Pub Date : 2016-06-22DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-00902003
N. Hill
In 1989 Starostin proposed that Old Chinese had a final *-r that later changed to - n (and sometimes - j ). Baxter & Sagart subsequently incorporated Starostin’s proposal in their 2014 Old Chinese reconstructions. This essay attempts to assemble the evidence for Old Chinese final *-r and to elaborate an explicit notation for the relative strength of this evidence for reconstructing an *-r in particular words. 1 斯塔羅斯金（1989）提出古漢語存在 -r 尾音的看法,認為這個尾音後來演變為 -n（在有的情況下是 -j）。白一平、沙加爾（2014a）在他們新近的古音構擬中接受了這一看法。本文擬搜集古漢語 -r 尾音的證據，詳細闡述這些證據在特殊詞語中構擬 -r 尾音的重要作用。(This article is in English.)
In 1989 Starostin proposed that Old Chinese had a final *-r that later changed to - n (and sometimes - j ). Baxter & Sagart subsequently incorporated Starostin’s proposal in their 2014 Old Chinese reconstructions. This essay attempts to assemble the evidence for Old Chinese final *-r and to elaborate an explicit notation for the relative strength of this evidence for reconstructing an *-r in particular words. 1 斯塔罗斯金（1989）提出古汉语存在 -r 尾音的看法,认为这个尾音后来演变为 -n（在有的情况下是 -j）。白一平、沙加尔（2014a）在他们新近的古音构拟中接受了这一看法。本文拟搜集古汉语 -r 尾音的证据，详细阐述这些证据在特殊词语中构拟 -r 尾音的重要作用。(This article is in English.)
{"title":"The Evidence for Chinese *-r (古漢語 *-r 尾音的證據)","authors":"N. Hill","doi":"10.1163/2405478X-00902003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478X-00902003","url":null,"abstract":"In 1989 Starostin proposed that Old Chinese had a final *-r that later changed to - n (and sometimes - j ). Baxter & Sagart subsequently incorporated Starostin’s proposal in their 2014 Old Chinese reconstructions. This essay attempts to assemble the evidence for Old Chinese final *-r and to elaborate an explicit notation for the relative strength of this evidence for reconstructing an *-r in particular words. 1 斯塔羅斯金（1989）提出古漢語存在 -r 尾音的看法,認為這個尾音後來演變為 -n（在有的情況下是 -j）。白一平、沙加爾（2014a）在他們新近的古音構擬中接受了這一看法。本文擬搜集古漢語 -r 尾音的證據，詳細闡述這些證據在特殊詞語中構擬 -r 尾音的重要作用。(This article is in English.)","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122947458","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-06-22DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-00902004
Johann-Mattis List
The evidence one can draw from the rhyming behavior of Old Chinese words plays a crucial role for the reconstruction of Old Chinese, and is particularly relevant to recent proposals. Some of these proposals are no longer solely based on the intuition of scholars but also substantiated by statistical arguments that help to assess the probability by which a given set of rhyming instances can be assigned to an established rhyme group. So far, however, quantitative methods were only used to confirm given hypotheses regarding rhyme groups in Old Chinese, and no exploratory analyses that would create hypotheses regarding rhyme groups in a corpus were carried out. This paper presents a new method that models rhyme data as weighted undirected networks. By representing rhyme words as nodes in a network and the frequency of rhymes in a given corpus as links between nodes, rhyme groups can be inferred with help of standard algorithms originally designed for social network analysis. This is illustrated through the construction of a rhyme network from the Book of Odes and comparing the automatically inferred rhyme groups with rhyme groups proposed in the literature. Apart from revealing interesting general properties of rhyme networks in Chinese historical phonology, the analysis provides strong evidence for a coda *- r in Old Chinese. The results of the analysis and the rhyme network of the Book of Odes can be inspected in form of an interactive online application or directly downloaded.古代漢語的詞語所反映的韻為對上古音系的構擬，特別是對於最近的一些上古漢語構擬系統，異常重要。其中有一些構擬系統不再僅僅靠於學者的直覺，而且還用統計參數證實來評估分韻和派韻的概率。然而，迄今為止，定量方法僅用於確認關於上古韻部的假設，並且沒有進行探索性數據分析來創建初步分韻假設。本文提出了一種將韻母數據模型為加權無向網絡的新方法。此方法將韻母模型為網絡中的頂點，將某個語料庫的合韻率模型為聯頂點的邊緣，用社會網絡分析的標準算法來推斷語料庫所反映的韻母。為了更具體的說明此方法，本文用“詩經”來構建韻母網絡，而且比較自動與學者所推斷的上古韻部。除了揭示古代漢語韻網的一些有趣特點，“詩經”韻網分析了支持上古漢語韻尾* -r的新證據。“詩經”韻網和韻網分析的結果可以用交際在線應用來訪問而下載。(This article is in English.)
{"title":"Using Network Models to Analyze Old Chinese Rhyme Data (用網絡模型來分析古代漢語的韻母數據)","authors":"Johann-Mattis List","doi":"10.1163/2405478X-00902004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478X-00902004","url":null,"abstract":"The evidence one can draw from the rhyming behavior of Old Chinese words plays a crucial role for the reconstruction of Old Chinese, and is particularly relevant to recent proposals. Some of these proposals are no longer solely based on the intuition of scholars but also substantiated by statistical arguments that help to assess the probability by which a given set of rhyming instances can be assigned to an established rhyme group. So far, however, quantitative methods were only used to confirm given hypotheses regarding rhyme groups in Old Chinese, and no exploratory analyses that would create hypotheses regarding rhyme groups in a corpus were carried out. This paper presents a new method that models rhyme data as weighted undirected networks. By representing rhyme words as nodes in a network and the frequency of rhymes in a given corpus as links between nodes, rhyme groups can be inferred with help of standard algorithms originally designed for social network analysis. This is illustrated through the construction of a rhyme network from the Book of Odes and comparing the automatically inferred rhyme groups with rhyme groups proposed in the literature. Apart from revealing interesting general properties of rhyme networks in Chinese historical phonology, the analysis provides strong evidence for a coda *- r in Old Chinese. The results of the analysis and the rhyme network of the Book of Odes can be inspected in form of an interactive online application or directly downloaded.古代漢語的詞語所反映的韻為對上古音系的構擬，特別是對於最近的一些上古漢語構擬系統，異常重要。其中有一些構擬系統不再僅僅靠於學者的直覺，而且還用統計參數證實來評估分韻和派韻的概率。然而，迄今為止，定量方法僅用於確認關於上古韻部的假設，並且沒有進行探索性數據分析來創建初步分韻假設。本文提出了一種將韻母數據模型為加權無向網絡的新方法。此方法將韻母模型為網絡中的頂點，將某個語料庫的合韻率模型為聯頂點的邊緣，用社會網絡分析的標準算法來推斷語料庫所反映的韻母。為了更具體的說明此方法，本文用“詩經”來構建韻母網絡，而且比較自動與學者所推斷的上古韻部。除了揭示古代漢語韻網的一些有趣特點，“詩經”韻網分析了支持上古漢語韻尾* -r的新證據。“詩經”韻網和韻網分析的結果可以用交際在線應用來訪問而下載。(This article is in English.)","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"29 4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128673896","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-06-22DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-00902006
Ruiqing Shen, Ying Hong, Man Fong Lam, Xiaonong Zhu
This paper has confirmed five falling contours in the Jianyang variety of Northern Min, {62, 52, 54, 43, 32}, which are typologically identified as High-Falling in Rg U, High-Falling in Rg M, Slight-Falling-H, Slight-Falling-L, and Pure Low Tone. The finding of this extreme case of falling contours has enriched the universal tonal inventory by adding two falling tonotypes: High-Falling in Rg U and Slight-Falling-L.本文描寫閩北建陽話的聲調，幷從類型學角度對它們進行定位。建陽話除了一個升調、一個高短調跟一個平調外，還有五條降拱，{63, 52, 54, 43, 32} 對類型學構成很大的挑戰。在普適調型庫中它們可以確定爲四個降型調和一個純低調：上域高降型 / 63 /；常域高降型 /52/、高微降型 /54/、中微降型 /43/、純低調 /22/。這四個降型調的發現，對聲調類型學有三重意義：1）豐富了調型庫：原來微降只有一種，現在要增補一種；2）原來上域降調只有短降，現在要增補一種長降。3）證實了一個有五條降拱的極端例子。(This article is in Chinese.)
This paper has confirmed five falling contours in the Jianyang variety of Northern Min, {62, 52, 54, 43, 32}, which are typologically identified as High-Falling in Rg U, High-Falling in Rg M, Slight-Falling-H, Slight-Falling-L, and Pure Low Tone. The finding of this extreme case of falling contours has enriched the universal tonal inventory by adding two falling tonotypes: High-Falling in Rg U and Slight-Falling-L.本文描写闽北建阳话的声调，幷从类型学角度对它们进行定位。建阳话除了一个升调、一个高短调跟一个平调外，还有五条降拱，{63, 52, 54, 43, 32} 对类型学构成很大的挑战。在普适调型库中它们可以确定为四个降型调和一个纯低调：上域高降型 / 63 /；常域高降型 /52/、高微降型 /54/、中微降型 /43/、纯低调 /22/。这四个降型调的发现，对声调类型学有三重意义：1）丰富了调型库：原来微降只有一种，现在要增补一种；2）原来上域降调只有短降，现在要增补一种长降。3）证实了一个有五条降拱的极端例子。(This article is in Chinese.)
{"title":"The Five Falling Contours in Jianyang MinTypological Significances (建陽閩語的聲調模式:兼論五條降拱的類型學意義)","authors":"Ruiqing Shen, Ying Hong, Man Fong Lam, Xiaonong Zhu","doi":"10.1163/2405478X-00902006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478X-00902006","url":null,"abstract":"This paper has confirmed five falling contours in the Jianyang variety of Northern Min, {62, 52, 54, 43, 32}, which are typologically identified as High-Falling in Rg U, High-Falling in Rg M, Slight-Falling-H, Slight-Falling-L, and Pure Low Tone. The finding of this extreme case of falling contours has enriched the universal tonal inventory by adding two falling tonotypes: High-Falling in Rg U and Slight-Falling-L.本文描寫閩北建陽話的聲調，幷從類型學角度對它們進行定位。建陽話除了一個升調、一個高短調跟一個平調外，還有五條降拱，{63, 52, 54, 43, 32} 對類型學構成很大的挑戰。在普適調型庫中它們可以確定爲四個降型調和一個純低調：上域高降型 / 63 /；常域高降型 /52/、高微降型 /54/、中微降型 /43/、純低調 /22/。這四個降型調的發現，對聲調類型學有三重意義：1）豐富了調型庫：原來微降只有一種，現在要增補一種；2）原來上域降調只有短降，現在要增補一種長降。3）證實了一個有五條降拱的極端例子。(This article is in Chinese.)","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126196329","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This version of the script, used along with LingPy-2.3 or higher, will replicate all results as reported in the paper "Network Perspectives on Chinese Dialect History" ("Bulletin of Chinese Linguistics", Brill, 2015).
{"title":"NetworkPerspectivesOnChineseDialectHistory: Supplementary Material and Source Code","authors":"Johann-Mattis List","doi":"10.5281/ZENODO.16092","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5281/ZENODO.16092","url":null,"abstract":"This version of the script, used along with LingPy-2.3 or higher, will replicate all results as reported in the paper \"Network Perspectives on Chinese Dialect History\" (\"Bulletin of Chinese Linguistics\", Brill, 2015).","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"242 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-03-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131647689","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-01-25DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-00802008
C. Yiu
Talmy（1985, 2000b） classifies languages into verb-framed and satellite-framed languages based on whether path is expressed in the main verb or in the satellite. The former denotes path in the main verb while the latter specifies path in the satellite. This study shows that modern Cantonese and Mandarin tend to express path in the satellite, and specifically in the directional complement. Scholars suggest that Chinese has undergone a typological shift from a verb-framed language to a satellite- framed language and the shift was completed at around the tenth century. However, this study finds that the change has not been completed and it is faster in some dialects and in some types of motion events than the others. Moreover, by studying materials compiled in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in Cantonese and Mandarin, this study observes that early Cantonese and Mandarin tend to use directional verbs to denote path when their modern counterparts opt for the use of directional complements. This study further proposes that disyllabicization is an important factor underlying the typological shift. Last, this study undertakes a quantitative approach to examine the expression of path in materials of different nature in modern Cantonese and Mandarin. The statistical result illustrates that written materials reflect as much the linguistic reality as spoken language. (This article is in Chinese.) 提要 按照在位移事件中，路徑由動詞還是衛星表達，Talmy（1985, 2000b）把語言分成動詞框架和衛星框架語言。前者用動詞表達路徑，後者用衛星成分表達。本文通過定量統計，說明現代粵語和現代官話傾向用衛星成分，即趨向補語，表達路徑。有學者認為漢語從古到今經歷了由動詞框架語言到衛星框架語言的類型轉變。這個類型轉變在十世紀左右完成。但是，我們發現這個類型轉變在不同位移事件和不同方言中的進程都不一樣。同時，通過考察十九世紀、二十世紀初編寫的早期粵語和早期官話材料，我們發現兩個早期方言比現在更傾向用動詞表達路徑，更接近動詞框架語言。我們進一步指出這個類型轉變的動因跟雙音節化有關。最後，本文對現代粵語和現代官話在不同性質的材料中表達路徑的方式進行定量考察。統計結果說明書面材料跟口語材料同樣反映語言的實際使用情況。
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Pub Date : 2015-01-25DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-00802005
Wenlei Shi
This paper, based on a detailed corpus description, investigates the morphosyntactic evolution of Deictic-of-motion expressions in the history of Chinese language. It is revealed that morphosyntactic encodings of deictic information in Chinese have undergone a series of significant changes. （i） Some word orders that are ungrammatical in modern Mandarin Chinese, e.g., zou jin lai jiaoshi ‘walk into classroom’, are actually grammatical in Pre-Modern Chinese and some modern dialects. （ii） Prior to Middle Chinese, there does not exist the constructions where a motion verb is attached with a deictic element as complement, e.g., jin lai ‘enter-come’ and jin qu ‘enter-go’, and the deictic information is encoded as a separate motion event by a deictic main-verb; however, since Middle Chinese, the “verb-deictic complement” pattern starts to emerge. （iii） Before Middle Chinese, a deictic main-verb typically does not take any Ground element as its object, but afterwards this kind of syntactic constructions gradually come to be common. It is argued in this paper that the above diachronic changes are motivated by the change of diachronic extension of Linguistic Inventory Mightiness, i.e., the pattern of coordinate construction is gradually replaced by verb-complement pattern. The above morphosyntactic changes lead to a series of important effects on conceptual structure, e.g., the conceptual composition of Deictic, Path, and Ground. It indicates that the mapping from conceptual domain to semantics and then to syntax is not the whole picture, but the inverse mapping, i.e., syntactic pattern influences conceptual pattern can also be attested from a diachronic perspective. (This article is in Chinese.) 提要 本文對漢語運動事件指向信息編碼的句法搭配及其與一般路徑、參照背景的排序等的歷時演變做出了綜合描寫和分析。調查發現，漢語指向信息的編碼結構發生了較爲顯著的變化，表現在指向動詞與其他動詞連用的排序、路徑指向與背景的排序、攜帶背景賓語能力等方面。上述歷時演變的動因是漢語句法結構模式的歷時演變，主要表現爲聯合結構逐漸喪失其顯赫地位，進而讓位於動補結構。本文還指出，句法結構演變在概念結構模式上産生了一系列效應。這說明“概念→語義→句法”這樣的投射和决定關係并不總是適用，從歷時的角度來看，語言結構的演變會影響到與之相應的概念結構的演變。
{"title":"Evolution of Deictic-of-Motion Expressions in Chinese","authors":"Wenlei Shi","doi":"10.1163/2405478X-00802005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478X-00802005","url":null,"abstract":"This paper, based on a detailed corpus description, investigates the morphosyntactic evolution of Deictic-of-motion expressions in the history of Chinese language. It is revealed that morphosyntactic encodings of deictic information in Chinese have undergone a series of significant changes. （i） Some word orders that are ungrammatical in modern Mandarin Chinese, e.g., zou jin lai jiaoshi ‘walk into classroom’, are actually grammatical in Pre-Modern Chinese and some modern dialects. （ii） Prior to Middle Chinese, there does not exist the constructions where a motion verb is attached with a deictic element as complement, e.g., jin lai ‘enter-come’ and jin qu ‘enter-go’, and the deictic information is encoded as a separate motion event by a deictic main-verb; however, since Middle Chinese, the “verb-deictic complement” pattern starts to emerge. （iii） Before Middle Chinese, a deictic main-verb typically does not take any Ground element as its object, but afterwards this kind of syntactic constructions gradually come to be common. It is argued in this paper that the above diachronic changes are motivated by the change of diachronic extension of Linguistic Inventory Mightiness, i.e., the pattern of coordinate construction is gradually replaced by verb-complement pattern. The above morphosyntactic changes lead to a series of important effects on conceptual structure, e.g., the conceptual composition of Deictic, Path, and Ground. It indicates that the mapping from conceptual domain to semantics and then to syntax is not the whole picture, but the inverse mapping, i.e., syntactic pattern influences conceptual pattern can also be attested from a diachronic perspective. (This article is in Chinese.) 提要 本文對漢語運動事件指向信息編碼的句法搭配及其與一般路徑、參照背景的排序等的歷時演變做出了綜合描寫和分析。調查發現，漢語指向信息的編碼結構發生了較爲顯著的變化，表現在指向動詞與其他動詞連用的排序、路徑指向與背景的排序、攜帶背景賓語能力等方面。上述歷時演變的動因是漢語句法結構模式的歷時演變，主要表現爲聯合結構逐漸喪失其顯赫地位，進而讓位於動補結構。本文還指出，句法結構演變在概念結構模式上産生了一系列效應。這說明“概念→語義→句法”這樣的投射和决定關係并不總是適用，從歷時的角度來看，語言結構的演變會影響到與之相應的概念結構的演變。","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-01-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130050797","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-01-25DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-00802010
L. Jiang
Nouns in Chinese-type languages behave differently in several salient ways from those in Germanic and Romance languages. To name a few: Chinese-type nouns do not have obligatory plural markers (- s / es ) or articles ( a / an / the ), but they do have a unique, systematic inventory of classifiers, or words that obligatorily appear with nouns and numbers. Though Chinese-type languages have a great deal in common with one another in the nominal domain, we observe that these languages vary dramatically with respect to how definiteness and indefiniteness are encoded. This paper explores these differences and proposes a modified model of NP s based on Krifka (1995) and Chierchia (1998) to accommodate data from both Chinese-type languages and languages with obligatory plural marking. (This article is in English.) 提要 以漢語為代表的語言與日耳曼、羅曼語族的語言相比有許多顯著的不同。例如，漢語類語言的名詞不用帶複數標記，沒有冠詞，但是這類語言有著一系列的量詞。這些量詞在名詞和數詞結合的時候，必須出現。雖然漢語類量詞語言的名詞結構在很大程度上很相似，它們在表達定指與不定指時呈現出相當大的差異。本文研究這些差異，並在Krifka (1995) 和Chierchia (1998)基礎上提出一個對名詞的分析，這個分析能對漢語類語言也能對其他例如必須帶複數標記的語言進行分析。
Nouns in Chinese-type languages behave differently in several salient ways from those in Germanic and Romance languages. To name a few: Chinese-type nouns do not have obligatory plural markers (- s / es ) or articles ( a / an / the ), but they do have a unique, systematic inventory of classifiers, or words that obligatorily appear with nouns and numbers. Though Chinese-type languages have a great deal in common with one another in the nominal domain, we observe that these languages vary dramatically with respect to how definiteness and indefiniteness are encoded. This paper explores these differences and proposes a modified model of NP s based on Krifka (1995) and Chierchia (1998) to accommodate data from both Chinese-type languages and languages with obligatory plural marking. (This article is in English.) 提要 以汉语为代表的语言与日耳曼、罗曼语族的语言相比有许多显著的不同。例如，汉语类语言的名词不用带复数标记，没有冠词，但是这类语言有著一系列的量词。这些量词在名词和数词结合的时候，必须出现。虽然汉语类量词语言的名词结构在很大程度上很相似，它们在表达定指与不定指时呈现出相当大的差异。本文研究这些差异，并在Krifka (1995) 和Chierchia (1998)基础上提出一个对名词的分析，这个分析能对汉语类语言也能对其他例如必须带复数标记的语言进行分析。
{"title":"Marking (In)definiteness in Classifier Languages","authors":"L. Jiang","doi":"10.1163/2405478X-00802010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478X-00802010","url":null,"abstract":"Nouns in Chinese-type languages behave differently in several salient ways from those in Germanic and Romance languages. To name a few: Chinese-type nouns do not have obligatory plural markers (- s / es ) or articles ( a / an / the ), but they do have a unique, systematic inventory of classifiers, or words that obligatorily appear with nouns and numbers. Though Chinese-type languages have a great deal in common with one another in the nominal domain, we observe that these languages vary dramatically with respect to how definiteness and indefiniteness are encoded. This paper explores these differences and proposes a modified model of NP s based on Krifka (1995) and Chierchia (1998) to accommodate data from both Chinese-type languages and languages with obligatory plural marking. (This article is in English.) 提要 以漢語為代表的語言與日耳曼、羅曼語族的語言相比有許多顯著的不同。例如，漢語類語言的名詞不用帶複數標記，沒有冠詞，但是這類語言有著一系列的量詞。這些量詞在名詞和數詞結合的時候，必須出現。雖然漢語類量詞語言的名詞結構在很大程度上很相似，它們在表達定指與不定指時呈現出相當大的差異。本文研究這些差異，並在Krifka (1995) 和Chierchia (1998)基礎上提出一個對名詞的分析，這個分析能對漢語類語言也能對其他例如必須帶複數標記的語言進行分析。","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-01-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130072863","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-01-25DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-00802006
Ruiwen Wu
This paper explores the diachronic change of kʰi3 (乞) in Modern Min dialects from the viewpoint of historical grammar. k h i3 is a polysemy in Min dialect and has both content meaning and functional usage. According to the Chinese written documentation, kʰi3 had two opposite meanings, 'to beg' vs. 'to give', and distinguished those two meanings by tonal inflection: 'to beg' had *-t coda and 'to give' had *-s coda. This paper combines the early Min written documentation and field material of modern Min dialect to investigate the diachronic change included phonology, lexicon and grammaticalization of k h i3 in Min dialect. This paper presents three main conclusions as follows:1.Phonological perspective: the cognate of kʰi3 in proto Min could be reconstructed as *kʰɨt7. Proto Min received the form with *-t coda (Ru Sheng)and dropped the *-s form (Qu Sheng).2.Lexical perspective: Min dialect has not only ‘to beg’ meaning but also ‘to give’.3.Grammatical perspective: the grammaticalization path of kʰi3 in Min dialect is [‘to give’ > ‘to cause’ > passive marker]. (This article is in Chinese.)提要本文從歷史語法的角度，探討「乞」在現代閩語方言中的演變，說明「乞」在閩語中具有的功能，包括實詞語義及功能詞用法，並嘗試從方言比較的角度建構「乞」在閩語語法史上的語法演變。根據漢語歷史文獻，「乞」有乞求義跟給予義兩個方向不同的動詞用法，並透過四聲別義的手段來區別。從現代閩語方言看來，閩東方言及局部閩南方言使用「乞」作為被動標記。本文結合早期閩語書面材料及實際調查所得的語料，探究「乞」在閩語中的音韻、詞彙及語法演變。本文的結論如下：1. 音韻方面，「乞」在共同閩語中的語音形式為*kʰɨt7，只有入聲而沒有去聲。2. 詞彙方面，閩語的「乞」同時存在乞求義與給予義兩種實詞用法。3. 就語法演變而言，閩語被動標記「乞」的虛化途徑是：給予義→容讓義→被動標記。
{"title":"On the Diachronic Change of kʰi3 in Min Dialect","authors":"Ruiwen Wu","doi":"10.1163/2405478X-00802006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478X-00802006","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explores the diachronic change of kʰi3 (乞) in Modern Min dialects from the viewpoint of historical grammar. k h i3 is a polysemy in Min dialect and has both content meaning and functional usage. According to the Chinese written documentation, kʰi3 had two opposite meanings, 'to beg' vs. 'to give', and distinguished those two meanings by tonal inflection: 'to beg' had *-t coda and 'to give' had *-s coda. This paper combines the early Min written documentation and field material of modern Min dialect to investigate the diachronic change included phonology, lexicon and grammaticalization of k h i3 in Min dialect. This paper presents three main conclusions as follows:1.Phonological perspective: the cognate of kʰi3 in proto Min could be reconstructed as *kʰɨt7. Proto Min received the form with *-t coda (Ru Sheng)and dropped the *-s form (Qu Sheng).2.Lexical perspective: Min dialect has not only ‘to beg’ meaning but also ‘to give’.3.Grammatical perspective: the grammaticalization path of kʰi3 in Min dialect is [‘to give’ > ‘to cause’ > passive marker]. (This article is in Chinese.)提要本文從歷史語法的角度，探討「乞」在現代閩語方言中的演變，說明「乞」在閩語中具有的功能，包括實詞語義及功能詞用法，並嘗試從方言比較的角度建構「乞」在閩語語法史上的語法演變。根據漢語歷史文獻，「乞」有乞求義跟給予義兩個方向不同的動詞用法，並透過四聲別義的手段來區別。從現代閩語方言看來，閩東方言及局部閩南方言使用「乞」作為被動標記。本文結合早期閩語書面材料及實際調查所得的語料，探究「乞」在閩語中的音韻、詞彙及語法演變。本文的結論如下：1. 音韻方面，「乞」在共同閩語中的語音形式為*kʰɨt7，只有入聲而沒有去聲。2. 詞彙方面，閩語的「乞」同時存在乞求義與給予義兩種實詞用法。3. 就語法演變而言，閩語被動標記「乞」的虛化途徑是：給予義→容讓義→被動標記。","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"48 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-01-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134071196","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-01-25DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-00802009
W. Liao
This paper argues that the process-related durative phrase in Chinese should be analyzed as the numeral classifier phrase, and the syntax-semantics mismatch that is involved in this construction can be resolved by a scope parallelism that makes reference to the syntactic parallelism between the verbal and the nominal domains. The scope parallelism principle is dubbed the “Archimedes’ Principle” in linguistics. It is argued that the principle can also shed light on other instances of syntax-semantics mismatches in English. (This article is in English.) 提要 本文提出時量詞組在句法結構上應該被分析成一種數量詞組，而從這種分析衍生而來的句法-語意錯置的問題必須透過一個深層詞組結構中的對稱原則來解決，這個對稱原則乃是建立在句法上動詞性 CP 與名詞性 DP 的結構對稱關係。我們可以把這個對稱的原則看作語言學理論裡的「阿基米德定律」。本文更進一步指出，其它在英語與漢語裡發現的句法-語意錯置現象的例子也都可以透過此對稱性定律來得到完整而統一的解釋。
This paper argues that the process-related durative phrase in Chinese should be analyzed as the numeral classifier phrase, and the syntax-semantics mismatch that is involved in this construction can be resolved by a scope parallelism that makes reference to the syntactic parallelism between the verbal and the nominal domains. The scope parallelism principle is dubbed the “Archimedes’ Principle” in linguistics. It is argued that the principle can also shed light on other instances of syntax-semantics mismatches in English. (This article is in English.) 提要 本文提出时量词组在句法结构上应该被分析成一种数量词组，而从这种分析衍生而来的句法-语意错置的问题必须透过一个深层词组结构中的对称原则来解决，这个对称原则乃是建立在句法上动词性 CP 与名词性 DP 的结构对称关系。我们可以把这个对称的原则看作语言学理论里的「阿基米德定律」。本文更进一步指出，其它在英语与汉语里发现的句法-语意错置现象的例子也都可以透过此对称性定律来得到完整而统一的解释。
{"title":"The Syntax-Semantics of Durative Phrases in Chinese","authors":"W. Liao","doi":"10.1163/2405478X-00802009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478X-00802009","url":null,"abstract":"This paper argues that the process-related durative phrase in Chinese should be analyzed as the numeral classifier phrase, and the syntax-semantics mismatch that is involved in this construction can be resolved by a scope parallelism that makes reference to the syntactic parallelism between the verbal and the nominal domains. The scope parallelism principle is dubbed the “Archimedes’ Principle” in linguistics. It is argued that the principle can also shed light on other instances of syntax-semantics mismatches in English. (This article is in English.) 提要 本文提出時量詞組在句法結構上應該被分析成一種數量詞組，而從這種分析衍生而來的句法-語意錯置的問題必須透過一個深層詞組結構中的對稱原則來解決，這個對稱原則乃是建立在句法上動詞性 CP 與名詞性 DP 的結構對稱關係。我們可以把這個對稱的原則看作語言學理論裡的「阿基米德定律」。本文更進一步指出，其它在英語與漢語裡發現的句法-語意錯置現象的例子也都可以透過此對稱性定律來得到完整而統一的解釋。","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-01-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115078061","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-01-25DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-00802004
Jianjiao Dong
The so-called “right side sound system” (右音系統) of the Fanyi Laoqida Piaotongshi (翻譯老乞大•朴通事) shows that the entering tone was divided into two categories according to vowel height. Based on data from Yue, Southern Min, Jin and Jianghuai Mandarin dialects which show that entering tone and stop final changes were caused by vowel height, this paper argues that the division pattern of the entering tone in the Fanyi Laoqida Piaotongshi has a factual basis. In the 16 th century, the entering tone of Mandarin which Cui Shizhen (崔世珍) recorded had been divided into two categories according to vowel height. This pattern is very similar to the modern Lu’an (六安) and Shucheng (舒城) dialects. The similarity may indicate that the 16 th century Mandarin of Cui Shizhen (崔世珍) and modern Jianghuai Mandarin share a genealogical relationship, but it may also just be a typological similarity caused by the same motivating factors. (This article is in Chinese.)提要《翻譯老乞大•朴通事》右音入聲調存在按主元音高低分化的現象。本文結合粵語、閩南語、晉語和江淮官話等方言中元音差異影響入聲調和入聲尾演變的情況，證明《翻譯老乞大•朴通事》右音入聲調分化模式可能是有實際語音依據的，崔世珍記錄的十六世紀漢語官話入聲調消變的過程中出現過按主元音分化的現象，和現代江淮官話六安、舒城方言最為接近。這種相似性可能說明十六世紀官話和江淮官話之間存在某種淵源關係，但更可能只是相同音理導致的類型上的一致。
{"title":"Fanyi Laoqida Piaotongshi and the Division of the Entering Tone in Ming Mandarin","authors":"Jianjiao Dong","doi":"10.1163/2405478X-00802004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478X-00802004","url":null,"abstract":"The so-called “right side sound system” (右音系統) of the Fanyi Laoqida Piaotongshi (翻譯老乞大•朴通事) shows that the entering tone was divided into two categories according to vowel height. Based on data from Yue, Southern Min, Jin and Jianghuai Mandarin dialects which show that entering tone and stop final changes were caused by vowel height, this paper argues that the division pattern of the entering tone in the Fanyi Laoqida Piaotongshi has a factual basis. In the 16 th century, the entering tone of Mandarin which Cui Shizhen (崔世珍) recorded had been divided into two categories according to vowel height. This pattern is very similar to the modern Lu’an (六安) and Shucheng (舒城) dialects. The similarity may indicate that the 16 th century Mandarin of Cui Shizhen (崔世珍) and modern Jianghuai Mandarin share a genealogical relationship, but it may also just be a typological similarity caused by the same motivating factors. (This article is in Chinese.)提要《翻譯老乞大•朴通事》右音入聲調存在按主元音高低分化的現象。本文結合粵語、閩南語、晉語和江淮官話等方言中元音差異影響入聲調和入聲尾演變的情況，證明《翻譯老乞大•朴通事》右音入聲調分化模式可能是有實際語音依據的，崔世珍記錄的十六世紀漢語官話入聲調消變的過程中出現過按主元音分化的現象，和現代江淮官話六安、舒城方言最為接近。這種相似性可能說明十六世紀官話和江淮官話之間存在某種淵源關係，但更可能只是相同音理導致的類型上的一致。","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-01-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123538113","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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