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Political participation and the Civic Voluntarism Model: How do resources, psychological engagement, and recruitment shape willingness to participate during adolescence? 政治参与与公民自愿模式:资源、心理参与和招募如何塑造青少年参与意愿?
IF 3.5 1区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, EXPERIMENTAL Pub Date : 2026-01-01 Epub Date: 2025-06-02 DOI: 10.1037/xge0001766
Pascal Alscher, Elisabeth Graf, Nele McElvany

Citizens' willingness to participate in political and civic life is crucial for democracies. The Civic Voluntarism Model has frequently been used to explain political participation by emphasizing citizens' resources, psychological engagement, and recruiting as important antecedents. While the model has received extensive support from cross-sectional studies among adults, we know little about its explanatory power for the development of adolescents' willingness to participate. Thus, this study aims to determine whether and how adolescents' resources (i.e., political knowledge, socioeconomic background, cultural capital), psychological engagement (political interest and efficacy), and recruitment (peers' participatory attitudes, discussions, and school track) are related to the development of three types of willingness to participate (civic engagement, activism, voting) among high school students from Grade 7 to 8. For this purpose, we performed cross-sectional and longitudinal analyses with data from N = 444 students. Overall, our structural equation models indicated positive associations between the Civic Voluntarism Model components and willingness to participate, with considerable variation between the cross-sectional and longitudinal analyses. For the cross-sectional analyses, we found positive associations between political interest and all examined forms of willingness to participate. In the longitudinal analyses, we found that socioeconomic background was related to all forms of willingness to participate. The results for other factors varied depending on the type of political participation. Future studies should strive to systematically investigate these differences and inspect the specific interplay between factors. The consistent longitudinal findings on socioeconomic status point to the need to counteract political inequality through measures such as civic education. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2026 APA, all rights reserved).

公民参与政治和公民生活的意愿对民主至关重要。公民自愿主义模型经常被用来解释政治参与,强调公民资源、心理参与和招募是重要的先决条件。虽然该模型得到了成年人横断面研究的广泛支持,但我们对其对青少年参与意愿发展的解释能力知之甚少。因此,本研究旨在确定青少年资源(即政治知识、社会经济背景、文化资本)、心理参与(政治兴趣和效能)和招募(同伴参与态度、讨论和学校轨迹)是否以及如何与七至八年级高中生三种参与意愿(公民参与、行动主义、投票)的发展相关。为此,我们对来自N = 444名学生的数据进行了横断面和纵向分析。总体而言,我们的结构方程模型表明,公民自愿模型的组成部分与参与意愿之间存在正相关,在横断面和纵向分析之间存在相当大的差异。对于横断面分析,我们发现政治兴趣和所有被检查的参与意愿形式之间存在正相关。在纵向分析中,我们发现社会经济背景与各种形式的参与意愿有关。其他因素的结果因政治参与的类型而异。未来的研究应努力系统地调查这些差异,并检查因素之间的具体相互作用。关于社会经济地位的一致的纵向调查结果表明,需要通过公民教育等措施来抵消政治不平等。(PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2025 APA,版权所有)。
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引用次数: 0
Becoming partisan: The development of children's social preferences based on political markers. 党派化:基于政治标记的儿童社会偏好的发展。
IF 3.5 1区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, EXPERIMENTAL Pub Date : 2026-01-01 Epub Date: 2025-09-29 DOI: 10.1037/xge0001831
Annie Schwartzstein, Hyesung G Hwang

What political party or what presidential candidate a person supports is often used by adults to divide their social world. However, little is known about whether young children also engage in such tendencies or whether political groups are even socially meaningful for young children. To trace the beginnings of these tendencies, the present study investigated whether 6- to 12-year-old U.S. children use political markers, such as political party affiliation and support for presidential candidates, to guide their social preferences. We also examined children's ability to report their political affiliation, whether their political affiliation matched their parents', how accurate they are at reporting their parents' political affiliations, and whether having parent-child conversations about politics predicted children's political affiliation and social preferences. We found that children as young as 6 years of age showed ingroup preferences for individuals who shared their own or their parents' political affiliations-especially based on support for presidential candidates. Notably, even if children could not report their own presidential candidate choice or were inaccurate at predicting their parents' presidential candidate choice, children still preferred people who supported the same presidential candidate as their parents. Further, children who had conversations with their parents about politics were more likely to prefer people who matched their parents' political affiliations. This study provides the first empirical evidence that 6- to 12-year-old children are using political markers to form ingroup preferences and show rudimentary forms of political partisanship. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2026 APA, all rights reserved).

一个人支持的政党或总统候选人经常被成年人用来划分他们的社会世界。然而,对于幼儿是否也有这种倾向,或者政治团体是否对幼儿有社会意义,人们知之甚少。为了追踪这些倾向的起源,本研究调查了6至12岁的美国儿童是否使用政治标记,如政党归属和对总统候选人的支持,来指导他们的社会偏好。我们还研究了儿童报告其政治派别的能力,他们的政治派别是否与父母的政治派别相匹配,他们报告父母政治派别的准确性,以及亲子政治对话是否能预测儿童的政治派别和社会偏好。我们发现,年仅6岁的孩子就会对与自己或父母有相同政治立场的人表现出群体内偏好——尤其是基于对总统候选人的支持。值得注意的是,即使孩子们不能说出自己的总统候选人选择,或者不能准确预测父母的总统候选人选择,孩子们仍然更喜欢和父母支持同一个总统候选人的人。此外,与父母谈论政治的孩子更有可能喜欢与父母政治立场一致的人。本研究提供了第一个经验证据,表明6- 12岁的儿童正在使用政治标记来形成群体内偏好,并表现出政治党派关系的基本形式。(PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2025 APA,版权所有)。
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引用次数: 0
Reasoning about the merits of meritocracy. 关于精英管理的优点的推理。
IF 3.5 1区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, EXPERIMENTAL Pub Date : 2026-01-01 Epub Date: 2025-05-29 DOI: 10.1037/xge0001767
Shuai Shao, Gail D Heyman

Tensions between merit-based and egalitarian forms of material distribution underlie some of the most consequential sociopolitical debates in modern history (Starmans et al., 2017). The present research examines how children, adolescents, and adults in the United States (total N = 173) reason about these practices and their implications. Participants were asked to make inferences about two organizations where employees had the same job and total compensation across all employees was matched. In a merit-based organization, this total was divided up based on work completed (a zero-sum system). In an egalitarian organization, everyone received the same level of compensation. Across two studies, there was strong evidence that participants of all age groups thought individuals operating under the merit-based system would work harder. There was also some evidence that they associated the merit-based system with higher levels of interpersonal conflict. These findings indicate that from childhood to adulthood, people recognize that merit-based compensation systems can bring both opportunities and challenges. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2026 APA, all rights reserved).

以功绩为基础的物质分配形式和平等主义之间的紧张关系是现代历史上一些最重要的社会政治辩论的基础(Starmans等人,2017)。本研究调查了美国的儿童、青少年和成年人(总N = 173)对这些行为及其影响的原因。参与者被要求对两家公司做出推断,这两家公司的员工从事相同的工作,所有员工的总薪酬都是匹配的。在一个以绩效为基础的组织中,这个总数是根据完成的工作来分配的(零和系统)。在一个平等主义的组织里,每个人都得到同样水平的报酬。在两项研究中,有强有力的证据表明,所有年龄段的参与者都认为,在以成绩为基础的制度下工作的人会更努力。还有一些证据表明,他们将择优制与更高程度的人际冲突联系在一起。这些发现表明,从童年到成年,人们都认识到基于绩效的薪酬制度既能带来机遇,也能带来挑战。(PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2025 APA,版权所有)。
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引用次数: 0
What predicts girls' and boys' political ambition? Evidence from the United States and China. 什么能预测女孩和男孩的政治野心?来自美国和中国的证据。
IF 3.5 1区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, EXPERIMENTAL Pub Date : 2026-01-01 Epub Date: 2025-09-29 DOI: 10.1037/xge0001834
Rachel A Leshin, Reut Shachnai, Yuchen Tian, Minghui Wang, Andrei Cimpian

Women are underrepresented in positions of political leadership across the world. One reason for this disparity is a gender gap in political ambition, which seems to emerge reliably as children transition from childhood to adolescence. Why does this gap in political ambition arise? The present study (N = 367 children ages 5-11 from the United States and China; 180 girls, 187 boys) provided a cross-cultural investigation of two potential antecedents of this ambition gap: (a) children's concepts of political leaders, which might discourage girls' ambitions if they emphasize traditionally masculine traits, and (b) the social support children anticipate receiving for their political ambitions, which might be lower for girls due to gender role expectations. In both the United States and China, children's concepts of political leaders-which were characterized by the same three underlying dimensions (prestige/charisma, dominance/assertiveness, vulnerability/fallibility)-did not consistently predict children's political ambition. However, the level of social support for their political leadership pursuits, which was higher for girls than boys in the United States and vice versa in China, did predict levels of political ambition in both countries, particularly for girls. That is, anticipated social support robustly predicted girls' motivation to pursue political leadership in both the United States and China, whereas this link was weaker and less consistent for boys. Together, these findings provide new insight into the sources of gender gaps in political ambition and, in doing so, bring us a step closer to understanding how to remedy the persistent gender imbalances in political leadership. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2026 APA, all rights reserved).

在世界范围内,妇女在政治领导职位上的代表性不足。造成这种差异的一个原因是政治抱负上的性别差异,这种差异似乎在儿童从童年过渡到青春期时就会出现。为什么会出现这种政治抱负上的差距?本研究(N = 367名来自美国和中国的5-11岁儿童,其中180名女孩,187名男孩)对这一抱负差距的两个潜在因素进行了跨文化调查:(a)儿童对政治领导人的概念,如果他们强调传统的男性化特征,这可能会阻碍女孩的抱负;(b)儿童对其政治抱负期望得到的社会支持,由于性别角色期望,女孩的社会支持可能会降低。在美国和中国,儿童对政治领袖的概念——具有相同的三个基本维度(声望/魅力、支配/自信、脆弱/易犯错误)——并不能一致地预测儿童的政治野心。然而,对政治领导追求的社会支持水平,在美国女孩高于男孩,在中国反之亦然,确实预测了两国的政治抱负水平,尤其是女孩。也就是说,在美国和中国,预期的社会支持有力地预测了女孩追求政治领导的动机,而这种联系对男孩来说更弱,更不一致。总之,这些发现为政治抱负中性别差距的来源提供了新的见解,从而使我们更接近于了解如何纠正政治领导中持续存在的性别不平衡。(PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2025 APA,版权所有)。
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引用次数: 0
Who should have a voice? Children's evaluations of universalist versus exclusive voting. 谁应该有发言权?儿童对普遍主义与排他性投票的评价。
IF 3.5 1区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, EXPERIMENTAL Pub Date : 2026-01-01 Epub Date: 2025-07-03 DOI: 10.1037/xge0001795
Hannah Hok, Gabriella Silva, Alex Shaw, Fan Yang

In a just society, who should have a voice in group decision making? Should everyone get to decide, or only the most elite and competent individuals? We probed the foundational intuitions underlying these important societal questions through a developmental lens, examining how adults and 4- to 9-year-old children evaluate universalist versus exclusive decision-making systems that could potentially have better decision effectiveness and efficiency. Study 1 found that compared to expert-led exclusive voting, children and adults preferred universal systems and thought they were fairer. Study 2 found similar patterns even when we emphasized the decisions as important and consequential. We also introduced a moral-led exclusive voting system and found that, with age children increasingly believed the universalist system was more fair than both expert-led and moral-led exclusive systems, although they acknowledged the exclusive systems could yield better outcomes (in line with adult responding). Study 3 further investigated evaluations of exclusive systems based on incompetence, immoral behaviors, or arbitrary characteristics. Children and adults regarded immorality-based exclusions as the fairest type of exclusion, followed by incompetence-based and then arbitrary exclusions. Across studies, with age, children increasingly recognized that exclusive voting systems were faster than universal voting, demonstrating an awareness of the trade-offs between inclusiveness and efficiency. These results reveal an early emerging preference for universalist voting and a growing sophistication in children's thinking about fair decision-making systems in society. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2026 APA, all rights reserved).

在一个公正的社会里,谁应该在群体决策中有发言权?应该让每个人都有决定权,还是只有最精英和最有能力的个人?我们从发展的角度探讨了这些重要社会问题背后的基本直觉,研究了成年人和4至9岁的儿童如何评估普遍主义与排他性决策系统,后者可能具有更好的决策效果和效率。研究1发现,与专家主导的排他性投票相比,儿童和成年人更喜欢普遍的系统,认为它们更公平。研究2发现了类似的模式,即使我们强调决策的重要性和结果性。我们还引入了一个道德主导的排他性投票系统,发现随着年龄的增长,儿童越来越相信普遍主义系统比专家主导和道德主导的排他性系统更公平,尽管他们承认排他性系统可以产生更好的结果(与成人的反应一致)。研究3进一步调查了基于无能、不道德行为或任意特征的排他性系统的评估。儿童和成人认为基于不道德的排除是最公平的排除类型,其次是基于无能的排除,然后是武断的排除。在各种研究中,随着年龄的增长,儿童越来越认识到排他性投票制度比全民投票制度更快,这表明他们意识到包容性和效率之间的权衡。这些结果揭示了早期出现的对普遍主义投票的偏好,以及儿童对社会公平决策系统的思考日益成熟。(PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2025 APA,版权所有)。
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引用次数: 0
Political thinking: How social and cognitive factors shape stances across the life course. 政治思维:社会和认知因素如何在人生历程中塑造立场。
IF 4.1 1区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, EXPERIMENTAL Pub Date : 2026-01-01 DOI: 10.1037/xge0001874
Bolivar Reyes-Jaquez,Tamar Kushnir
Work on issues such as when political stances emerge, and the social and cognitive factors that influence their development or entrenchment with age, is ongoing across different disciplines. However, there is a need for integration and synthesis of these ideas to better understand the formation of political reasoning. The goal of this issue was to highlight the emerging work that addressed developmental origins and age-related changes in political thought. Answering these questions required psychological scientists to reach across disciplines-thus, each of these articles draws on ideas from fields such as political science, sociology, and education. Together, the set of articles featured in this December 2025 issue cover cognitions related to political thought and behavior, including fairness, leadership, activism, partisanship, voting, misinformation, conspiratorial, and social dominance orientations-from early childhood to late adulthood. We also discuss areas of research not reflected in the submissions we received and motivate our readership of experimental scholars to address those gaps in future work. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2026 APA, all rights reserved).
不同学科正在研究诸如何时出现政治立场以及影响其发展或随着年龄增长而巩固的社会和认知因素等问题。然而,为了更好地理解政治推理的形成,需要对这些观点进行整合和综合。本期的目标是突出新兴的研究工作,这些工作涉及政治思想的发展起源和与年龄有关的变化。回答这些问题需要心理学家跨越学科——因此,这些文章中的每一篇都借鉴了政治学、社会学和教育学等领域的观点。总之,2025年12月这期的一系列文章涵盖了与政治思想和行为相关的认知,包括公平、领导力、行动主义、党派偏见、投票、错误信息、阴谋论和社会支配取向——从童年早期到成年晚期。我们还讨论了我们收到的提交中未反映的研究领域,并激励我们的实验学者读者在未来的工作中解决这些差距。(PsycInfo数据库记录(c) 2026 APA,版权所有)。
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引用次数: 0
The emergence of political orientation: Authoritarian and social dominance attitudes in early childhood. 政治取向的出现:幼儿时期的权威主义和社会支配态度。
IF 4.1 1区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, EXPERIMENTAL Pub Date : 2026-01-01 DOI: 10.1037/xge0001858
Michal Reifen-Tagar,Ghadir Zreik,Andrei Cimpian,Sharon Shenhav
Political ideology guides individuals' perceptions, goals, and behaviors in the sociopolitical arena, with profound societal consequences. Prior research on the emergence of individual differences in ideological orientation points to early adulthood as the critical age at which such differences first manifest. We challenge this conclusion and investigate whether systematic proto-ideological orientations are already present among children as young as 4 years of age. Specifically, we examined individual differences in children's authoritarian and social dominance attitudes-two central, consequential ideological orientations among adults. To determine whether children's early attitudes are valid markers of ideological orientations per se, we tested whether these attitudes were systematically related to parents' ideological orientations, as is the case among young adults. Across two studies with Israeli mothers and their 4- to 8-year-old children (Ns = 154 and 190, respectively), we found systematic individual differences in children's authoritarian and social dominance attitudes, measured with newly developed, child-appropriate measures: Children's authoritarian attitudes corresponded to their mothers' authoritarianism (Study 1), and their social dominance attitudes corresponded to their mothers' social dominance orientation with regard to hierarchy (but not inequality; Studies 1 and 2). Notably, mother-child correlations were especially strong among children whose mothers were their primary caregivers, hinting at a possible socialization process. Together, these findings suggest that the seeds of ideology are apparent as early as age 4, and highlight the importance of developmental research for a deeper understanding of adult political ideology. We consider contextual limitations to the generalizability of our findings and offer directions for future research. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2026 APA, all rights reserved).
政治意识形态在社会政治舞台上指导个人的观念、目标和行为,具有深远的社会影响。先前关于意识形态取向个体差异出现的研究指出,成年早期是这种差异首次显现的关键年龄。我们对这一结论提出质疑,并调查系统的原始意识形态取向是否已经存在于4岁的儿童中。具体来说,我们研究了儿童的专制态度和社会支配态度的个体差异,这是成年人的两种中心的、重要的意识形态取向。为了确定儿童的早期态度是否是意识形态取向本身的有效标志,我们测试了这些态度是否与父母的意识形态取向有系统的联系,就像年轻人的情况一样。通过对以色列母亲及其4- 8岁孩子的两项研究(分别为154和190),我们发现了儿童专制和社会支配态度的系统性个体差异,采用新开发的适合儿童的测量方法进行测量:儿童的权威态度与母亲的权威主义倾向相对应(研究1),儿童的社会支配态度与母亲在等级(但不平等)方面的社会支配倾向相对应(研究1和研究2)。值得注意的是,在母亲是主要照顾者的儿童中,母子相关性尤其强,这暗示了可能的社会化过程。总之,这些发现表明,意识形态的种子早在4岁时就很明显了,并强调了发展研究对深入理解成人政治意识形态的重要性。我们考虑了上下文限制我们的发现的普遍性,并为未来的研究提供了方向。(PsycInfo数据库记录(c) 2026 APA,版权所有)。
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引用次数: 0
Domain-general object recognition predicts human ability to tell real from AI-generated faces. 领域通用对象识别预测了人类从人工智能生成的面孔中分辨真实面孔的能力。
IF 4.1 1区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, EXPERIMENTAL Pub Date : 2025-12-15 DOI: 10.1037/xge0001881
Jason K. Chow, Rankin W. McGugin, Isabel Gauthier
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引用次数: 0
Generative insight: Aha! Moments in category generation and divergent thinking. 生成式洞察力:啊哈!类别生成和发散思维的时刻。
IF 4.1 1区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, EXPERIMENTAL Pub Date : 2025-12-11 DOI: 10.1037/xge0001883
Steven M. Smith, Visheeta J. Chandolia, Matthew A. Kidd, Morgan S. Paladino
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引用次数: 0
Supplemental Material for Domain-General Object Recognition Predicts Human Ability to Tell Real From AI-Generated Faces 领域通用对象识别补充材料预测人类从人工智能生成的面孔中分辨真实面孔的能力
IF 4.1 1区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, EXPERIMENTAL Pub Date : 2025-12-11 DOI: 10.1037/xge0001881.supp
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of Experimental Psychology: General
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