Journal of personality and social psychology最新文献

Theoretical accounts of narcissism emphasize the dynamic shifting of self-states in response to social feedback. Status threats are thought to set narcissism's dynamics in motion. Naturalistic ecological momentary assessment (EMA) studies have characterized dynamics of narcissistic grandiosity and vulnerability in relation to perceptions of the interpersonal environment. Experimental studies have emphasized the behavioral responses of narcissistic individuals to putative threats to status. Naturalistic and experimental studies suffer from opposing limitations, namely, a potential for confounding variables to impact results versus ambiguous generalizability to real-life and longer time scales, respectively. Integrating naturalistic and experimental studies has the potential to provide a comprehensive model of how dynamics within narcissism unfold in response to status threat. The present study examined shifts in grandiosity and vulnerability in both naturalistic EMA and experimentally controlled (rigged tournament game) social interactions (N = 437). Grandiosity decreased and vulnerability increased in response to both naturalistic and experimental status threats. Further, the same people who responded with decreased grandiosity in response to status threat in daily life responded with similar decreases in grandiosity to experimental defeat. Trait narcissistic agency amplified many of the observed links between narcissism and status threat experimentally and naturalistically. Given that warmth (in addition to dominance) emerged as an important predictor of shifts in narcissism, implications for status-threatening environments are discussed. The present study elucidates important differences with respect to expressions of grandiosity and vulnerability across naturalistic and experimental methods. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

We introduce the test difficulty concept from classical test theory to tackle the issue of low predictive power of implicit association tests (IATs). Following classical test theory, we argue that IATs of moderate difficulty (defined as mean IAT scores of zero) have more predictive power than IATs of extreme difficulties (defined as mean IAT scores deviating strongly from zero). Furthermore, we assume this relationship to be mediated by the true-score variance in IAT scores, with moderate difficulty resulting in more true-score variance. To test our hypotheses, we used nonexperimental (Studies 1 and 2) and experimental designs (Study 3). In Studies 1 and 2, we compared IATs of different test difficulties with regard to their ability to predict direct attitude measures, drawing on the Attitudes, Identities, and Individual Differences study. In Study 1, a subset of 95 attitude IATs (n = 127,259) was analyzed using multilevel structural equation models. As expected, IAT test difficulty strongly moderated the predictive power of IATs, and this effect was mediated by IAT true-score variance. In Study 2, we replicated the results with the same analyses but a different subset of 95 identity IATs (n = 43,745). In Study 3, we experimentally manipulated the IAT test difficulty. In total, three IATs (n = 480) were analyzed using multigroup structural equation models. Again, the IAT closer to moderate difficulty had more true-score variance and predictive power than the IATs of extreme difficulty. Accordingly, for correlational research, we recommend developing moderately difficult IATs to maximize IAT true-score variance and provide suggestions on how to achieve that. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

Whereas grandiose narcissism has generally been found to be related to adaptive affective experiences (i.e., positive affective states), many theoretical conceptualizations have emphasized its associations with characteristics of low affective well-being (i.e., unstable, highly variable affective states). Empirical research on the association of grandiose narcissism with the mean level of and variability in affective states has been inconclusive, as studies have differed considerably in their conceptualizations and measurement of narcissism and affect dynamics and have suffered from methodological limitations. Here, we offer conceptual explanations for previously inconsistent findings, derive diverging hypotheses about different aspects of narcissism and affective well-being, and investigate these hypotheses in two daily diary and three experience-sampling data sets (overall N = 2,125; total measurements = 116,336). As hypothesized, we found diverging associations between agentic and antagonistic aspects of narcissism with affect levels: Whereas narcissistic admiration was related to more pleasant affective states, narcissistic rivalry was related to less pleasant ones. We also obtained some support for diverging effects of admiration and rivalry on affect variability. However, these associations were largely reduced when we corrected for (squared) mean levels of affective valence and arousal. In combination, these findings suggest that only the agentic aspect of grandiose narcissism is conducive to affective well-being, whereas its antagonistic aspect negatively influences affective well-being. Moreover, the assumed associations of grandiose narcissism with volatile affectivity seem to rely heavily on mean-level effects and primarily manifest in experiences of more diverse affective states rather than stronger or more frequent affective fluctuations in general. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

This study investigated the effects and interplay of several core determinants of consensus in person perception: information overlap, information quantity, cross-situational consistency, and shared meaning. Targets (N = 200) were filmed in different standardized situations. Perceivers either watched the same target in different situations (N = 1,395 perceivers) or different targets in the same situation (N = 3,963 perceivers) and then rated the targets' personalities after each video. Overlap of the observed situations was systematically varied across perceivers. Consensus was higher when perceivers (a) observed a target in more overlapping situations, (b) observed a target in more situations overall, judged characteristics (c) for which between-target differences were more consistent across situations, or (d) for which perceivers had more similar meaning systems. The effect of overlap was more important with low consistency or information quantity, but moderate in size overall. In light of prior research failing to adequately operationalize overlap and consider its interplay with other factors, this study presents the strongest evidence to date on these issues. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

Studies advancing the hypothesis of a "gender-equality paradox" have found that societies with more gender equality demonstrate larger gender differences across a range of phenomena. In doing so, they rely on that practice of predicting an algebraic difference score-calculated from mean scores for men and women across a set of countries-with an index of gender equality or some related concept. We argue that direct difference score predictions of this type are impossible to interpret because very different combinations of constituents-mean scores of men and women and properties of these means-can produce identical direct difference score predictions. We reanalyzed three large cross-cultural data sets with 15 variables from three different domains-attitudes toward science and technology, economic preferences, and personality traits-to showcase our method of deconstructing difference score predictions and to investigate to what extent the rhetoric of the gender-equality paradox describes a real phenomenon. The results were highly heterogeneous. For some characteristics, men's and women's country-level means varied identically as a function of country-level gender equality (no paradox). For other characteristics, there were differences in how men's and women's means varied. Whether these differences could be described in the rhetoric of the paradox varied. More pertinent is the necessity of deconstructing difference score predictions into their constituent components before attempting to answer questions regarding a paradox. It is in the terminology of these components and their properties that future hypotheses should be tested. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

Current psychological theories on daily social interactions emphasize individual differences yet are underspecified regarding contextual factors. We aim to extend this research by examining how two context factors shape social interactions in daily life: how many relationships people maintain and how densely people live together. In Study 1, 307 German participants (M_age = 39.44 years, SD_age = 14.14) answered up to 20 experience sampling questionnaires regarding their social interactions over 2 days. In Study 2, 313 German participants (M_age = 48.96 years, SD_age = 15.54) summarized their daily interactions in daily diaries for 14 days. Participants reported on their social network size and the social density (i.e., household and neighborhood density) of their living situations. Mobile sensing provided additional measures of social interactions and network size. The results showed that participants living in densely populated households transitioned faster from solitude to social interactions but slower from social interactions to solitude. Participants living in dwellings with more homes also transitioned slower from solitude to social interactions. Contrary to the hypothesis, social network size was inconsistently linked with transitions from solitude to social interactions and vice versa. Furthermore, current social desires predicted subsequent social interactions within days, but not across days-irrespective of individuals' social network size or social density. Together the results point out that people live their daily life in social contexts, which contribute to how they engage in social interactions. The findings thus call for a greater integration of contextual factors in personality theories of social interactions. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

Exposure to an organizational diversity cue may help attract Black women to professional spaces. The cue transfer framework contends that because intergroup attitudes co-occur, both cues congruent or incongruent with one's minoritized identity signal an environment that welcomes all minoritized persons. Critically, the utility of such cues had yet to be explored among Black women. Integrating cue transfer with social identity complexity theory, across six studies (N = 2,167), we tested the novel prediction that Black women utilize a racial dominance identity structure and investigated the benefits of organizational diversity cues congruent and incongruent with Black women's identities. We also drew from stigma solidarity and examined whether perceiving an outgroup associated with an incongruent cue as experiencing similar bias (i.e., shared discrimination) facilitated cue efficacy. Ultimately, only racially congruent cues encouraged organizational safety (Studies 1, 2, and 6) and procedural fairness (Studies 2, 4, and 6), while cues aimed at lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, or Latino individuals (Studies 1-4) were ineffective. Moreover, despite reporting greater shared discrimination with Latino than lesbian, gay, bisexual & transgender persons (Study 4), shared discrimination was inconsequential for cue efficacy (Study 3). Black women's lay theories revealed that although they perceived negative intergroup attitudes as co-occurring, positive attitudes toward other minoritized groups were seen as unrelated to attitudes toward Black individuals (Studies 5a/5b). Finally, racially (but not gender) congruent cues mitigated organizational invisibility (Study 6). Collectively, the present investigation supports our assertion that Black women adopt a racial dominance lens and, more broadly, underscores the necessity of an intersectional framework when examining cue efficacy. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).