{"title":"“The Great Mistake of the Republic”: Why was the military uprising of July 17-18, 1936 not averted?","authors":"A. Glazov","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-2-125-131","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-2-125-131","url":null,"abstract":"Book under review: Vinas, Angel. El gran error de la Republica: Entre el ruido de sables y la ineficacia del Gobierno. Barcelona: Critica, 2021.","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79930719","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-17DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-2-10-27
A. Vallina Rodríguez, C. Camarero Bullon, T. Moreno Bueno
It is undeniable to note that the ties between countries, especially cultural, historical, economic and geopolitical, are rooted in the political foundations that have been laid between nations and countries throughout the process of shaping what today is known as international relations, a discipline that has become one of the most relevant for understanding the contemporary world. Starting from the premise that human groups, and hence the forms of their organization, permanently establish social links and interactions that constitute the dynamic substrate of all societies, it would be appropriate to analyze how they materialize in a specific bilateral sphere, for which a key aspect of mutual economic interests between the Russian Federation and Spain has been chosen. From an economic perspective and through the analysis of statistics on foreign trade of goods, foreign investment and trade barriers, this research will address the evolution of trade relations over the last five years, focusing on the international trade situation that has occurred since the global COVID-19 pandemic and created a multiplicity of opportunities and challenges for trade and investment between the two states in health sector.
{"title":"The impact of COVID-19 on trade relations between Russia and Spain: contributions from the Iberian country","authors":"A. Vallina Rodríguez, C. Camarero Bullon, T. Moreno Bueno","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-2-10-27","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-2-10-27","url":null,"abstract":"It is undeniable to note that the ties between countries, especially cultural, historical, economic and geopolitical, are rooted in the political foundations that have been laid between nations and countries throughout the process of shaping what today is known as international relations, a discipline that has become one of the most relevant for understanding the contemporary world. Starting from the premise that human groups, and hence the forms of their organization, permanently establish social links and interactions that constitute the dynamic substrate of all societies, it would be appropriate to analyze how they materialize in a specific bilateral sphere, for which a key aspect of mutual economic interests between the Russian Federation and Spain has been chosen. From an economic perspective and through the analysis of statistics on foreign trade of goods, foreign investment and trade barriers, this research will address the evolution of trade relations over the last five years, focusing on the international trade situation that has occurred since the global COVID-19 pandemic and created a multiplicity of opportunities and challenges for trade and investment between the two states in health sector.","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87062820","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-17DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-2-28-47
O. Volosyuk, N. Shkolyar
The world has entered the third decade of the century, gripped by the global crisis and the COVID-19. These specific conditions have undermined the development and sustainability of the less prepared countries of Latin America and the Caribbean (LCA). The authors show that the COVID-19 pandemic was the largest shock for the LCA countries in the social and economic spheres. Before the pandemic, the LCA states had rather modest indicators of economic development. They were strongly influenced by external factors of protectionism opposition to the free trade and the looming global economic crisis. They have accumulated deep internal contradictions of social inequality and low domestic demand. The economic situation in the LCA countries has become even more complicated due to the development of a pandemic in 2020-2021: it was characterized by a halt or decline in economic activity, growing budget deficit and public debt, decline in domestic demand for goods and services, decreasing export revenues, declining investments, businesses closure, rising unemployment and poverty. To contain the spread of coronavirus, prevent overstrain of health systems and reduce human losses, the LCA governments took a number of measures to overcome the COVID-19 crisis, which came down to general measures of population social support and direct measures against the spread of the pandemic, including vaccination which has become an issue of utmost importance in the absence of local vaccines and a shortage of purchased vaccines or delivered under the COVAX program. However, as it is shown in the article, the measures taken by the LCA states to protect the population and the economy from the strikes of the pandemic are insufficient; vaccination programs are almost completely dependent on external vaccine manufacturers and international assistance.
{"title":"Latin America in the fight against the Coronavirus crisis: The impact on economic and political stability in the region","authors":"O. Volosyuk, N. Shkolyar","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-2-28-47","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-2-28-47","url":null,"abstract":"The world has entered the third decade of the century, gripped by the global crisis and the COVID-19. These specific conditions have undermined the development and sustainability of the less prepared countries of Latin America and the Caribbean (LCA). The authors show that the COVID-19 pandemic was the largest shock for the LCA countries in the social and economic spheres. Before the pandemic, the LCA states had rather modest indicators of economic development. They were strongly influenced by external factors of protectionism opposition to the free trade and the looming global economic crisis. They have accumulated deep internal contradictions of social inequality and low domestic demand. The economic situation in the LCA countries has become even more complicated due to the development of a pandemic in 2020-2021: it was characterized by a halt or decline in economic activity, growing budget deficit and public debt, decline in domestic demand for goods and services, decreasing export revenues, declining investments, businesses closure, rising unemployment and poverty. To contain the spread of coronavirus, prevent overstrain of health systems and reduce human losses, the LCA governments took a number of measures to overcome the COVID-19 crisis, which came down to general measures of population social support and direct measures against the spread of the pandemic, including vaccination which has become an issue of utmost importance in the absence of local vaccines and a shortage of purchased vaccines or delivered under the COVAX program. However, as it is shown in the article, the measures taken by the LCA states to protect the population and the economy from the strikes of the pandemic are insufficient; vaccination programs are almost completely dependent on external vaccine manufacturers and international assistance.","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89189427","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-17DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-2-110-124
J. T. Torres Hernández
The article examines from various points of view the role of the Spanish language in the Russian system of primary and secondary education, both public and private, paying special attention to the experience of schools participating in the Bilingual Sections program of the Spanish Ministry of Education and Training. The article compares Spanish with other foreign languages in the Russian school system, and considers its evolution in the timeline and the impact on its status of migration movements in connection with political events, commercial and student exchange, tourism; as well as the impact of certain measures taken both in Russia and in Spain. Institutions in both countries have established links to promote mutual development in terms of learning Spanish and Russian, and the diplomatic corps has become the catalyst and manager of this dynamic. Despite the fact that the reactions of educational actors (institutions, civil society, students and teachers) are varied, they reinforce different mechanisms to gain access to Spanish culture and business, as well as to other Spanish-speaking countries. The article also demonstrates the current statistics and describes the trend that the teaching of Spanish may follow in the coming years due to positioning of Spanish among the main foreign languages studied in Russian schools.
{"title":"Evolution and perspectives of Spanish in Russian school system","authors":"J. T. Torres Hernández","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-2-110-124","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-2-110-124","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines from various points of view the role of the Spanish language in the Russian system of primary and secondary education, both public and private, paying special attention to the experience of schools participating in the Bilingual Sections program of the Spanish Ministry of Education and Training. The article compares Spanish with other foreign languages in the Russian school system, and considers its evolution in the timeline and the impact on its status of migration movements in connection with political events, commercial and student exchange, tourism; as well as the impact of certain measures taken both in Russia and in Spain. Institutions in both countries have established links to promote mutual development in terms of learning Spanish and Russian, and the diplomatic corps has become the catalyst and manager of this dynamic. Despite the fact that the reactions of educational actors (institutions, civil society, students and teachers) are varied, they reinforce different mechanisms to gain access to Spanish culture and business, as well as to other Spanish-speaking countries. The article also demonstrates the current statistics and describes the trend that the teaching of Spanish may follow in the coming years due to positioning of Spanish among the main foreign languages studied in Russian schools.","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89571972","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-06DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-1-62-75
A. Shinkarenko, V. X. Medina Gonzalez, B. Nekrasov
The authors consider the peculiarities of emergence of Buen Vivir сoncept in the context of increasing importance of the environmental factor in international relations. The authors present the main ideas of this concept, which became a logical response to environmental challenges – first from the autonomous societies of Latin America, and then found its reflection at the state level in countries such as Ecuador and Bolivia. At the same time, for the first time in Russian historiography, we present an analysis of this concept connection to the development of such a direction in international relations as environmentalism, as well as what place it can occupy in the international relations theory. The main results of the research are as follows: 1) the role and significance of the environmental factor in modern IR is increasing, while politicization of environmental problems is observed; 2) the number of studies on topics related to environmentalism in IR is increasing, with them becoming one of the dominants of not only public, but also a research discourse; 3) the concept of sustainable development did not fully comply with existing demands, which predetermined the emergence in Latin America of a separate concept of development, with an emphasis on the environmental component, being a Latin American ‘response’ to the search of a model for regulating the relationship of mankind with the environment in order to preserve it; 4) the concept of Buen Vivir was most successfully implemented in Ecuador and Bolivia as these countries are home to a significant number of Native Indians, and their worldview is closely intertwined with the key ideas of the concept.
{"title":"The concept of Buen Vivir in the context of green theory in international relations","authors":"A. Shinkarenko, V. X. Medina Gonzalez, B. Nekrasov","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-1-62-75","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-1-62-75","url":null,"abstract":"The authors consider the peculiarities of emergence of Buen Vivir сoncept in the context of increasing importance of the environmental factor in international relations. The authors present the main ideas of this concept, which became a logical response to environmental challenges – first from the autonomous societies of Latin America, and then found its reflection at the state level in countries such as Ecuador and Bolivia. At the same time, for the first time in Russian historiography, we present an analysis of this concept connection to the development of such a direction in international relations as environmentalism, as well as what place it can occupy in the international relations theory. The main results of the research are as follows: 1) the role and significance of the environmental factor in modern IR is increasing, while politicization of environmental problems is observed; 2) the number of studies on topics related to environmentalism in IR is increasing, with them becoming one of the dominants of not only public, but also a research discourse; 3) the concept of sustainable development did not fully comply with existing demands, which predetermined the emergence in Latin America of a separate concept of development, with an emphasis on the environmental component, being a Latin American ‘response’ to the search of a model for regulating the relationship of mankind with the environment in order to preserve it; 4) the concept of Buen Vivir was most successfully implemented in Ecuador and Bolivia as these countries are home to a significant number of Native Indians, and their worldview is closely intertwined with the key ideas of the concept.","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84052214","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-06DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-1-102-113
N. Anikeeva
In this article the author analyses the development of political process in Spain between the two crises of 2015–2016 and 2019–2020, highlighting the strong suits and problem issues of the domestic political debate, including the Catalan issue, as well as the problem related to the migration aspect. An overview of the evolution of the country’s foreign policy agenda is presented, including the foreign policy course towards the Russian Federation. The author analyzes political and economic aspects after the general parliamentary elections of June 26, 2016, which resulted in overcoming the governmental crisis that began in Spain in December 2015 and establishing Mariano Rajoy the head of the Popular Party (PP) government. The latest cabinet of the PP government was approved in November 2016. Rajoy himself had been serving as a Prime Minister of Spain from December 2011 to June 2018. Soon, a new stage in the political history of the Spanish state began, which was associated with the rise to power of the Spanish Socialist Workers Party (PSOE) led by Pedro Sánchez since 2018. PSOE thus won the parliamentary elections in Spain on April 28, 2019. The next elections in 2019 were held on November 10 and turned out to be much more complex and unpredictable than the previous one. PSOE stroke a similar political balance of power to that of April. Confirmation of Pedro Sánchez as a Prime Minister of Spain in January 2020 ended a protracted political crisis in the country, when the Spanish government had been in an acting status for some eight months.
{"title":"Political history of Spain (2016–2020): overcoming the crisis","authors":"N. Anikeeva","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-1-102-113","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-1-102-113","url":null,"abstract":"In this article the author analyses the development of political process in Spain between the two crises of 2015–2016 and 2019–2020, highlighting the strong suits and problem issues of the domestic political debate, including the Catalan issue, as well as the problem related to the migration aspect. An overview of the evolution of the country’s foreign policy agenda is presented, including the foreign policy course towards the Russian Federation. The author analyzes political and economic aspects after the general parliamentary elections of June 26, 2016, which resulted in overcoming the governmental crisis that began in Spain in December 2015 and establishing Mariano Rajoy the head of the Popular Party (PP) government. The latest cabinet of the PP government was approved in November 2016. Rajoy himself had been serving as a Prime Minister of Spain from December 2011 to June 2018. Soon, a new stage in the political history of the Spanish state began, which was associated with the rise to power of the Spanish Socialist Workers Party (PSOE) led by Pedro Sánchez since 2018. PSOE thus won the parliamentary elections in Spain on April 28, 2019. The next elections in 2019 were held on November 10 and turned out to be much more complex and unpredictable than the previous one. PSOE stroke a similar political balance of power to that of April. Confirmation of Pedro Sánchez as a Prime Minister of Spain in January 2020 ended a protracted political crisis in the country, when the Spanish government had been in an acting status for some eight months.","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88260247","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-06DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-1-76-88
E. Dabagyan
This article is a political portrait of an extraordinary personality, the President of Nicaragua Daniel Ortega, who has travelled a long and very thorny path of transformation from a frantic fighter against a dictatorial regime to a man who actually became the country’s president for life. The author presents the methods by which Ortega achieved power and thereby ensured his political longevity. The author pays special attention to the role of Rosario Murillo, the politician’s wife, whose importance is growing in the internal political life of the state. The article provides an overview of the political history of the country in recent decades, the author also presents the peculiarities of Ortega’s biography and professional development. The author examines the stages of the party struggle in Nicaragua and the role of Ortega in this process. The author analyzes in detail the opinions of various experts regarding political events that took place in Nicaragua. The author traces and analyzes the main trends in economic development of Nicaragua, including cooperation with the Russian Federation. The author notes the role of Nicaragua in assisting the Russian Federation on the international arena. The author emphasizes the diversity of the spheres in which cooperation and interaction of the two countries is carried out.
{"title":"Nicaragua: the secrets of the President’s political longevity","authors":"E. Dabagyan","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-1-76-88","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-1-76-88","url":null,"abstract":"This article is a political portrait of an extraordinary personality, the President of Nicaragua Daniel Ortega, who has travelled a long and very thorny path of transformation from a frantic fighter against a dictatorial regime to a man who actually became the country’s president for life. The author presents the methods by which Ortega achieved power and thereby ensured his political longevity. The author pays special attention to the role of Rosario Murillo, the politician’s wife, whose importance is growing in the internal political life of the state. The article provides an overview of the political history of the country in recent decades, the author also presents the peculiarities of Ortega’s biography and professional development. The author examines the stages of the party struggle in Nicaragua and the role of Ortega in this process. The author analyzes in detail the opinions of various experts regarding political events that took place in Nicaragua. The author traces and analyzes the main trends in economic development of Nicaragua, including cooperation with the Russian Federation. The author notes the role of Nicaragua in assisting the Russian Federation on the international arena. The author emphasizes the diversity of the spheres in which cooperation and interaction of the two countries is carried out.","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88260127","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-06DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-1-50-61
A. Eremin
In this article the author analyzes a theoretical direction called “Peripheral Realism”, which has arisen within the scope of neorealism in 1990s due to an acknowledged Argentinean political scientist Carlos Escudé. The author makes an attempt to provide a complex analysis of the original theory of 1992 and compares it with the modern realities of international relations. The author also conducts a comparative analysis of the original theory and its revised version of 2016, in order to trace the dynamics of its development. The main objective of the study is to establish whether the theory of peripheral realism can be attributed to the so-called ‘non-Western’ theories of international relations. First of all, the article is based on an in-depth analysis of the theoretical basis of Carlos Escudé’s peripheral realism theory on the basis of his main writings of 1992 and 1995, as well as an analysis of subsequent variations of the theory in 2012 and 2015. The study also uses a comparative analysis method, which contrasts the features and theoretical positions of the canonical ‘grand’ theories of international relations (especially realism and neo-realism, being the origins for the theory) and correlates them with those of the theory of peripheral realism in order to highlight the role and place of this theory in the configuration of Western and non-Western theories of international relations. The author concludes that the uniqueness of the concept comes from assessing reality from the point of ‘weaker’ and developing countries, which is not generally customary for Anglo-Saxon theories. This unique feature puts the concept of peripheral realism beyond the perceptions of the nature of world politics generally accepted in the research community. The study was originally drafted for the research seminar “Non-Western Theories of International Relations” of the Department of theory and history of international relations of RUDN University, as well as for the joint research seminar of RUDN and HSE University “Non-Western Theories of International Relations in a Polycentric World.”
{"title":"Peripheral realism of Carlos Escudé","authors":"A. Eremin","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-1-50-61","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-1-50-61","url":null,"abstract":"In this article the author analyzes a theoretical direction called “Peripheral Realism”, which has arisen within the scope of neorealism in 1990s due to an acknowledged Argentinean political scientist Carlos Escudé. The author makes an attempt to provide a complex analysis of the original theory of 1992 and compares it with the modern realities of international relations. The author also conducts a comparative analysis of the original theory and its revised version of 2016, in order to trace the dynamics of its development. The main objective of the study is to establish whether the theory of peripheral realism can be attributed to the so-called ‘non-Western’ theories of international relations. First of all, the article is based on an in-depth analysis of the theoretical basis of Carlos Escudé’s peripheral realism theory on the basis of his main writings of 1992 and 1995, as well as an analysis of subsequent variations of the theory in 2012 and 2015. The study also uses a comparative analysis method, which contrasts the features and theoretical positions of the canonical ‘grand’ theories of international relations (especially realism and neo-realism, being the origins for the theory) and correlates them with those of the theory of peripheral realism in order to highlight the role and place of this theory in the configuration of Western and non-Western theories of international relations. The author concludes that the uniqueness of the concept comes from assessing reality from the point of ‘weaker’ and developing countries, which is not generally customary for Anglo-Saxon theories. This unique feature puts the concept of peripheral realism beyond the perceptions of the nature of world politics generally accepted in the research community. The study was originally drafted for the research seminar “Non-Western Theories of International Relations” of the Department of theory and history of international relations of RUDN University, as well as for the joint research seminar of RUDN and HSE University “Non-Western Theories of International Relations in a Polycentric World.”","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81098581","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-06DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-1-9-18
Carlos Uriarte Sánchez
Since 2014 relations between the European Union and Russia have been severely affected by the sanctions policy that has been detrimental to both sides. However, Spain has not been able to stand aside from this policy. Nevertheless, Spain, maintaining a common position on sanctions against Russia out of solidarity and because of its obligations to European partners, has tried to develop bilateral relations with the Russian Federation in a positive way. Spain realizes that more unites it with Russia rather than divides. Spain and Russia have common interests and challenges not only in cultural, scientific, economic and commercial spheres of bilateral relations, but also in political areas of the global agenda such as the climate change and terrorism, the organized crime. These challenges are also common for both the European Union as a whole and Russia, and for this reason, Spain can play a role of catalyst in possible rapprochement. Without abandoning the principles and values at the heart of the European project, Spain can advance a bilateral agenda with Russia, which will contribute to the gradual building of mutual relations, including in political sphere. The ultimate goal will be achieved when the right conditions are created and the broken trust is restored. Spain could also lead this process within the European Union, since it has a more balanced position in relations with Russia than other European partners do. Thus, Spain can become a necessary and key facilitator of the dialogue and efforts to normalize relations.
{"title":"Relationship between Spain and Russia through shared interests: key for normalization of relations with the European Union","authors":"Carlos Uriarte Sánchez","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-1-9-18","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-1-9-18","url":null,"abstract":"Since 2014 relations between the European Union and Russia have been severely affected by the sanctions policy that has been detrimental to both sides. However, Spain has not been able to stand aside from this policy. Nevertheless, Spain, maintaining a common position on sanctions against Russia out of solidarity and because of its obligations to European partners, has tried to develop bilateral relations with the Russian Federation in a positive way. Spain realizes that more unites it with Russia rather than divides. Spain and Russia have common interests and challenges not only in cultural, scientific, economic and commercial spheres of bilateral relations, but also in political areas of the global agenda such as the climate change and terrorism, the organized crime. These challenges are also common for both the European Union as a whole and Russia, and for this reason, Spain can play a role of catalyst in possible rapprochement. Without abandoning the principles and values at the heart of the European project, Spain can advance a bilateral agenda with Russia, which will contribute to the gradual building of mutual relations, including in political sphere. The ultimate goal will be achieved when the right conditions are created and the broken trust is restored. Spain could also lead this process within the European Union, since it has a more balanced position in relations with Russia than other European partners do. Thus, Spain can become a necessary and key facilitator of the dialogue and efforts to normalize relations.","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74682797","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-06DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-1-19-31
Víctor Hugo Ramírez Lavalle
This article pays special attention to the genesis of relations and documents in the field of national security, which determine the relationship between Mexico and the United States, examines its framework and results, as well as the concept and constitutional foundations of national security and defense of Mexico.In this conceptual framework, it is noteworthy that in March 2021 the American delegation, headed by Roberta Jacobson, the former US Ambassador to Mexico, the White House Border Coordinator, arrived in Mexico. Both delegations announced that the talks would focus on ensuring orderly, safe and legal migration in the region and progress in implementing the Comprehensive Development Plan for the Northern Region of Central America, but in fact, the main subject of talks would was US national security. In other words, the regulation of migration flows from Mexico and the countries of the so-called Northern Triangle (Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador).The topics mentioned above are not new on the US-Mexico bilateral agenda, and in this regard, the government of President Biden seems to revise Donald Trump’s policy on migration, with a special focus on national security, using less aggressive rhetoric, without threats to continue the construction of the border wall, but, in turn, more rigid from a political point of view. In view of the above, it appeared appropriate to present the legal framework, set out primarily in the constitution, on which Mexico relies and which allows it to properly negotiate and at the same time have a clear vision on the current state of national security between the two countries.
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