution of the different types of clauses.
{"title":"Verbal and verbless copular clauses in Moro","authors":"P. Jenks","doi":"10.1163/19589514-05101008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19589514-05101008","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Moro has a rich array of copular clause constructions which show clear contrasts in their syntactic makeup. One class of copular clauses contain verbal heads, others are headed by non-verbal predicates that bear some inflectional morphology which is shared with verbs, while a final group of copular clauses lack any words which could be identified as verbs. I show that verbal and verb-like copular clauses always contain a predicative core. On the other hand, verbless copular clauses lack predicative semantics, serving the functions of identification or equation. I provide a simple syntactic analysis which accounts for the morphosyntactic distribution of the different types of clauses.","PeriodicalId":90499,"journal":{"name":"Faits de langues","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47367591","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-25DOI: 10.1163/19589514-05101009
D. Turner
This paper presents a description and analysis of the syntax of nominal modifiers in Katcha. The three main types of nominal modifiers in Katcha, demonstratives, possessive noun phrases and relative clauses, all agree with their head noun in gender, are morphologically marked when their head noun is a peripheral argument of the verb, and can occur in ‘headless’ constructions where there is no overt head noun. In the latter case they have a pronominal interpretation. The paper argues that a unified account of all nominal modifiers can be provided by adopting two premises: firstly, the possessive and relative markers are allomorphs of the proximal demonstrative; secondly, demonstratives in Katcha are pronouns rather than determiners. All nominal modifiers can then be characterized as appositional phrases headed by demonstrative pronouns. This characterization allows the inclusion of the medial and distal pronouns into the system, explaining why they have a different form to all other nominal modifiers, but identical distribution. The final section adds cross-linguistic perspective by discussing the relationship between this analysis of Katcha and the notion of construct state, most familiar in Semitic, but which has been argued to be a concept appropriate to a number of African languages.
{"title":"Towards a unified analysis of Katcha nominal modifiers","authors":"D. Turner","doi":"10.1163/19589514-05101009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19589514-05101009","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This paper presents a description and analysis of the syntax of nominal modifiers in Katcha. The three main types of nominal modifiers in Katcha, demonstratives, possessive noun phrases and relative clauses, all agree with their head noun in gender, are morphologically marked when their head noun is a peripheral argument of the verb, and can occur in ‘headless’ constructions where there is no overt head noun. In the latter case they have a pronominal interpretation.\u0000The paper argues that a unified account of all nominal modifiers can be provided by adopting two premises: firstly, the possessive and relative markers are allomorphs of the proximal demonstrative; secondly, demonstratives in Katcha are pronouns rather than determiners. All nominal modifiers can then be characterized as appositional phrases headed by demonstrative pronouns. This characterization allows the inclusion of the medial and distal pronouns into the system, explaining why they have a different form to all other nominal modifiers, but identical distribution.\u0000The final section adds cross-linguistic perspective by discussing the relationship between this analysis of Katcha and the notion of construct state, most familiar in Semitic, but which has been argued to be a concept appropriate to a number of African languages.","PeriodicalId":90499,"journal":{"name":"Faits de langues","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44102142","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-25DOI: 10.1163/19589514-05101010
Suzan Alamin
This study provides a detailed description of word order types, agreement patterns and alternations found in Tagoi, a Kordofanian language traditionally spoken in South Kordofan. After a brief presentation of the language (section 1), the noun class system is introduced (section 2) and the word order and agreement patterns are examined at the noun phrase level (section 3). Section 4 gives information about the constituent order at clause and sentence level, while Section 5 summarizes the findings and conclusion of the paper. All in all, the paper aims at contributing to a better understanding of the grammar, structure and typological features of Tagoi.
{"title":"Word Order and Agreement in Tagoi","authors":"Suzan Alamin","doi":"10.1163/19589514-05101010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19589514-05101010","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This study provides a detailed description of word order types, agreement patterns and alternations found in Tagoi, a Kordofanian language traditionally spoken in South Kordofan. After a brief presentation of the language (section 1), the noun class system is introduced (section 2) and the word order and agreement patterns are examined at the noun phrase level (section 3). Section 4 gives information about the constituent order at clause and sentence level, while Section 5 summarizes the findings and conclusion of the paper. All in all, the paper aims at contributing to a better understanding of the grammar, structure and typological features of Tagoi.","PeriodicalId":90499,"journal":{"name":"Faits de langues","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44303529","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-25DOI: 10.1163/19589514-05101006
T. Schadeberg
This paper describes an intricate pattern of subject placement in Ebang, a Kordofanian language spoken in the Nuba Mountains (Sudan). In this construction, a lexical subject appears within a complex verb form. The lexical subject may consist of a bare noun or a whole noun phrase. The insertion point is immediately before the verb stem but after all inflectional morphology. The initial part of the discontinuous verb form is shown to be not a word but a bound form, suggesting that the notions of morphological word and syntactic atom need not coincide.
{"title":"Tmesis in Ebang (Heiban, Kordofanian)","authors":"T. Schadeberg","doi":"10.1163/19589514-05101006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19589514-05101006","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This paper describes an intricate pattern of subject placement in Ebang, a Kordofanian language spoken in the Nuba Mountains (Sudan). In this construction, a lexical subject appears within a complex verb form. The lexical subject may consist of a bare noun or a whole noun phrase. The insertion point is immediately before the verb stem but after all inflectional morphology. The initial part of the discontinuous verb form is shown to be not a word but a bound form, suggesting that the notions of morphological word and syntactic atom need not coincide.","PeriodicalId":90499,"journal":{"name":"Faits de langues","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42035073","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-25DOI: 10.1163/19589514-05101004
Angelo Ali Naser, S. Rose
This article presents a descriptive study of ideophones in Moro, addressing both their structural characteristics and usage, with data from the Thetogovela dialect. We describe their sound patterns, word categorization and placement within sentences, and discuss their meaning and conventionalization. Moro ideophones convey a wide range of sensory meanings, including sound, touch, movement and visual patterns. They are uninflected and typically appear utterance finally, most closely resembling adverbs. Ideophones are often introduced by support verbs, including ‘do’, ‘be’ and ‘eat’, the latter for visual patterns. Ideophones may exhibit reduplication, which in some cases can correspond to pluractionality. The main distinctive sound pattern of Moro ideophones is a wider distribution of obstruents, as well as a performative use of expressive duration and phonation.
{"title":"Ideophones in Moro","authors":"Angelo Ali Naser, S. Rose","doi":"10.1163/19589514-05101004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19589514-05101004","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This article presents a descriptive study of ideophones in Moro, addressing both their structural characteristics and usage, with data from the Thetogovela dialect. We describe their sound patterns, word categorization and placement within sentences, and discuss their meaning and conventionalization. Moro ideophones convey a wide range of sensory meanings, including sound, touch, movement and visual patterns. They are uninflected and typically appear utterance finally, most closely resembling adverbs. Ideophones are often introduced by support verbs, including ‘do’, ‘be’ and ‘eat’, the latter for visual patterns. Ideophones may exhibit reduplication, which in some cases can correspond to pluractionality. The main distinctive sound pattern of Moro ideophones is a wider distribution of obstruents, as well as a performative use of expressive duration and phonation.","PeriodicalId":90499,"journal":{"name":"Faits de langues","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/19589514-05101004","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44758781","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-25DOI: 10.1163/19589514-05101012
Siri Lamoureaux
This paper brings together discussions on language and nationalism, with gender and nationalism. Drawing from ‘language ideology’ and ‘indexical gender’ from a linguistic anthropological approach, it traces the emergence of the “Moro language”, in the context of a Moro ethnic national movement, originating in the Nuba Mountains of Sudan, and how it became indexically linked with masculine authority. Moro identify as Nuba and Christian, as opposed to Arab and Muslim, the dominant identities. Christian literacy, spearheaded by patriarchal leadership became the frame through which Moro organized ethnic identity and unity. The constructed language, as the object of metapragmatic evaluation, is also tightly woven into norms of morality and gender within the community. Two registers are identified: textuality is normatively masculine and orality is normatively feminine. The Moro community draws on gendered ideologies to produce a new writing and speaking style, the “Moro Bible Language” (MBL). MBL results from the interweaving of the two registers in language standardization practices. Negotiating the ideologies that bring MBL to life occurs in metalinguistic discourse, teaching, learning and speaking styles. Since the politics of standardization are foregrounded, even seeming apolitical projects are laden with moral worth in the turbulent context of rapid cultural change.
{"title":"Ethnic nationalism and gendered morality in the semiotic construction of the Moro language of Sudan","authors":"Siri Lamoureaux","doi":"10.1163/19589514-05101012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19589514-05101012","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This paper brings together discussions on language and nationalism, with gender and nationalism. Drawing from ‘language ideology’ and ‘indexical gender’ from a linguistic anthropological approach, it traces the emergence of the “Moro language”, in the context of a Moro ethnic national movement, originating in the Nuba Mountains of Sudan, and how it became indexically linked with masculine authority. Moro identify as Nuba and Christian, as opposed to Arab and Muslim, the dominant identities. Christian literacy, spearheaded by patriarchal leadership became the frame through which Moro organized ethnic identity and unity. The constructed language, as the object of metapragmatic evaluation, is also tightly woven into norms of morality and gender within the community. Two registers are identified: textuality is normatively masculine and orality is normatively feminine. The Moro community draws on gendered ideologies to produce a new writing and speaking style, the “Moro Bible Language” (MBL). MBL results from the interweaving of the two registers in language standardization practices. Negotiating the ideologies that bring MBL to life occurs in metalinguistic discourse, teaching, learning and speaking styles. Since the politics of standardization are foregrounded, even seeming apolitical projects are laden with moral worth in the turbulent context of rapid cultural change.","PeriodicalId":90499,"journal":{"name":"Faits de langues","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49655654","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-25DOI: 10.1163/19589514-05101005
Gertrud Schneider-Blum, B. Hellwig
In this paper, we investigate the interplay between the morphosyntactic class of adjectives, the semantics of property concepts, and the function of noun modification in Tabaq, a Kordofan Nubian language (Nilo-Saharan phylum) spoken in the north-west of the Nuba Mountains in Sudan. Tabaq has a small class of adjectives containing few semantic types, and playing only a limited role with respect to the core function of adjectives: the modification of nouns. By contrast, a large number of descriptive modifiers is derived from two other word classes, verbs and nouns, and this paper describes the different ways of coding property concepts in Tabaq.
{"title":"Property concepts in Tabaq: More than one road can lead to Rome","authors":"Gertrud Schneider-Blum, B. Hellwig","doi":"10.1163/19589514-05101005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19589514-05101005","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000In this paper, we investigate the interplay between the morphosyntactic class of adjectives, the semantics of property concepts, and the function of noun modification in Tabaq, a Kordofan Nubian language (Nilo-Saharan phylum) spoken in the north-west of the Nuba Mountains in Sudan. Tabaq has a small class of adjectives containing few semantic types, and playing only a limited role with respect to the core function of adjectives: the modification of nouns. By contrast, a large number of descriptive modifiers is derived from two other word classes, verbs and nouns, and this paper describes the different ways of coding property concepts in Tabaq.","PeriodicalId":90499,"journal":{"name":"Faits de langues","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44451314","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-25DOI: 10.1163/19589514-05101011
Mona Hashim, Suzan Alamin, Gertrud Schneider-Blum
In this contribution, we look at Arabic borrowings in Tima, a Niger-Congo language spoken in the north-west of the Nuba Mountains (as well as in the Sudanese diaspora). Due to several factors, outlined in the paper, Arab culture has been exerting more and more influence on the Tima way of life, especially with regard to the Tima language, where we find – to varying degrees – Arabic lexemes, phrases and whole utterances. A detailed analysis of the phonotactic and morpho-phonological adaptation of Arabic borrowings is followed by a discussion on the socio-linguistic setting of language contact, i.e. essentially a contact between Arabic and Tima speakers. Eventually, as we argue, a repertoire approach seems the appropriate way to tackle the issue of language use in today’s Tima society.
{"title":"Arabic borrowings in Tima","authors":"Mona Hashim, Suzan Alamin, Gertrud Schneider-Blum","doi":"10.1163/19589514-05101011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19589514-05101011","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000In this contribution, we look at Arabic borrowings in Tima, a Niger-Congo language spoken in the north-west of the Nuba Mountains (as well as in the Sudanese diaspora). Due to several factors, outlined in the paper, Arab culture has been exerting more and more influence on the Tima way of life, especially with regard to the Tima language, where we find – to varying degrees – Arabic lexemes, phrases and whole utterances. A detailed analysis of the phonotactic and morpho-phonological adaptation of Arabic borrowings is followed by a discussion on the socio-linguistic setting of language contact, i.e. essentially a contact between Arabic and Tima speakers. Eventually, as we argue, a repertoire approach seems the appropriate way to tackle the issue of language use in today’s Tima society.","PeriodicalId":90499,"journal":{"name":"Faits de langues","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49310270","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-25DOI: 10.1163/19589514-05101001
N. Quint, S. Manfredi
{"title":"Présentation générale","authors":"N. Quint, S. Manfredi","doi":"10.1163/19589514-05101001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19589514-05101001","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":90499,"journal":{"name":"Faits de langues","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45975329","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-25DOI: 10.1163/19589514-05101007
Angelika Jakobi, Ali Ibrahim, Gumma Ibrahim Gulfan
In Tagle, verbal number, as realized by singular and plural stems, has not only aspectual functions in expressing single and multiple events. Verbal number also serves as a morphosyntactic device encoding specific grammatical relations : The selection of a singular or plural stem is sensitive to the number of the intransitive subject (S) and the transitive object (P) participant. In derived ditransitive applicative constructions, the stem selection depends on the semantic roles of the two object participants. When they are assigned the roles of Beneficiary (B) and Theme (T), it is the number of the direct object T (rather than the indirect/applied object B) which selects a singular or plural stem. When assigned the roles of Experiencer (Exp) and T, however, the Exp (rather than T) interacts with verbal number. When comparing the two ditransitive objects of the Beneficiary construction, B and T, to the object P and when taking their interaction with verbal number as parameter of the comparison, one finds that T and P (rather than B) interact with verbal number. The alignment of T with P and the non-alignment of B can be identified as indirect object construction, T = P ≠ B. However, when the Exp role is assigned to the indirect/applied object and the T role to the direct object, Exp (rather than T) selects the singular or plural stem, i.e. Exp behaves like P. This alignment pattern, Exp = P ≠ T, is known as secondary-object construction.
{"title":"Verbal Number and Grammatical Relations in Tagle","authors":"Angelika Jakobi, Ali Ibrahim, Gumma Ibrahim Gulfan","doi":"10.1163/19589514-05101007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/19589514-05101007","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000In Tagle, verbal number, as realized by singular and plural stems, has not only aspectual functions in expressing single and multiple events. Verbal number also serves as a morphosyntactic device encoding specific grammatical relations : The selection of a singular or plural stem is sensitive to the number of the intransitive subject (S) and the transitive object (P) participant. In derived ditransitive applicative constructions, the stem selection depends on the semantic roles of the two object participants. When they are assigned the roles of Beneficiary (B) and Theme (T), it is the number of the direct object T (rather than the indirect/applied object B) which selects a singular or plural stem. When assigned the roles of Experiencer (Exp) and T, however, the Exp (rather than T) interacts with verbal number.\u0000When comparing the two ditransitive objects of the Beneficiary construction, B and T, to the object P and when taking their interaction with verbal number as parameter of the comparison, one finds that T and P (rather than B) interact with verbal number. The alignment of T with P and the non-alignment of B can be identified as indirect object construction, T = P ≠ B.\u0000However, when the Exp role is assigned to the indirect/applied object and the T role to the direct object, Exp (rather than T) selects the singular or plural stem, i.e. Exp behaves like P. This alignment pattern, Exp = P ≠ T, is known as secondary-object construction.","PeriodicalId":90499,"journal":{"name":"Faits de langues","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/19589514-05101007","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42409051","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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