Pub Date : 2020-05-28DOI: 10.1163/2212943x-20201016
Ali Watad
Sefer ha-Maslul (“Book of the Path”) is a Hebrew grammar book in the Samaritan tradition. The book, known in Arabic as Kitāb al-Tawṭiya (“Book of Introduction”), was composed in that language during the first half of the twelfth century and is the earliest and only known surviving Samaritan grammatical work. It was first published by Zeʾev Ben-Haim in his monumental book, The Literary and Oral Tradition of Hebrew and Aramaic amongst the Samaritans. Grammatical terminology is key to understanding the theory of a grammarian. One can obtain such understanding by tracking a term throughout a work, examining how it is used and whether its usage is consistent. The term ʿiwaḍ (“compensation”) is a central one in Sefer ha-Maslul. In this article I will examine the outlook of its author, the grammarian Abū Isḥāq b. Mārūṯ, as well as the term ʿiwaḍ and its usages. Sefer ha-Maslul was written following the emergence of scientific grammar among Rabbinic, Arab, and Karaite grammarians. Accordingly, I will compare its author’s approach with those of Judah ben David Ḥayyūǧ (a Rabbanite), Ibn Ǧinnī (a Muslim) and Abū l-Farāǧ Hārūn (a Karaite).
Sefer ha-Maslul(“道路之书”)是撒玛利亚传统的希伯来语语法书。这本书，在阿拉伯语中被称为Kitāb al-Tawṭiya(“书的介绍”)，是在12世纪上半叶用该语言写成的，是最早也是唯一已知的幸存的撒玛利亚语法作品。它最初是由泽·本·海姆在他的不朽著作《撒玛利亚人的希伯来语和亚拉姆语的文学和口头传统》中发表的。语法术语是理解语法学家理论的关键。人们可以通过在整部作品中跟踪一个术语，检查它是如何使用的，以及它的用法是否一致来获得这样的理解。“补偿”一词是Sefer ha-Maslul语的中心词汇。在这篇文章中，我将研究它的作者，语法学家abui Isḥāq b. Mārūṯ的观点，以及术语“伊瓦哈”及其用法。Sefer ha-Maslul是在科学语法在拉比、阿拉伯和卡拉特语法学家中出现之后写的。因此，我将把作者的方法与犹大·本·大卫Ḥayyūǧ(拉巴尼派)、伊本Ǧinnī(穆斯林)和阿布l-Farāǧ Hārūn(卡拉派)的方法进行比较。
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Pub Date : 2020-01-20DOI: 10.1163/2212943x-00702013
Nuria de Castilla
Les manuscrits complets produits, copiés et/ou transmis par les Mudéjares et les Morisques, de même que les fragments et documents qui ont été employés dans les ais de reliures qui leur ont appartenu, constituent des témoins uniques pour nous permettre d’étudier l’ample éventail linguistique et culturel de ces communautés1. Nous possédons une vingtaine de documents et environ deux cents manuscrits écrits principalement sur du papier, mais également sur du parchemin; il existe des copies de grand format et d’autres très petites, des livres très volumineux et des documents d’un seul feuillet ; ils peuvent être en une seule langue ou dans plusieurs – principalement arabe et castillan (dans différents stades linguistiques), mais aussi catalan et latin, les uns et les autres transcrits dans trois alphabets différents : arabe, latin et hébreu2. Pour bien comprendre cette production écrite, il faudrait prendre en compte les facteurs qui régissent tout acte de communication : émetteur, destinataire, voie, code,message et contexte. Pour parler de la littératuremorisco-aljamiado, cette façon de procéder a été simplifiée et on a tendu à identifier le «code» employé par les Mudéjares et les Morisques avec le castillan en caractères arabes en oubliant les autres composants de la transmission. Cette absence de répertoire de données objectives et d’analyse linguistique en relation avec le contexte nous offre des résultats qui peuvent conduire à des erreurs3. Seule une perspective plus large, mettant en rapport la langue
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Pub Date : 2019-09-30DOI: 10.1163/2212943x-00801114
R. Tottoli
{"title":"La polemica tra sunniti e ismāʿīliti, by Corrado La Martire","authors":"R. Tottoli","doi":"10.1163/2212943x-00801114","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2212943x-00801114","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":92649,"journal":{"name":"Intellectual history of the Islamicate world","volume":"22 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87431394","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-07-10DOI: 10.1163/2212943X-00702004
Johannes Pahlitzsch
The aim of this paper is to address the question to what extent and for what reasons the Melkites, especially of Southern Syria and Egypt, resorted to allographic writing systems, of which garšūnī, the writing of Arabic with Syriac letters, was only one mode. Indeed, various languages such as Greek, Arabic, Syriac and Christian Palestinian Aramaic (CPA) coexisted in the Melkite community, which is characterized by its linguistic diversity. Melkite garšūnī texts can be dated to between the 11th and the late 13th centuries. While the Melkites were not the first to use garšūnī, this mode of writing was in this period far more widespread among them than in the other oriental Christian communities and not limited to notes and colophons, also including liturgical texts and probably a poem on the Mamluk conquest of Tripoli. Other allographic writing systems were also used by the Melkites, such as writing Arabic in Greek characters, Greek in CPA script or Greek in Syriac script. Consequently a rich, very versatile corpus of allographic writing modes was employed by the Melkites between the 9th and 13th centuries for different kinds of texts. Thus the idea that the use of a specific allographic mode can be attributed to the desire to express a sense of group identity or to the reverence for a specific sacred language seems not generally applicable for the Melkites. At different times and places various Melkite groups had different preferences, because there was no single Melkite prestige language. Therefore it is necessary to establish for each case the respective reasons for the application of a certain allographic writing system.
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Pub Date : 2019-07-10DOI: 10.1163/2212943x-00702005
Anton D. Pritula, P. Zieme
The text being discussed is found in many manuscripts of the Divan (collection of poems) of an East Syriac poet Khāmīs bar Qardāḥē (late 13th century). The edition demonstrates the discrepancies in rendering glosses in the Turkish stanzas, in contrast to a relative unity of readings in the Syriac ones. To explain these discrepancies, the following pages discuss the lack of consistency in the Turkic Garshuni tradition. In addition, the poem is one of the earliest texts of this group. It should be dated to the period close to the life of Khāmīs, but was not necessarily composed by this poet, since it is absent from the earliest surviving copies. All the Syriac stanzas use quatrains in a 7-7-8-8 meter. Each of them has its own internal rhyme that follows a constant scheme, i.e. in every first, second and and fourth lines of each verse (ааха). In the Turkic stanzas, the verses have an irregular meter that varies from eight to ten syllables. In the Turkic translation of the Syriac original, one finds many syriacisms, such as bar Maryam (the Son of Mary), a stable combination used in the texts. Such a broad use of borrowings, both in vocabulary and syntax, is common for translated religious texts, especially liturgical ones, in which the proximity to the original might have a great importance.
所讨论的文本可以在东叙利亚诗人Khāmīs bar Qardāḥē(13世纪晚期)的Divan(诗集)的许多手稿中找到。该版本展示了土耳其诗节中渲染注释的差异，与叙利亚诗节中相对统一的阅读形成对比。为了解释这些差异，以下几页讨论了突厥Garshuni传统缺乏一致性。此外，这首诗是这个群体最早的文本之一。这首诗的年代应该接近Khāmīs的生活，但不一定是由这位诗人创作的，因为它在现存的最早的副本中没有出现。所有的叙利亚诗节都用了7-7-8-8米的四行诗。他们每个人都有自己的内部押韵，遵循一个恒定的方案，即在每首诗的第一，第二和第四行(ааха)。在突厥诗节中，诗句有一个不规则的节奏，从8到10个音节不等。在叙利亚原文的突厥语翻译中，人们发现了许多叙利亚语，比如bar Maryam(玛利亚之子)，这是文本中使用的一个稳定的组合。如此广泛的借用，无论是在词汇还是句法上，都是翻译宗教文本的常见现象，尤其是礼仪文本，在这些文本中，与原文的接近可能非常重要。
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Pub Date : 2019-07-10DOI: 10.1163/2212943X-00702007
E. Wagner
In the multi-lingual world of the Cairo Genizah, Arabic (including Judaeo-Arabic), Hebrew and Aramaic were used in legal documents and letters. Jewish scribes excelled in Hebrew and Arabic penmanship. The mixing of Hebrew and Arabic alphabets in documents by particular writers affords important sociolinguistic insights. This article presents case studies of two Genizah writers, Daniel b. ʿAzaryah (11th century) and Ḥalfon b. Manasse (12th century), who were both highly innovative and exceptional in their use of scripts and vocalisation signs. Their scribal habits and decisions allow us to understand attitudes of writers towards the two scripts, and levels of literacy within the Jewish scriptorium, and provide an important contribution to our understanding of medieval allography and script-switching.
在开罗的多语言世界中，阿拉伯语(包括犹太阿拉伯语)、希伯来语和阿拉姆语被用于法律文件和信件中。犹太文士擅长希伯来语和阿拉伯语的书法。某些特定作者在文献中混合使用希伯来语和阿拉伯语字母，提供了重要的社会语言学见解。本文介绍了两个Genizah作家的案例研究，Daniel b. al . Azaryah(11世纪)和Ḥalfon b. Manasse(12世纪)，他们在使用文字和发声符号方面都具有高度的创新性和卓越性。他们的抄写习惯和决定使我们能够理解作家对这两种文字的态度，以及犹太缮写室中的文化水平，并为我们理解中世纪的allography和文字转换提供了重要的贡献。
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Pub Date : 2019-07-10DOI: 10.1163/2212943X-00702002
Jonas Karlsson
This article presents the Turkic Garshuni prayers found in the 18th century Chaldean manuscript Uppsala O Hebr. 47. Out of a total of eight prayers, five have previously been described in the scholarly literature and three are here presented for the first time. The previously described prayers are compared to other (manuscript) witnesses with respect to orthography and textual tradition, and the new prayers are also briefly introduced. Then the orthography used for writing Turkic Garshuni in Uppsala O Hebr. 47 is discussed in more general terms. It is suggested that two different orthographic traditions are represented in the manuscript: one where ʿayn is used as a mater lectionis and ḥēṯ is used as a homophone of kāf with rukkāḵā, and one in which these features are absent. Different ways of writing /ŋ/ are also commented on.
本文介绍了在18世纪迦勒底手稿Uppsala O Hebr. 47中发现的突厥语Garshuni祈祷文。在总共八个祈祷中，有五个以前在学术文献中有过描述，其中三个是第一次提出。先前描述的祈祷文与其他(手稿)证人在正字法和文本传统方面进行了比较，并简要介绍了新的祈祷文。然后用更一般的术语讨论了乌普萨拉O Hebr. 47中书写突厥语Garshuni的正字法。有人认为，手稿中有两种不同的正字法传统:一种是将“伊文”用作选词，将“ḥēṯ”用作kāf与rukkāḵā的同音字，另一种则没有这些特征。我们还对/音的不同写法进行了评论。
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Pub Date : 2019-07-10DOI: 10.1163/2212943X-00702003
G. Kiraz
It is argued here that functionalism lies at the heart of garshunographic writing systems (where one language is written in a script that is sociolinguistically associated with another language). Giving historical accounts of such systems that began as early as the eighth century, it will be demonstrated that garshunographic systems grew organically because of necessity and that they offered a certain degree of simplicity rather than complexity. While the paper discusses mostly Syriac-based systems, its arguments can probably be expanded to other garshunographic systems.
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Pub Date : 2019-07-10DOI: 10.1163/2212943X-00702006
M. Polliack
This article complements my article on “Single-Script Mixed-Code Literary Sources from the Cairo Genizah” (2018). It begins with introductory comments on the phenomenon of mixed code in Judeo-Arabic, as a continuously spoken and written Jewish language from medieval to modern times. While the documentary sources in the Cairo Genizah (a Jewish medieval archive found in the loft of the Ben Ezra Synagogue in Cairo) have drawn scholars’ attention to this phenomenon, there are few discussions of code switching in dual script Judeo-Arabic literary sources. The article presents and discusses two Genizah sources of this kind (as well as one new documentary source), which feature both Hebrew and Arabic scripts in the space of the same fragment. It argues that the haphazard appearance of code switching in such fragments is misleading. The analysis shows there are specific conditions that govern the mixing of Hebrew and Arabic scripts, and highlights its sociolinguistic background. Code switching is a dominant feature of single script Judeo-Arabic literary sources as well, meaning, those penned solely in Hebrew or Arabic script, which lie beyond the scope of the present study. A systematic survey and study of the Genizah literary sources relevant to both categories (single and dual scripts) is therefore a desideratum, and is bound to lead to a better understanding of the sociolinguistic functions of mixed code in Judeo-Arabic writings and culture.
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Pub Date : 2019-01-01DOI: 10.1163/2212943X-00701010
K. Starczewska
{"title":"Ludovico Marracci at work: The evolution of his Latin translation of the Qurʾān in the light of his newly discovered manuscripts. With an edition and a comparative linguistic analysis of Sura 18, by Reinhold F. Glei & Roberto Tottoli","authors":"K. Starczewska","doi":"10.1163/2212943X-00701010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2212943X-00701010","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":92649,"journal":{"name":"Intellectual history of the Islamicate world","volume":"16 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79406422","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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