Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-3-35-49
A. Baranov
In this article, the author identifies new trends in political participation in the elections of deputies to the Parliament of Catalonia (February 2021). Political participation in Catalonia is of interest from the perspective of changes in the identity and party orientations of voters, transformations of the Spanish and Catalan party systems. The analysis of territorial differences in political participation is promising in terms of clarifying their factors and dynamics. System analysis, synchronous comparative analysis, secondary analysis of the results of questionnaires are applied hereinunder. Political participation in the Catalan community is autonomous, it corresponds to the civic type of political culture, due to informatization of society and the pandemic, forms of online involvement in political activity prevail. The community is segmented along linguistic, ethnic and ideological lines, which increases the volatility and pluralization of the party system. New trends in political participation in the elections in Catalonia (2021) have manifested themselves in a significant decrease in voter turnout, preference for online forms of voting and political discussion, which is caused by the coronavirus pandemic. It has been proven that the public opinion of Catalan voters maintains a low level of trust in state institutions, despite improvements in economic situation. The paradox is explained by the long-term orientations and attitudes of political culture. The degree of awareness of electoral orientations (according to the self-esteem of the respondents) is high, the sources of formation of their orientations are, first of all, television and the Internet. The electorate is divided into supporters of state unity and secession, republic and monarchy. Increased support for secessionism is evident among the voters with a high level of income and education, among the inhabitants of the foothill and mountain areas. The Catalan elections in 2021 confirmed a moderate rise in secessionist sentiment. The left trend of changes in political participation in Catalonia is opposite to that of Spain as a whole, the results of regional elections in Madrid and the Basque Country.
{"title":"2021 regional elections in Catalonia: new trends in political participation","authors":"A. Baranov","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-3-35-49","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-3-35-49","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, the author identifies new trends in political participation in the elections of deputies to the Parliament of Catalonia (February 2021). Political participation in Catalonia is of interest from the perspective of changes in the identity and party orientations of voters, transformations of the Spanish and Catalan party systems. The analysis of territorial differences in political participation is promising in terms of clarifying their factors and dynamics. System analysis, synchronous comparative analysis, secondary analysis of the results of questionnaires are applied hereinunder. Political participation in the Catalan community is autonomous, it corresponds to the civic type of political culture, due to informatization of society and the pandemic, forms of online involvement in political activity prevail. The community is segmented along linguistic, ethnic and ideological lines, which increases the volatility and pluralization of the party system. New trends in political participation in the elections in Catalonia (2021) have manifested themselves in a significant decrease in voter turnout, preference for online forms of voting and political discussion, which is caused by the coronavirus pandemic. It has been proven that the public opinion of Catalan voters maintains a low level of trust in state institutions, despite improvements in economic situation. The paradox is explained by the long-term orientations and attitudes of political culture. The degree of awareness of electoral orientations (according to the self-esteem of the respondents) is high, the sources of formation of their orientations are, first of all, television and the Internet. The electorate is divided into supporters of state unity and secession, republic and monarchy. Increased support for secessionism is evident among the voters with a high level of income and education, among the inhabitants of the foothill and mountain areas. The Catalan elections in 2021 confirmed a moderate rise in secessionist sentiment. The left trend of changes in political participation in Catalonia is opposite to that of Spain as a whole, the results of regional elections in Madrid and the Basque Country.","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81312616","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-3-67-78
I. Prokhorenko
The author, using the identity approach and discourse analysis explores a serious political conflict in today’s Spain about historical memory, threatening solidarity and civilian identity of the Spaniards and also political stability in the society, divided on a variety of characteristics – economic, social, territorial, cultural, value, ethnic, linguistic, etc., which have acquired or are acquiring a political dimension. The alternative politics of memory, which are declared and carried out by different competing actors of political process at the country level, first of all being government and opposition parties, are analyzed in the article. The expression of authorities’ discourse of the present left coalition government on the issues of Spanish past in the country’s mediasphere is considered to understand the extent and depth of public and political debate on key problems of Spanish history and memory. The author uses a historical metaphor of conflict of the “two Spains” to assess “memory wars” in Spanish society, multicultural and divided on various grounds, identifying short-term (with a view of forthcoming general parliamentary elections, which will take place in 2022) and long-term strategic risks for inclusive nation-building and sustainable development of the country. A conclusion is made that a division based on party ideological principles is axial (dominant) in “memory wars”, despite the remaining sharpness of the vertical conflict between center and some particularist regions (primarily Catalonia); within the frame of this conflict there are attempts to reassess, anonymize, and get a hold of or mythologize various historic events and personas. Nowadays the dispute between “rightists” and “leftists” in assessment of Second Spanish Republic, number of victims on both sides during the civil war, Francoist regime, success of democratic transition in post-Francoist period and other “difficult” questions across Spanish past becomes more emotionally charged, deep and aggressive.
{"title":"The “memory wars” in divided societies: the case of Spain","authors":"I. Prokhorenko","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-3-67-78","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-3-67-78","url":null,"abstract":"The author, using the identity approach and discourse analysis explores a serious political conflict in today’s Spain about historical memory, threatening solidarity and civilian identity of the Spaniards and also political stability in the society, divided on a variety of characteristics – economic, social, territorial, cultural, value, ethnic, linguistic, etc., which have acquired or are acquiring a political dimension. The alternative politics of memory, which are declared and carried out by different competing actors of political process at the country level, first of all being government and opposition parties, are analyzed in the article. The expression of authorities’ discourse of the present left coalition government on the issues of Spanish past in the country’s mediasphere is considered to understand the extent and depth of public and political debate on key problems of Spanish history and memory. The author uses a historical metaphor of conflict of the “two Spains” to assess “memory wars” in Spanish society, multicultural and divided on various grounds, identifying short-term (with a view of forthcoming general parliamentary elections, which will take place in 2022) and long-term strategic risks for inclusive nation-building and sustainable development of the country. A conclusion is made that a division based on party ideological principles is axial (dominant) in “memory wars”, despite the remaining sharpness of the vertical conflict between center and some particularist regions (primarily Catalonia); within the frame of this conflict there are attempts to reassess, anonymize, and get a hold of or mythologize various historic events and personas. Nowadays the dispute between “rightists” and “leftists” in assessment of Second Spanish Republic, number of victims on both sides during the civil war, Francoist regime, success of democratic transition in post-Francoist period and other “difficult” questions across Spanish past becomes more emotionally charged, deep and aggressive.","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75492509","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-3-79-93
T. Koval
We examine the impact of the pandemic on religiosity and attitudes towards the Catholic Church in Spain. The author analyzes Spanish religious life and defines its specificity in the context of global transformations of the pandemic era, based on the researches of leading sociological centers. It would seem that in the face of a mortal threat, the population will more often turn to God and that religion will strengthen its positions. But the reality is more complicated. At various stages of the pandemic the reaction was different. Prevailing religions also gave their own models of behavior and understanding of the pandemic. Catholicism demonstrated very rational and disciplined approach to the sanitary measures and vaccinations, which corresponds to its attitude towards earthly life and bodily health. In pandemic era the general pattern was linked with the strengthening of faith among strong believers. The nonbelievers, agnostics and atheists became even more entrenched in their unbelief. This also applies to Spain, where the overall religiosity of the public correlates with its political orientations. The polarization of society is going fast, with religion rapidly losing its influence. The proportion of practicing Catholics continues to decline, and the pandemic accelerated this process. Although the Catholic Church in Spain provided significant material and spiritual assistance to the suffering society, it failed to strengthen its position due to the loss of reputation, caused by suppression of problems related to pedophilia and homosexuality of the priesthood. The author comes to a conclusion that the spiritual transformation of modern Spanish society mean that the Christian world is probably approaching radical changes in the forms of its spiritual life and faith.
{"title":"Pandemic and religion. Spanish Catholicism in the context of global transformations","authors":"T. Koval","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-3-79-93","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-3-79-93","url":null,"abstract":"We examine the impact of the pandemic on religiosity and attitudes towards the Catholic Church in Spain. The author analyzes Spanish religious life and defines its specificity in the context of global transformations of the pandemic era, based on the researches of leading sociological centers. It would seem that in the face of a mortal threat, the population will more often turn to God and that religion will strengthen its positions. But the reality is more complicated. At various stages of the pandemic the reaction was different. Prevailing religions also gave their own models of behavior and understanding of the pandemic. Catholicism demonstrated very rational and disciplined approach to the sanitary measures and vaccinations, which corresponds to its attitude towards earthly life and bodily health. In pandemic era the general pattern was linked with the strengthening of faith among strong believers. The nonbelievers, agnostics and atheists became even more entrenched in their unbelief. This also applies to Spain, where the overall religiosity of the public correlates with its political orientations. The polarization of society is going fast, with religion rapidly losing its influence. The proportion of practicing Catholics continues to decline, and the pandemic accelerated this process. Although the Catholic Church in Spain provided significant material and spiritual assistance to the suffering society, it failed to strengthen its position due to the loss of reputation, caused by suppression of problems related to pedophilia and homosexuality of the priesthood. The author comes to a conclusion that the spiritual transformation of modern Spanish society mean that the Christian world is probably approaching radical changes in the forms of its spiritual life and faith.","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90619981","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-3-20-34
A. Kurakina-Damir
Spain became one of the most affected countries both in terms of the number of cases and deaths from COVID-19, and in terms of the damage caused to the economy, which had not fully recovered from the 2008 crisis. The pandemic crisis is now being tackled by a coalition government comprised of the center-left Spanish Socialist Labor Party (PSOE) and the left-wing Unidas Podemos, with external support from small regional forces. It is opposed by the rightwing bloc of parties, which includes recently shifting to the right Partido Popular (PP), the right-wing Vox and the center-right Ciudadanos, rapidly losing political weight. The key question today is whether the government, which is forced to turn to other parties for help, will be able to fulfill its responsibilities until the elections scheduled for the end of 2023. Last November marked two years since the last elections. The purpose of this article thereto is to determine the main features of the modern political process in Spain and take stock of the government’s actions, analyze expectations of society and predict further development of internal politics of Spain during the pandemic and in the post-pandemic reality. The author used a wide range of methods: the analysis and synthesis of information, the statistical method, as well as the system analysis; the author also relies on research by domestic and foreign Hispanists, opinion polls, government and party documents. The author concludes that the political process in Spain today is subject to negative influence of a strong confrontation between the coalition government and the opposition, and the Spanish society is split on a number of issues.
{"title":"Political process in Spain in a pandemic","authors":"A. Kurakina-Damir","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-3-20-34","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-3-20-34","url":null,"abstract":"Spain became one of the most affected countries both in terms of the number of cases and deaths from COVID-19, and in terms of the damage caused to the economy, which had not fully recovered from the 2008 crisis. The pandemic crisis is now being tackled by a coalition government comprised of the center-left Spanish Socialist Labor Party (PSOE) and the left-wing Unidas Podemos, with external support from small regional forces. It is opposed by the rightwing bloc of parties, which includes recently shifting to the right Partido Popular (PP), the right-wing Vox and the center-right Ciudadanos, rapidly losing political weight. The key question today is whether the government, which is forced to turn to other parties for help, will be able to fulfill its responsibilities until the elections scheduled for the end of 2023. Last November marked two years since the last elections. The purpose of this article thereto is to determine the main features of the modern political process in Spain and take stock of the government’s actions, analyze expectations of society and predict further development of internal politics of Spain during the pandemic and in the post-pandemic reality. The author used a wide range of methods: the analysis and synthesis of information, the statistical method, as well as the system analysis; the author also relies on research by domestic and foreign Hispanists, opinion polls, government and party documents. The author concludes that the political process in Spain today is subject to negative influence of a strong confrontation between the coalition government and the opposition, and the Spanish society is split on a number of issues.","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81574966","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-3-94-107
V. Tayar
Since integration of the Spanish economy into the EU (since January 1, 1986), 35 years have already passed. During this period of time political and economic European map has undergone significant changes. Economic sectors were deeply transformed by globalization and regionalization. For Spain, the process of joining European structures mainly meant rebuilding of national economic system in accordance with the necessary criteria and norms, which set the Spanish economy on the path of diversification and modernization. In recent years, Brussels has been focusing on the growing importance of external economic and export component for the EU member–states. It means redistributing production and technological chains within the Eurozone and, furthermore, diversification of the EU trade and industrial external relations, including the demand and needs of third parties, i.e. on the markets outside the European Union. In this regard, for Spain it is of particular importance to build up its export potential, develop export clusters and extend internationalization of business, to reduce the cost of production, and intensify country’s participation in global price chains. At the same time, it is necessary to admit, that the Spanish economy and its external sector are under the pressure of both internal and external factors today. These are: protracted crisis phenomena in the European Union (Brexit, financial and economic difficulties in the Eurozone, price volatility in the energy market, etc.), the worsening conditions for interaction with the United States, trade wars, slowing global economic growth. Finally, the impact of the COVID-19 has been a major social and economic challenge for Spain.
{"title":"Spain and the internationalization of the economy","authors":"V. Tayar","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-3-94-107","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-3-94-107","url":null,"abstract":"Since integration of the Spanish economy into the EU (since January 1, 1986), 35 years have already passed. During this period of time political and economic European map has undergone significant changes. Economic sectors were deeply transformed by globalization and regionalization. For Spain, the process of joining European structures mainly meant rebuilding of national economic system in accordance with the necessary criteria and norms, which set the Spanish economy on the path of diversification and modernization. In recent years, Brussels has been focusing on the growing importance of external economic and export component for the EU member–states. It means redistributing production and technological chains within the Eurozone and, furthermore, diversification of the EU trade and industrial external relations, including the demand and needs of third parties, i.e. on the markets outside the European Union. In this regard, for Spain it is of particular importance to build up its export potential, develop export clusters and extend internationalization of business, to reduce the cost of production, and intensify country’s participation in global price chains. At the same time, it is necessary to admit, that the Spanish economy and its external sector are under the pressure of both internal and external factors today. These are: protracted crisis phenomena in the European Union (Brexit, financial and economic difficulties in the Eurozone, price volatility in the energy market, etc.), the worsening conditions for interaction with the United States, trade wars, slowing global economic growth. Finally, the impact of the COVID-19 has been a major social and economic challenge for Spain.","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79380865","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-02DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-3-10-19
S. Khenkin
The left and the right parties in modern Spain often approach many problems that the country faces very differently. In these conditions, the question of whether the left-wing coalition government led by Pedro Sánchez will remain in power until the end of 2023, when the next parliamentary elections are to take place, is of utmost importance. And if it does, will the Socialists win again, or will the initiative pass to the right forces? Government performance is assessed rather contradictory by the citizens of Spain and there are certain reasons for this. The country has embarked on the thorny path of overcoming the consequences of the pandemic. Many sectors of Spanish economy are recovering, the situation in the labour market has improved. But in general, the pace of economic recovery has not yet reached expected indicators and results. Inflation has risen because of rising electricity and gasoline prices, and the purchasing power of the population has declined. At the moment, the government’s prospects are largely determined by the relationship between the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party and Unidas Podemos coalition. This relationship is very complex and contradictory, and as a result disagreements and conflicts arise quite often. An equally difficult question is whether the support of the separatist and nationalist parties of Catalonia and the Basque Country, without which the current government will lose its absolute majority in the lower house of parliament and cannot count on effective governance, will continue. The government’s choices are narrowed by the position of the right-wing parties that stand in stiff and uncompromising opposition and accuse it of complete irrelevancy. Tension reigns in public life with political situation remaining volatile and largely unpredictable.
{"title":"Prospects for the government of Pedro Sanchez in the context of socio-political situation in Spain","authors":"S. Khenkin","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-3-10-19","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-3-10-19","url":null,"abstract":"The left and the right parties in modern Spain often approach many problems that the country faces very differently. In these conditions, the question of whether the left-wing coalition government led by Pedro Sánchez will remain in power until the end of 2023, when the next parliamentary elections are to take place, is of utmost importance. And if it does, will the Socialists win again, or will the initiative pass to the right forces? Government performance is assessed rather contradictory by the citizens of Spain and there are certain reasons for this. The country has embarked on the thorny path of overcoming the consequences of the pandemic. Many sectors of Spanish economy are recovering, the situation in the labour market has improved. But in general, the pace of economic recovery has not yet reached expected indicators and results. Inflation has risen because of rising electricity and gasoline prices, and the purchasing power of the population has declined. At the moment, the government’s prospects are largely determined by the relationship between the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party and Unidas Podemos coalition. This relationship is very complex and contradictory, and as a result disagreements and conflicts arise quite often. An equally difficult question is whether the support of the separatist and nationalist parties of Catalonia and the Basque Country, without which the current government will lose its absolute majority in the lower house of parliament and cannot count on effective governance, will continue. The government’s choices are narrowed by the position of the right-wing parties that stand in stiff and uncompromising opposition and accuse it of complete irrelevancy. Tension reigns in public life with political situation remaining volatile and largely unpredictable.","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88080653","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-17DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-2-65-79
T. Y. Vepretskaya
The article examines the memoirs of a Spanish diplomat Anibal Morillo and Perez del Villar, the Count of Cartagena. He held the post of the Spanish ambassador in the Russian Empire in 1914-1916 when World War One broke out. “Memories of my Embassy in Russia” by Morillo is a specific source that shows the life of the zarist court and diplomatic circles of St. Petersburg in that period. The Count of Cartagena’s activity has not been considered much in Russian historiography. Based on the analysis of his memoirs, the author of the article suggests that Morillo considered the Russian revolution to be brought in from outside. A study of the memoirs showed that the Spanish ambassador at St. Petersburg preferred German diplomacy and had a peculiar notion of the role of Russia in unleashing the war. The author of this article concludes that Morillo’s ideas were partly shaped by the internal problems and the international situation of his own country at the beginning of the 20th century and that the Spanish ambassador was one of the Spanish Germanophiles. Spain maintained strict neutrality throughout the war. The Spanish embassy in Russia carried out important humanitarian mission and active mediation activities, supporting Russian citizens on enemy territory and trying to improve the situation of Russian prisoners of war and facilitate their return. The issue of the personal participation of Anibal Morillo in mediation is also touched upon in this article.
{"title":"The ambassador of Spain to the Russian Empire Anibal Morillo y Pérez del Villar and his “Memories”","authors":"T. Y. Vepretskaya","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-2-65-79","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-2-65-79","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the memoirs of a Spanish diplomat Anibal Morillo and Perez del Villar, the Count of Cartagena. He held the post of the Spanish ambassador in the Russian Empire in 1914-1916 when World War One broke out. “Memories of my Embassy in Russia” by Morillo is a specific source that shows the life of the zarist court and diplomatic circles of St. Petersburg in that period. The Count of Cartagena’s activity has not been considered much in Russian historiography. Based on the analysis of his memoirs, the author of the article suggests that Morillo considered the Russian revolution to be brought in from outside. A study of the memoirs showed that the Spanish ambassador at St. Petersburg preferred German diplomacy and had a peculiar notion of the role of Russia in unleashing the war. The author of this article concludes that Morillo’s ideas were partly shaped by the internal problems and the international situation of his own country at the beginning of the 20th century and that the Spanish ambassador was one of the Spanish Germanophiles. Spain maintained strict neutrality throughout the war. The Spanish embassy in Russia carried out important humanitarian mission and active mediation activities, supporting Russian citizens on enemy territory and trying to improve the situation of Russian prisoners of war and facilitate their return. The issue of the personal participation of Anibal Morillo in mediation is also touched upon in this article.","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86146781","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-17DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-2-48-64
A. Esteves
In this article the author examines in detail the bilateral relations between Spain and Brazil during the presidency of Jair Bolsonaro. In addition, the subject of this article is the opposition of EU governments to the environmental policies of the South American country and the disastrous policies of the Brazilian authorities in the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic. President Bolsonaro’s negligence of climate change and Amazon deforestation has prompted European governments to openly oppose the ratification of the Mercosur – EU Free Trade Agreement, which was signed in 2019 after 20 years of negotiations. In May 2016, the parties agreed on reciprocal terms, resulting in signing of the agreement. It also included the exchange of goods and services, essential investments and public procurements. All this was done in the context of a global policy of protectionism amid a weakening role of the WTO as a supporter of the trade liberalization process. Despite its success, countries such as France, Austria and the Netherlands stand against the Mercosur – EU trade deal, which can halt its ratification. The Spanish government, on the contrary, is lobbying for ratification of the agreement. Madrid, interested in benefiting from the Bolsonaro government’s liberal economic policies, maintains strong ties with its South American partner. The author analyzes the transformation of Spain from a relatively irrelevant partner of Brazil in the 20th century to one of the main investors directing significant resources to the Brazilian economy. We also assess the results and challenges of the Brazil – Spain strategic partnership in a broader context of the Brazil – EU relations.
{"title":"Relations between Brazil and Spain under the Bolsonaro’s government","authors":"A. Esteves","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-2-48-64","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-2-48-64","url":null,"abstract":"In this article the author examines in detail the bilateral relations between Spain and Brazil during the presidency of Jair Bolsonaro. In addition, the subject of this article is the opposition of EU governments to the environmental policies of the South American country and the disastrous policies of the Brazilian authorities in the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic. President Bolsonaro’s negligence of climate change and Amazon deforestation has prompted European governments to openly oppose the ratification of the Mercosur – EU Free Trade Agreement, which was signed in 2019 after 20 years of negotiations. In May 2016, the parties agreed on reciprocal terms, resulting in signing of the agreement. It also included the exchange of goods and services, essential investments and public procurements. All this was done in the context of a global policy of protectionism amid a weakening role of the WTO as a supporter of the trade liberalization process. Despite its success, countries such as France, Austria and the Netherlands stand against the Mercosur – EU trade deal, which can halt its ratification. The Spanish government, on the contrary, is lobbying for ratification of the agreement. Madrid, interested in benefiting from the Bolsonaro government’s liberal economic policies, maintains strong ties with its South American partner. The author analyzes the transformation of Spain from a relatively irrelevant partner of Brazil in the 20th century to one of the main investors directing significant resources to the Brazilian economy. We also assess the results and challenges of the Brazil – Spain strategic partnership in a broader context of the Brazil – EU relations.","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77208319","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-17DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-2-96-109
N. Zhukov
In this article the author analyses formation of the country's constitutional legislation system. In the 20th century Spain experienced three different periods: the years of the Second Republic in 1931-1939, the Franco's dictatorship of 1939-1975 and the period of transition to democracy or, as it is called ‘constitutional transit' of 1975-1980, when the basic laws and regulations of democratic Spain were adopted. Each of these periods corresponded with fundamentally different lawmaking processes, based on different legal judicial norms that were strongly influenced by the peculiarities of the political situation in the country. This article examines the background of the creation of Spanish constitutions in a particular historical period, the domestic and international situation and its influence on the peculiarities of lawmaking process. The author studies the history of the constitutional documents' adoption, considers and examines their structure and content in a highly detailed way. The author scrutinizes not only the logic, but also the sequence and reasons for the adoption of all Spanish constitutional and legal acts, as well as their meaning and influence on the legal system of the state. The Fundamental Laws of Frankish Spain, as well as the Spanish Constitution of 1978, the Political Reform Act, the rulings of the Spanish Constitutional Court and other acts, the peculiarities of the transition process to democracy and the legal break with the Frankish epoch and its system of lawmaking are studied in the article. It is worth noting that, at a time when the exist opinions that the Spanish Constitution is outdated and needs reforming, the conclusion about its fundamental role for the peaceful transition to a new Spain at the end of the 20th century and its legal relevance is the issue of utmost importance.
{"title":"Constitutional transition to democracy in Spain","authors":"N. Zhukov","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-2-96-109","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-2-96-109","url":null,"abstract":"In this article the author analyses formation of the country's constitutional legislation system. In the 20th century Spain experienced three different periods: the years of the Second Republic in 1931-1939, the Franco's dictatorship of 1939-1975 and the period of transition to democracy or, as it is called ‘constitutional transit' of 1975-1980, when the basic laws and regulations of democratic Spain were adopted. Each of these periods corresponded with fundamentally different lawmaking processes, based on different legal judicial norms that were strongly influenced by the peculiarities of the political situation in the country. This article examines the background of the creation of Spanish constitutions in a particular historical period, the domestic and international situation and its influence on the peculiarities of lawmaking process. The author studies the history of the constitutional documents' adoption, considers and examines their structure and content in a highly detailed way. The author scrutinizes not only the logic, but also the sequence and reasons for the adoption of all Spanish constitutional and legal acts, as well as their meaning and influence on the legal system of the state. The Fundamental Laws of Frankish Spain, as well as the Spanish Constitution of 1978, the Political Reform Act, the rulings of the Spanish Constitutional Court and other acts, the peculiarities of the transition process to democracy and the legal break with the Frankish epoch and its system of lawmaking are studied in the article. It is worth noting that, at a time when the exist opinions that the Spanish Constitution is outdated and needs reforming, the conclusion about its fundamental role for the peaceful transition to a new Spain at the end of the 20th century and its legal relevance is the issue of utmost importance.","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80685304","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-17DOI: 10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-2-80-95
J. Pajarín Domínguez
Russia and Spain re-established relations in 1856 after a two-decade diplomatic crisis caused by disagreements over Carlism. The appointment of Mariano Téllez-Girón, XII Duke of Osuna, as the plenipotentiary minister in the Russian court signaled a friendly reconciliation between the two countries. However, it meant above all the reaffirmation of the Spanish nobleman, who left his mark on the Russian royal and public sphere. The Duke of Osuna knew how to gain the Tsar’s trust and displayed his sense of honor, imbued with the aristocratic spirit and the European dandy. This work provides a portrait of the Duke of Osuna during his embassy in Saint Petersburg, against the backdrop of the ideal of Spanish liberalism, and of the dandy as a new archetype of bourgeois honor. The Letters from Russia, by Juan Valera, secretary of that embassy, help to understand the controversial image displayed by Osuna in the Court of Alexander II. The Duke not only adapted to the Russian noble and autocratic customs, but also presented a very particular way of understanding the figure of the nobleman, which allowed him to refute the existing stereotypes around Spain, as well as reinforce the prestige of Queen Elizabeth, formally recognized not only by Russia, but by the rest of the powers.
{"title":"The XII Duke of Osuna, between aristocratic spirit and Dandy. The Russian embassy as a matter of honor","authors":"J. Pajarín Domínguez","doi":"10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-2-80-95","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-2-80-95","url":null,"abstract":"Russia and Spain re-established relations in 1856 after a two-decade diplomatic crisis caused by disagreements over Carlism. The appointment of Mariano Téllez-Girón, XII Duke of Osuna, as the plenipotentiary minister in the Russian court signaled a friendly reconciliation between the two countries. However, it meant above all the reaffirmation of the Spanish nobleman, who left his mark on the Russian royal and public sphere. The Duke of Osuna knew how to gain the Tsar’s trust and displayed his sense of honor, imbued with the aristocratic spirit and the European dandy. This work provides a portrait of the Duke of Osuna during his embassy in Saint Petersburg, against the backdrop of the ideal of Spanish liberalism, and of the dandy as a new archetype of bourgeois honor. The Letters from Russia, by Juan Valera, secretary of that embassy, help to understand the controversial image displayed by Osuna in the Court of Alexander II. The Duke not only adapted to the Russian noble and autocratic customs, but also presented a very particular way of understanding the figure of the nobleman, which allowed him to refute the existing stereotypes around Spain, as well as reinforce the prestige of Queen Elizabeth, formally recognized not only by Russia, but by the rest of the powers.","PeriodicalId":93419,"journal":{"name":"Cadernos ibero-americanos de direito sanitario = Cuadernos iberoamericanos de derecho sanitario","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82128820","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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