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Why Did Modern Science Emerge in Europe? An Essay in Intellectual History 现代科学为何出现在欧洲?《思想史随笔
Pub Date : 2019-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/701903
S. Montgomery
Joseph Needham, renowned sinologist, is famous for a question he once posed, now bearing his name: Why didn’t modern science develop in Asia, above all China, but possibly India or Islamic culture? Needham never found an answer that satisfied him. Neither, if a single solution be wanted, has any of the many other attempts to address the issue. In fact, it may be the wrong question to ask. Astounded by the achievements he saw in Chinese history, Needham wanted to know what prevented the birth of early modern science in Asia, and his question has directed similar efforts to discover what factor(s) were missing or weak in other great cultures. A problem with this approach is that it traps us into making comparisons that never end and that, at some level, aim at finding the essences of true science. I want to suggest something different. It begins with the premise that these cultures did not fail in some fundamental way, but that Europe succeeded more. It succeeded more, and in a greater number of domains, scientific and technological, because it gained access to more in the way
著名汉学家李约瑟(Joseph Needham)曾经提出过一个问题,现在这个问题以他的名字命名:为什么现代科学没有在亚洲发展起来,首先是中国,而可能是印度或伊斯兰文化?李约瑟从来没有找到一个令他满意的答案。如果需要一个单一的解决方案,那么许多其他尝试都无法解决这个问题。事实上,这可能是一个错误的问题。李约瑟对中国历史上的成就感到震惊,他想知道是什么阻碍了早期现代科学在亚洲的诞生,他的问题指导了类似的努力,以发现其他伟大文化中缺失或薄弱的因素。这种方法的一个问题是,它使我们陷入无休止的比较,在某种程度上,目的是寻找真正科学的本质。我想提出一些不同的建议。它的前提是,这些文化并没有在某些根本方面失败,而是欧洲更成功。它取得了更大的成功,在更多的科学和技术领域,因为它获得了更多的机会
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引用次数: 1
The Fetus in Utero: From Mystery to Social Media 子宫里的胎儿:从神秘到社交媒体
Pub Date : 2019-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/703049
M. Carlyle, Brian C Callender
O nce restricted to the privacy of the doctor’s office, ultrasound images of the fetus are now immediately recognizable in the public arena. They are commonplace in advertising and socialmedia, fromprovocative antichoice billboards featuring fetal imagery to Facebook posts tagged “baby’s first pic.” These depictions of the fetus in utero have become iconic and are arguably the most easily recognizedmedical image. How andwhy did this happen?And atwhat price and to what end? This article takes a longue durée historical approach to these questions and explores the complex evolution of the fetal image inWestern Christian culture from the late Middle Ages to the present. We show that before images of the fetus in utero entered the digital age, they had been curated and deployed in three distinctive ways over the past fivehundredyears. The resulting images fed into andwere theproducts of changing approaches to “reproduction.” We understand “reproduction” as both an embodied medical phenomenon and a material technique of image reproduction. Against the backdrop of evolving obstetri-
胎儿的超声波图像曾经被限制在医生办公室的隐私范围内,现在在公众场合可以立即识别出来。它们在广告和社交媒体上很常见,从带有胎儿图像的挑衅性反堕胎广告牌,到Facebook上标记为“宝宝的第一张照片”的帖子。这些胎儿在子宫里的描绘已经成为标志性的,可以说是最容易识别的医学图像。这是怎么发生的,为什么会发生?代价是什么,目的又是什么?本文对这些问题采取了长期的历史研究方法,并探讨了从中世纪晚期到现在西方基督教文化中胎儿形象的复杂演变。我们展示了在子宫内胎儿的图像进入数字时代之前,在过去的500年里,它们以三种不同的方式被整理和部署。由此产生的图像输入并成为改变“复制”方法的产物。我们将“复制”理解为一种具体化的医学现象和一种影像复制的物质技术。在不断发展的产科背景下
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引用次数: 4
Why Are We Surprised When Buddhists Are Violent? 为什么我们对佛教徒的暴力行为感到惊讶?
Pub Date : 2019-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/701836
D. Arnold, Alicia Turner
M ost adherents of the world’s religions claim that their traditions place a premium on virtues like love, compassion, and forgiveness, and that the state toward which they aim is one of universal peace. History has shown us, however, that religious traditions are human affairs, and that no matter how noble they may be in their aspirations, they display a full range of both human virtues and human failings. While few sophisticated observers are shocked, then, by the occurrence of religious violence, there is one notable exception in this regard; there remains a persistent and widespread belief that Buddhist societies really are peaceful and harmonious. This presumption is evident in the reactions of astonishment many people have to events like those taking place in Myanmar. How, many wonder, could a Buddhist society—especially Buddhist monks!—have anything to do with something so monstrously violent as the ethnic cleansing now being perpetrated on Myanmar’s long-beleaguered Rohingya minority? Aren’t Buddhists supposed to be compassionate and pacifist?
世界上大多数宗教的信徒都声称,他们的传统重视爱、同情和宽恕等美德,他们的目标是建立一个普遍和平的国家。然而,历史向我们表明,宗教传统是人类的事情,无论它们的愿望多么崇高,它们都显示出人类的全部美德和人类的缺点。虽然很少有老练的观察家对宗教暴力的发生感到震惊,但在这方面有一个明显的例外;仍然有一种持久而广泛的信念,认为佛教社会确实是和平与和谐的。这种假设在许多人对缅甸发生的事件感到惊讶的反应中是显而易见的。许多人想知道,一个佛教社会——尤其是佛教僧侣——怎么可能!——与目前对长期处于困境的缅甸罗兴亚少数民族实施的种族清洗这种极其暴力的行为有什么关系?佛教徒不应该是富有同情心的和平主义者吗?
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引用次数: 4
Writing on Rubble: Dispatches from San Francisco, 1906 瓦砾上的文字:1906年旧金山的电报
Pub Date : 2019-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/702544
Alexander Olson
A t 5:14 a.m. on April 18, 1906, a massive earthquake shook the San Francisco Bay Area, destroying hundreds of buildings. The damage was most heavily concentrated in San Francisco itself. Due to problems with the city’s water supply, several isolated conflagrationsmorphed into a giant firestorm that destroyed much of the city, including the entire working-class district south of Market Street and most of Chinatown. The catastrophe prompted an exodus of residents fromall walks of life, including several prominent writers and artists. The poet Ina Coolbrith was left homeless, and the photographer Carleton Watkins lost nearly his entire life’s work. An image of Watkins with a cane being helped from his studio as a fire rages in the background has become one of the iconic images of the disaster. The painter Xavier Martinez relocated to the Piedmont hills above Oakland, while others left for the fledgling bohemian colony at Carmel-by-the-Sea on the Monterey Peninsula to the south. In themidst of all this displacement, a story of knowledge production was unfolding in the burning city. As displaced residents looked
1906年4月18日凌晨5点14分,旧金山湾区发生大地震,数百栋建筑被毁。损失最严重的是旧金山本身。由于城市供水问题,几起孤立的火灾演变成一场巨大的火灾风暴,摧毁了城市的大部分地区,包括市场街以南的整个工人阶级区和唐人街的大部分地区。这场灾难促使各行各业的居民大批离开,其中包括几位著名的作家和艺术家。诗人伊娜·库布里斯无家可归,摄影师卡尔顿·沃特金斯几乎失去了他一生的作品。一张沃特金斯拄着拐杖走出工作室的照片,背景是熊熊燃烧的大火,这张照片已成为这场灾难的标志性照片之一。画家哈维尔·马丁内斯(Xavier Martinez)搬到了奥克兰上方的皮埃蒙特山(Piedmont hills),而其他人则前往南部蒙特利半岛(Monterey Peninsula)海边卡梅尔(Carmel-by-the-Sea)新兴的波西米亚殖民地。在所有这些流离失所的过程中,一个知识生产的故事正在这座燃烧的城市展开。流离失所的居民看着
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引用次数: 0
Plato’s Republic in the People’s Republic of China 柏拉图在中华人民共和国的理想国
Pub Date : 2019-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/701869
S. Bartsch
Of all the ancient philosophical and political texts that characterize the Western classics, Plato’s Republic stands at the forefront. Its topic, broadly speaking, is the nature of the ideal city-state, whose outline emerges as the outcome of a dialogue between Socrates and several Athenian and non-Athenian interlocutors. This ideal city-state depends (for Socrates) on a correct understanding and application of justice, which will provide the basis for all the subsequent arguments. But before Socrates launches into the description of the ideal and just citystate, he takes a fateful step: he asserts that whatever justice is in the individual, so it is too in the city-state. In striking contrast to modern, Rawlsian definitions of justice, Socrates ties justice in the individual to the proper hierarchy of three elements Plato takes to constitute any human soul: the rational, spirited, and appetitive elements. These elements are generally in competition with each other for control of the soul; the rational and spirited elements may sometimes work together, but the appetitive is more or less unredeemable. Justice in the soul
在所有具有西方经典特征的古代哲学和政治文本中,柏拉图的《理想国》站在最前列。从广义上讲,它的主题是理想城邦的本质,其轮廓是苏格拉底与几位雅典人和非雅典人对话的结果。这个理想的城邦依赖于(对苏格拉底来说)对正义的正确理解和运用,这将为所有后续的论证提供基础。但在苏格拉底开始描述理想和公正的城邦之前,他迈出了决定性的一步:他断言,无论正义存在于个人身上,它也存在于城邦之中。与现代罗尔斯对正义的定义形成鲜明对比的是,苏格拉底将个人的正义与柏拉图认为构成任何人类灵魂的三个要素的适当等级联系在一起:理性、精神和欲望要素。这些元素通常为了控制灵魂而相互竞争;理性和精神的因素有时可能一起工作,但欲望或多或少是不可挽回的。灵魂的正义
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引用次数: 1
Imperial History without Provincial Loyalty? Reading Roman History in Renaissance Japan 没有地方忠诚的帝国历史?在日本文艺复兴时期阅读罗马历史
Pub Date : 2019-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/702174
S. McManus
These Japanese are by nature spirited and fearless. They have something of that ancient ferocity of the Romans, who in their valor would take their own lives before falling into the hands of their enemies. But in this, the Japanese surpass the Romans because they not only consider it dishonorable to die at the hands of their enemies, but they also consider it an indignity to die in any manner that is not killing themselves with their own hands.
这些日本人天性活泼,无所畏惧。他们有一些古代罗马人的残暴,在他们落入敌人手中之前,他们会勇敢地结束自己的生命。但在这一点上,日本人超越了罗马人,因为他们不仅认为死在敌人手中是不光彩的,而且认为以任何方式死亡都是一种侮辱,除非是自杀。
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引用次数: 2
The Future of Cultural Memory in an Amnesiac China 失忆的中国文化记忆的未来
Pub Date : 2019-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/701947
A. Cheng
How are we to inherit? What are we to inherit? And to what purpose?—such are the questions that must be asked with particular urgency in China, a country that both inherits a civilization several millennia old and is slated to become the next dominant world power. Burdened with the immense weight of a tradition that reaches back to the age of the pyramids, China sees itself as launched on a phenomenal ascent in power that seems to encounter no obstacles. An extraordinary tension arises in this way between two contrary and contradictory movements: precisely themovements indicated by the title of this colloquium, the word “inheriting” suggesting an orientation toward the past, and the phrase “and then?” pointing toward the future. In the case of contemporary China, the question posed in these terms can only give rise to a series of paradoxes. If we begin by asking, “What is worth inheriting?” it quickly emerges that, unexpectedly, China has preserved immaterial monuments in preference to material ones. When we turn to the modernization process, we will see that the Chinese have had to face the dilemma of, on the one hand, needing to jettison their past into the
我们如何继承?我们能继承什么呢?目的何在?——这些都是中国必须特别紧迫地提出的问题,中国既继承了几千年的文明,又有望成为下一个占主导地位的世界大国。背负着可以追溯到金字塔时代的传统的巨大压力,中国认为自己正处于权力的非凡上升阶段,似乎没有遇到任何障碍。以这种方式,在两个相反和矛盾的运动之间产生了一种非同寻常的张力:正是这次讨论会的标题所表明的运动,“继承”一词暗示了对过去的取向,而“然后?”指向未来。在当代中国的情况下,以这些术语提出的问题只能引起一系列的悖论。如果我们先问:“什么是值得继承的?”“我们很快发现,出乎意料的是,中国对非物质古迹的保护胜过对物质古迹的保护。当我们转向现代化进程时,我们会看到中国人不得不面对的困境,一方面,需要抛弃他们的过去
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引用次数: 2
Seeing and Knowing: From Landscape Painting to Physics (and Back Again) 看到和知道:从山水画到物理学(再回来)
Pub Date : 2018-09-01 DOI: 10.1086/699818
Michael Rossi
I t ’s a series of average paintings, produced by an evidently average painter. Rendered between 1894 and 1901 by Ogden Rood, the chair of physics at Columbia University, watercolor landscapes unfold in flecks and smears of color. Splotches of trees materialize from the embrace of fog-filled valleys. Distant mountains shimmer hazily against vibrating foliage. A sharply drawn church steeple and a tall, blurry, pine tree vie for compositional primacy against splashes of rolling farmland. A low stable (or is it a peat hut?) protrudes from a copse of shrubs. An occasional lightning bolt or radiantly illuminated cloud— rendered in opaque, white gouache—splits the sky (see fig. 1). The scenes are in every way conventional—every way, that is, except for their justification. For rather than simply representing mountains and trees, or pastoral beauty—or, for that matter, reflecting a certain pride in facility with paint, or even the sheer pleasure of daubing pigment on paper—these paintings were an attempt by the aging scientist to prove to himself that his work in physics could not have inspired French impressionism.
这是一组普通的画,出自一位显然普通的画家之手。1894年至1901年间,哥伦比亚大学物理学教授奥格登·鲁德(Ogden Rood)绘制了水彩风景画,水彩风景画在色彩的斑点和涂抹中展开。在雾气弥漫的山谷中,树木的斑点显现出来。远处的群山在树叶颤动的映衬下朦胧地闪烁。一座轮廓分明的教堂尖塔和一棵高大而模糊的松树,在起伏的农田的水花映衬下,争夺着构图的首要地位。一个低矮的马厩(或者是一个泥炭小屋?)从灌木丛中伸出来。偶尔出现的一道闪电或被照亮的云——用不透明的白色水粉画呈现——划破了天空(见图1)。这些场景在各个方面都是传统的——也就是说,除了它们的正当理由。因为这些画并不是简单地描绘山川树木或田园之美,也不是反映他对娴熟的绘画技巧的某种自豪,甚至不是在纸上涂抹颜料的纯粹乐趣,而是这位年迈的科学家试图向自己证明,他在物理学方面的工作不可能启发了法国印象派。
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引用次数: 0
Exhibitions and the Formation of Knowledge 展览与知识的形成
Pub Date : 2018-09-01 DOI: 10.1086/699008
J. Elsner
n what sense is an exhibition the basis for knowledge? I ask myself the question because I have, for the fi rst time, curated a large show comprising major loans — the result of a long academic project entitled Empires of Faith (based at the British Museum and in Wolfson College, Oxford). The exhibition, called Imagining the Divine: Art and the Rise of World Religions , explores the ways the visual iden-tities of the world religions were formed during the fi rst millennium through interaction, dialogue, encounter, and self-conscious differ-entiation through divergence. 1 The curatorial team has focused on the formative periods in the arts of Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam, Ju-daism, and Christianity across Eurasia from India to Ireland. The result has been on show at the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford between October 2017 and February 2018.
在什么意义上,展览是知识的基础?我之所以问自己这个问题,是因为我第一次策划了一场大型展览,其中包括大量借来的作品——这是一个名为“信仰帝国”的长期学术项目的结果(设在大英博物馆和牛津大学沃尔夫森学院)。这个名为“想象神圣:艺术与世界宗教的兴起”的展览,探讨了在第一个千年中,世界宗教的视觉身份是如何通过互动、对话、相遇和分歧中自我意识的差异而形成的。1策展团队专注于从印度到爱尔兰的欧亚大陆的印度教、佛教、伊斯兰教、犹太教和基督教艺术的形成时期。研究结果于2017年10月至2018年2月在牛津的阿什莫尔博物馆展出。
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引用次数: 1
Contributors 贡献者
Pub Date : 2018-09-01 DOI: 10.1086/700613
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引用次数: 0
期刊
KNOW: A Journal on the Formation of Knowledge
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