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A Polemical Tale and its Function in the Jewish Communities of the Mediterranean and the Near East 一个有争议的故事及其在地中海和近东犹太社区中的作用
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1163/2212943X-00701011
Miriam Goldstein
The parodical narrative Toledot Yeshu (TY) has been the object of burgeoning interest in the past decade. It has recently become evident that this work was quite popular in Judeo-Arabic, and circulated continuously in Arabic-speaking Jewish communities from at least the eleventh century until nearly the present day. The following is a first foray into the Judeo-Arabic textual tradition of this narrative. From the sixteenth century and beyond, TY circulated in Arabic-speaking communities in collections of folk narrative. Close examination of the textual tradition of TY in Judeo-Arabic as preserved in four parallel manuscript fragments from the twelfth—fifteenth centuries provides further, more subtle evidence linking TY to this genre, and suggests that TY served primarily as literary entertainment in the Near East. I conclude with consideration of the codicological context of TY manuscripts preserved in Europe, and propose that this Near Eastern function contrasts to TY’s primarily polemical function in Europe.
在过去的十年里,《托莱多·叶书》的讽刺性叙事一直是人们关注的对象。最近有证据表明,这本书在犹太-阿拉伯语中相当流行,至少从11世纪开始一直在讲阿拉伯语的犹太社区中流传至今。下面是对这个故事的犹太-阿拉伯文本传统的第一次尝试。从16世纪及以后,电视以民间叙事的形式在阿拉伯语社区流传。对保存在12 - 15世纪的四个平行手稿碎片中的犹太-阿拉伯语电视文本传统的仔细研究,提供了将电视与这一流派联系起来的进一步、更微妙的证据,并表明电视主要是作为近东的文学娱乐。最后,我考虑了保存在欧洲的电视手稿的法典背景,并提出这种近东功能与电视在欧洲的主要辩论功能形成对比。
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引用次数: 1
Avicenna’s Theodicy and al-Rāzī’s Anti-Theodicy 阿维森纳的神正论和al-Rāzī的反神正论
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1163/2212943X-00701004
A. Shihadeh
Avicenna’s Neoplatonic account of divine providence and theodicy was hugely influential on later philosophical and religious thought in the Islamic world. However, it was severely criticised by one of his earlier commentators, the theologian-philosopher Faḫr al-Dīn al-Rāzī (d. 606/1210). While Avicenna champions an optimist theodicean thesis of a plenitude of good to support the theory of providence integrated into his cosmogony, his commentator counters by arguing for a plenitude of evil and an overall pessimist anti-theodicy. Rejecting Avicenna’s ontological-cum-cosmological account of evil, al-Rāzī argues that a theodicy must be strictly subject-centred and is ultimately a futile exercise. This article includes a study and translation of the relevant section in his commentary on Avicenna’s al-Išārāt wa-l-tanbīhāt (Pointers and Reminders).
阿维森纳对神的天意和神正论的新柏拉图主义描述对后来伊斯兰世界的哲学和宗教思想产生了巨大的影响。然而,他早期的一位评论员,神学家兼哲学家Faḫr al- d n al-Rāzī(公元606/1210年)严厉批评了这一观点。当阿维森纳拥护一个乐观主义的泰奥狄西的充足善的论点来支持将天意理论整合到他的宇宙论中去的时候,他的评论员反驳说,他主张充足的恶和一个全面的悲观主义的反神正论。al-Rāzī反对阿维森纳对邪恶的本体论和宇宙论的解释,认为神正论必须严格以主体为中心,最终是徒劳的。本文包括他对阿维森纳al-Išārāt wa-l-tanbīhāt(指针和提醒)的评论中的相关部分的研究和翻译。
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引用次数: 7
Comparative Oriental Manuscript Studies (COMSt): An Introduction, by Alessandro Baussi (ed.) 比较东方手稿研究(COMSt):介绍,由亚历山德罗·鲍西(编)
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1163/2212943X-00701009
J. Monferrer-Sala
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引用次数: 0
The Fragmentary Ninth/Tenth Century Andalusi Arabic Translation of the Epistle to the Galatians Revisited (Vat. lat. 12900, olim Seguntinus 150 BC Sigüenza) 安达卢西亚的混乱九/十世纪阿拉伯语翻译此。12900, olim Seguntinus 150 BCü通知书)
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1163/2212943X-00701007
J. Monferrer-Sala
This article offers a new edition of the surviving fragment of the Epistle to the Galatians, currently in the Vatican Library (Vat. Lat. 12900), with the aim of correcting the mistakes of the former edition. We also offer a complete translation and analysis of the Arabic fragment to identify the techniques and strategies used by the translator. The text preserved in Vat. lat. 12900 was revised later. From this review process two witnesses have survived, MS BNM 4971 and MS Marciana Gr. Z. 11 (379), which we have used for a comparative analysis of the three texts to show the changes made in the two processes of revision exhibited by BNM 4971 and MS Marciana Gr. Z. 11 (379). As a result of this comparative analysis we propose a hypothesis according to which the fragment could be dated as early as in the ninth century, and more specifically at the end of the century from both the comparative analaysis and the information provided by the Visigothic writing of the Latin column.
这篇文章提供了一个新版本的加拉太书信的幸存片段,目前在梵蒂冈图书馆(Vat。(迟于12900年),目的是纠正前一版本的错误。我们还提供完整的阿拉伯语翻译和分析,以确定译者使用的技术和策略。保存在瓦特的文本。纬度。12900是后来修改的。从这个审查过程中幸存了两个证人,MS BNM 4971和MS Marciana Gr. Z. 11(379),我们用它们对三个文本进行比较分析,以显示BNM 4971和MS Marciana Gr. Z. 11(379)在两个修订过程中所做的变化。根据这种比较分析的结果,我们提出了一个假设,根据比较分析和西哥特人拉丁文专栏所提供的信息,这个碎片可以追溯到早在9世纪,更具体地说,是在9世纪末。
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引用次数: 1
La Providence divine (al-ʿināya l-ilāhiyya) comme instrument de la rédemption universelle (ḫalāṣ) dans l’ ismaélisme fatimide et ṭayyibite 神的旨意(al -ʿināya l-ilāhiyya)作为救赎》(alāḫṣ)那样在 ismaélisme fatimide和ṭayyibite
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1163/2212943X-00701005
D. D. Smet
Le concept de ʿināya ilāhiyya (“providence divine”) a été introduit dans l’ ismaélisme par le philosophe fatimide Ḥamīd al-Dīn al-Kirmānī, qui l’ a probablement emprunté à al-Fārābī tout en lui donnant un sens spécifiquement ismaélien. Ainsi, dans le Kitāb Rāḥat al-ʿaql, al-Kirmānī présente la providence comme le principe qui régit le monde sensible dans le but d’ actualiser l’ intellect en puissance ou hayūlā, le deuxième émané procédant de l’ auto-intellection de l’ Intellect universel. La providence veille à la rédemption universelle, une notion qui sera pleinement développée dans le Kanz al-walad d’ al-Ḥāmidī, le texte fondateur de l’ ismaélisme ṭayyibite. Proche du manichéisme, al-Ḥāmidī conçoit l’ univers sensible comme une gigantesque machine pilotée par la providence afin de nettoyer les parcelles de lumière souillées au contact avec les ténèbres de la matière, et d’ effacer ainsi les séquelles d’ un drame cosmique primordial.
ʿināya)概念,因此āhiyya(“神的旨意”)中引入了我们 ismaélisme哲学家fatimideḤamīd al-D al-Kirmīnānī,是谁可能借用了 al-Fārābī专门ismaélien同时发布。以及b中,KitāRāḥat al -ʿaql, al-Kirmānī本上天一样敏感主宰世界的原则,以期  更新真正实力的懊恼或者hayūlā,第二个来自来源于我们 auto-intellection那样 普及懊恼。上天普遍救赎的前夕,这一概念将全力开发Kanz al-walad al -场Ḥāmid -ī,案文那样的创始人 ismaélismeṭayyibite。摩尼教,附近的al -Ḥāmid -ī 敏感的宇宙是一个巨大的机器设计带动上天为了打扫光污染地块的黑暗物质接触,并且这样 擦掉,后遗症 宇宙上演一场至关重要的。
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引用次数: 0
Philosophy in the Islamic World: A History of Philosophy Without Any Gaps Volume 3, by Peter Adamson 《伊斯兰世界的哲学:无缝隙的哲学史》第三卷,彼得·亚当森著
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1163/2212943X-00701008
Sajjad H. Rizvi
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引用次数: 7
Matter and Nature 物质与自然
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1163/2212943x-00701002
O. Lizzini
The fundamental principle—ruling both Avicenna’s metaphysics and his ethics—that the action of superior causes cannot be explained in virtue of the existence of inferior effects—seems to deny any possibility of a consistent idea of providence in Avicenna’s system. Despite this fact, Avicenna recurs to the term (ʿināya; tadbīr) as well as to the idea of providence in various contexts in his oeuvre. More precisely, providence is equated to the flow of being that originates and explains the world; and this not only in respect to the fundamental, existential, positive and “good” properties that belong to it—the world itself is good, the flow is the principle of good and the First Principle is the cause of the world in so far as the order of good is concerned—but also as regards the marginal, negative, non-existential and “bad” properties that can affect its individuals and that are necessarily consequents of the good itself: evil is something the First Principle “wants”, although in an accidental way, and it is therefore implicit in and contained by divine causality. In this paper I shall outline the fundamental structure that explains the existence of individuals in the sublunary world. I do not claim to be exhaustive (some questions require further investigation); my aim is to provide an overview of the topic, with a main question in mind: on what principles does Avicenna base his idea of providence?
支配着阿维森纳形而上学和伦理学的基本原则是,不能用低等结果的存在来解释优越原因的行为,这一原则似乎否定了阿维森纳体系中存在一致的天意观念的任何可能性。尽管这样的事实,阿维森纳重复的术语(al ināya;以及他作品中不同语境中的天意观念。更准确地说,天意等同于产生和解释世界的存在之流;这不仅涉及到属于它的基本的、存在的、积极的和“善”的属性——世界本身是善的,流动是善的原则,就善的秩序而言,第一原则是世界的原因——而且还涉及到边际的、消极的、非存在的和“坏”的属性,这些属性可以影响到它的个体,它们是善本身的必然结果:恶是第一原则所“需要”的东西,虽然是以偶然的方式,因此它是隐含在神的因果关系里,并包含在神的因果关系里。在本文中,我将概述解释个人在地下世界中存在的基本结构。我并不是说这是详尽无遗的(有些问题需要进一步调查);我的目的是提供一个主题的概述,并在脑海中提出一个主要问题:阿维森纳的天意观念是基于什么原则?
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引用次数: 0
On Divine Providence 论神的天意
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1163/2212943X-00701006
S. J. Badakhchani
Naṣīr al-Dīn al-Ṭūsī (1201–1274), the most eminent Muslim thinker of thirteenth-century Iran occupies a unique place among the Muslim polymaths of the Middle Ages who have gained recognition both in the East and West. In the West, he is recognised as a scientist whose contribution to astronomy, trigonometry and mathematics influenced the course of scientific developments, and in the East as a supreme teacher who contributed significantly to the application of metaphysical argumentation and philosophical terminology in Sufism, Ismaili and Twelver Shiʿi theology, bringing the Ismaili humanistic and ethical tradition of philosophers into the centre of Islamic ethical discourse. The renown of his commentary on Avicenna’s “Hints and Indications” (al-Išārāt wa-l-tanbīhāt) seems to have gained him the position of the foremost master of Avicennian philosophy. From another aspect al-Ṭūsī can be considered a partisan of Nizārī Ismaili theological thinking, a doctrine that in his opinion was somehow in harmony with Avicennan philosophy when he equates Necessary Existence with God. However, while commenting on Avicenna’s theorem of Divine Providence, al-Ṭūsī finds the Avicennan position unacceptable. The conclusions reached in this paper uphold the influence of Nizārī Ismaili philosophical deliberations on the nature of the Divine and His knowledge, not only on al-Ṭūsī and al-Šahrastānī but also on Avicenna himself. Needless to say, the wide scope of the subject prevents us from reaching definitive answers to all the questions raised and this attempt endeavours to lay the ground for further investigations to reach a clearer understanding of the subject.
Naṣīr al- d n al-Ṭūsī(1201-1274), 13世纪伊朗最杰出的穆斯林思想家,在中世纪获得东西方认可的穆斯林博学者中占有独特的地位。在西方,他被认为是一位科学家,他对天文学、三角学和数学的贡献影响了科学发展的进程;在东方,他被认为是一位至高无上的老师,他在苏菲派、伊斯玛仪派和十二派什叶派神学中对形而上学论证和哲学术语的应用做出了重大贡献,将伊斯玛仪派哲学家的人文主义和伦理传统带入了伊斯兰伦理话语的中心。他对阿维森纳的“暗示和指示”(al-Išārāt wa-l-tanbīhāt)的评论的名声似乎使他获得了阿维森纳哲学最重要的大师的地位。从另一个方面看,al-Ṭūsī可以被认为是Nizārī伊斯玛仪神学思想的拥护者,在他看来,当他把必然存在等同于上帝时,这种教义在某种程度上与阿维森纳哲学是和谐的。然而,在评论阿维森纳的神圣天意定理时,al-Ṭūsī认为阿维森纳的立场是不可接受的。本文得出的结论支持Nizārī伊斯玛仪对神性和他的知识的本质的哲学思考的影响,不仅对-Ṭūsī和-Šahrastānī,而且对阿维森纳本人。不用说,这一主题的广泛范围使我们无法对所提出的所有问题作出明确的回答,而这一尝试旨在为进一步的调查奠定基础,以便更清楚地了解这一主题。
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引用次数: 0
Ḥayy ibn Yaqẓān’s Parable of the Two Generous Men in Avicenna’s Decree and Determination (R. fī l-Qaḍāʾ wa-l-qadar) Ḥayy伊本Yaqẓān《阿维森纳的法令和决心》中两个慷慨的人的寓言(R. f æ l-Qaḍā - al -qadar)
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1163/2212943X-00701003
J. Dube
This article explores Avicenna’s conception of divine providence in the light of his allegorical work Decree and Determination (R. fī l-Qaḍāʾ wa-l-qadar), wherein the philosopher stages interactions between the rational soul, the animal soul, and the Active Intelligence. Centering on the parable of the two generous men told in Decree and Determination by the legendary sage Ḥayy ibn Yaqẓān, this analysis draws parallels from numerous works of Avicenna—notably his other allegorical work, Alive, Son of Awake (R. Ḥayy ibn Yaqẓān)—so as to bring into focus lesser-known facets of his philosophical worldview.
本文根据阿维森纳的寓言作品《法令与决定》(R. f æ l-Qaḍā - wa-l-qadar),探讨了他关于神的天意的概念,其中哲学家在理性灵魂、动物灵魂和主动智能之间进行了互动。以传说中的圣人Ḥayy ibn Yaqẓān在《法令与决心》中讲述的两个慷慨的人的寓言为中心,本分析从阿维森纳的许多作品中——特别是他的另一部寓言作品《活着,觉醒的儿子》(R. Ḥayy ibn Yaqẓān)——得出了相似之处,从而将他的哲学世界观中鲜为人知的方面集中起来。
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引用次数: 2
Le mythe des préadamites en islam chiite
Pub Date : 2018-05-30 DOI: 10.1163/2212943x-00603002
Daniel De Smet
In apparent contradiction with the story of Adam as told in the Bible and the Qurʾān, Shiite tradition accepts the existence of several Adams (usually seven) prior to « our Adam », the father of mankind. Each Adam opened an era during which the earth was inhabited by « pre-Adamites », rational creatures preceding the appearance of the human species. In this paper we study the evolution of this myth of the pre-Adamites, starting from traditions attributed to the first Imams and their use in writings stemming from the Shiite milieu in Kūfa ; then we move to pre-Fatimid and Fatimid Ismailism, Druze and Nuṣayrī literature, before ending with the Ṭayyibī Ismailis. Although there are many differences in details, all these movements share a common myth, which was elaborated with a remarkable continuity from the first centuries of Islam until today. This myth is rooted in the sources of Shīʿism, which seem close to Manichaeism.
与圣经和古兰经ān中所讲述的亚当的故事明显矛盾的是,什叶派传统接受了在“ 我们的亚当 ”——人类之父之前有几个亚当(通常是七个)的存在。每个亚当都开启了一个时代,在此期间,地球上居住着“ 前亚当人 ”,人类物种出现之前的理性生物。在本文中,我们研究了这个前亚当派神话的演变,从最早的伊玛目的传统开始,以及它们在Kūfa 中源于什叶派环境的著作中的使用;然后是前法蒂玛派和法蒂玛派的伊斯玛仪派,德鲁兹派和Nuṣayrī文学,最后是Ṭayyibī伊斯玛仪派。尽管在细节上有许多不同,但所有这些运动都有一个共同的神话,从伊斯兰教的第一个世纪到今天,这个神话的阐述具有显著的连续性。这个神话的根源是什伊教,它似乎接近摩尼教。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Intellectual history of the Islamicate world
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