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The Role of Biography in Intellectual History 传记在思想史中的作用
Pub Date : 2017-09-01 DOI: 10.1086/693727
R. Richards
B iography as a genre, though immensely popular in the public arena, finds little favor in the academy. For some, it assumes that intellectual or cultural accomplishments have sprung from the mind of an isolated genius, and few historians will admit to succumbing to a “great man” theory of history. In some intellectual quarters, however, a contrary attitude reigns: some historians explore scientific works by placing them in sublime isolation from their personal and cultural surroundings. These historians commit the “great books” fallacy, namely, that the work of a mastermind speaks for itself; no personal context is needed for its peculiar features to ring forth. This latter attitude was brought home to me several years ago, when I was trying to come to terms with William James. I had occasion to read a scholar who had written on James. He cautioned: “To provide a proper perspective for the study of James . . . attention must be diverted from his life, however interesting, to his published philosophy.” I wondered what kind of perspective could be gained by neglecting William James the individual. James himself, I thought, would have utterly rejected that admonition. In the Varieties of Religious Experience,
作为一种体裁,传记虽然在公共领域非常受欢迎,但在学术界却很少受到青睐。对一些人来说,它假定智力或文化成就来自一个孤立的天才的头脑,很少有历史学家会承认屈服于“伟人”的历史理论。然而,在一些知识分子的圈子里,一种相反的态度占主导地位:一些历史学家通过将科学著作与他们的个人和文化环境高度隔离来研究它们。这些历史学家犯了“伟大著作”的谬论,即认为一个策划者的作品本身就说明了一切;不需要个人背景,它的独特之处就会显露出来。几年前,当我试图与威廉·詹姆斯达成协议时,我明白了后一种态度。我有机会读到一位学者写的关于詹姆斯的文章。他告诫说:“为了给詹姆斯的研究提供一个合适的视角……无论他的生活多么有趣,人们的注意力都必须转移到他发表的哲学上。”我想知道,如果忽视威廉·詹姆斯这个个体,我们能获得什么样的视角。我想,詹姆斯本人也会完全拒绝这种劝告。在《宗教经验的多样性》一书中,
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引用次数: 4
Languages as Knowledge Reservoirs 语言作为知识宝库
Pub Date : 2017-09-01 DOI: 10.1086/693382
Haun Saussy
In the spring of 2016 the eminent medical anthropologist Arthur Kleinman (who, likeme, has spent much of his career in contact with China) convened a day-longmeeting at the American Academy to address the crisis in area studies and foreign-language learning. Thirty or so concerned professionals showed up: language teachers; historians; professors of literatures bothanglophoneandother, bothancient and modern; linguists; political scientists; anthropologists; sociologists; specialists in public health—and we could easily have drawn on the population of natural scientists, engineers, and computer researchers,whose labs are asmultinational as any place on earth. Given that this was a national and not a supranational academy, we focused on shortcomings in theUnited States.We talked about the receding importance of foreign-language study as recognized in college entrance and graduation requirements; about the plight of the humanities, social sciences, and liberal arts generally; about the job anxiety that pulls students away from time-consuming language classes and in-country experiences; about the creeping English-only norms of globalization; about the failure of the overburdened primary-education system in
2016年春天,著名的医学人类学家亚瑟·克莱曼(Arthur Kleinman)(他和我一样,职业生涯的大部分时间都在与中国接触)在美国科学院召开了为期一天的会议,讨论区域研究和外语学习中的危机。30多名相关专业人士到场:语言教师;历史学家;英语和其他语言,古代和现代文学教授;语言学家;政治科学家;人类学家;社会学家;公共卫生方面的专家——我们可以很容易地吸引自然科学家、工程师和计算机研究人员,他们的实验室和地球上任何地方一样跨国。鉴于这是一个全国性的而不是超国家的学院,我们关注的是美国的缺点。我们谈到外语学习在大学入学和毕业要求中的重要性正在下降;关于人文、社会科学和文科的困境;关于让学生们放弃耗时的语言课程和国内体验的工作焦虑;全球化中逐渐形成的只讲英语的规范;关于负担过重的初等教育系统的失败
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引用次数: 1
Conundrums of Comparison 比较的难题
Pub Date : 2017-09-01 DOI: 10.1086/693381
S. Pollock
A bout five years ago I proposed to my friend Benjamin Elman, the Princeton intellectual historian of late-imperial China, that we consider organizing a comparative project on China and India. This was not my first foray into comparative studies; I had actually done an earlier project with Ben on the comparative intellectual history of the early-modern world and had thought comparatively about India and Rome in the Classical period for a book on Sanskrit cosmopolitanism published a decade ago. Why I persist in such enterprises when, as you’ll hear, comparison so befuddles me I can’t fully explain. But nowhere I amagain presenting ideas I amvery uncertain of, someof themcontainingwords I cannot evenpronounce. My befuddlement with comparison is primarily methodological and epistemological in nature. But I’m also befuddled by its stunted presence in our disciplinary discourses—the first of several conundrums I want to share here. This is palpably the case in comparative literature, which seems embarrassed and annoyed by the category baked into its academic identity. But theproblem isnotpeculiar to that field. Actually the disquiet with comparison seems to be ubiquitous—
大约五年前,我向我的朋友本杰明·埃尔曼(Benjamin Elman)提议,我们可以考虑组织一个关于中国和印度的比较项目。埃尔曼是普林斯顿大学研究帝国晚期中国的知识分子历史学家。这不是我第一次尝试比较研究;实际上,我和本一起做了一个早期现代世界的比较思想史的项目,并在十年前出版的一本关于梵语世界主义的书中对古典时期的印度和罗马进行了比较研究。我为什么坚持这样的事业,你会听到,比较使我如此困惑,我无法完全解释。但我又没有在任何地方提出我非常不确定的想法,其中有些词我甚至不会发音。我对比较的困惑本质上主要是方法论和认识论的。但我也对它在我们的学科话语中的迟缓存在感到困惑——这是我想在这里分享的几个难题中的第一个。比较文学显然就是这种情况,它似乎对这一根植于其学术身份中的类别感到尴尬和烦恼。但这个问题并不是该领域独有的。实际上,这种因比较而产生的不安似乎无处不在
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引用次数: 4
Lieux de savoir: Places and Spaces in the History of Knowledge 《知识历史中的地点和空间》
Pub Date : 2017-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/692293
Christian Jacob
I have training in classics , Greek and Roman cultures, which is the main ground of my empirical work. But there are other dimensions in my research: the first is comparison. For me, comparison relies on a basic assumption: looking at my own field, at my own discipline and research topics, from a remote vantage point is the best way to shed a new light on them, to look at them from a different perspective, to raise new questions, even on the most familiar issues. Comparison is an intellectual practice because it provokes disorientation: familiar points of reference vanish and certainties may be questioned. So comparison is the first major dimension in my work. The second dimension is an interest in fundamental and theoretical issues: What is knowledge? How is it produced? How can a person, a statement, an artifact or a written text, a room or a building, an institution be a repository of knowledge? And how could this knowledge circulate within a society, through geographical space, through time, and sometimes through cultures and languages?
我接受过古典文学、希腊和罗马文化方面的培训,这是我实证工作的主要基础。但我的研究还有其他方面:第一个是比较。对我来说,比较依赖于一个基本的假设:从一个遥远的角度看待我自己的领域、我自己的学科和研究课题,是对它们有新的认识的最好方式,从不同的角度看待它们,提出新的问题,即使是在最熟悉的问题上。比较是一种智力实践,因为它会引起迷失方向:熟悉的参照点消失,确定性可能会受到质疑。所以比较是我作品的第一个主要维度。第二个维度是对基础和理论问题的兴趣:什么是知识?它是如何产生的?一个人、一份声明、一件工艺品或一篇文字、一个房间或一座建筑、一个机构如何能成为知识的宝库呢?这些知识是如何在一个社会中,通过地理空间,时间,有时通过文化和语言传播的?
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引用次数: 24
These Bones Live! 这些骨头还活着!
Pub Date : 2017-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/692135
F. Rochberg
T he invitation to step back and reflect on my own research and to consider its relation to my field in a broader sense has me standing in a three-way mirror, reflecting, first, my own immediate interest in Babylonian intellectual culture; second, how cuneiform knowledge, especially of the heavenly phenomena, relates to the history of science; and third, how politics have shaped and continue to shape our knowledge of the ancient Near East, from the beginnings of its rediscovery in the period of the British and French colonial presence in the region to the present day specter of ongoing looting and the out-and-out destruction of Near Eastern antiquities. Our formation of knowledge about the distant past is all too entangled with the present. Even under the best of circumstances what is excavated from the lands that were the ancient Near East represents a mere fraction of that historical reality, as Daniel Smail in this volume vividly describes with reference to the European medieval world. For the ancient Near Eastern context, things have not substantially changed since A. L. Oppenheim pessimistically stated:
邀请我退后一步,反思我自己的研究,并在更广泛的意义上考虑它与我的领域的关系,这让我站在一面三面镜子前,首先,反映了我自己对巴比伦知识文化的直接兴趣;第二,楔形文字知识,特别是关于天象的知识,与科学史的关系;第三,政治如何塑造并继续塑造我们对古代近东的认识,从英国和法国殖民时期对该地区的重新发现开始,到今天对近东文物的持续掠夺和彻底破坏。我们关于遥远过去的知识的形成与现在纠缠在一起。即使在最好的情况下,从古代近东的土地上挖掘出来的东西也只是历史现实的一小部分,丹尼尔·斯梅尔在这本书中生动地描述了欧洲中世纪的世界。在古代近东的背景下,自从a·l·奥本海姆悲观地说:
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引用次数: 3
How Interdisciplinary Is God? 上帝有多跨学科?
Pub Date : 2017-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/691679
S. Goldhill
A n ugly duckling , I grewupintoaphilologist.Myschooling— I was the last of the Victorians—was focused on the classical languages (when we weren’t playing rugby or cricket). Pupils were streamed according to their ability in Latin and Greek (science was only for dummies), and the height of sophistication for us at age 16—this was the 1970s, mind—was translating Racine from French into Greek verse. I studied only Greek, Latin, and English through my last and most formative years of high school, before reading classics at Cambridge. I am still proud enough to be called a philologist, especially now that it has become a really trendy moniker again. Through a process too long and complicated to tell, however—but much indebted to Professor Sir Geoffrey Lloyd, who has written about the interdisciplinary and cross-cultural study of themind for this journal—I have been for the last six years thedirector of what has become the largest and most active interdisciplinary humanities and social science research center around (CRASSH): we currently have forty-three postdoctoral fellows on long-term contracts,
从一只丑小鸭,我成长为语言学家。我的学校教育——我是维多利亚时代的最后一个人——专注于古典语言(当我们不玩橄榄球或板球的时候)。学生们根据他们在拉丁语和希腊语方面的能力进行分班(科学只是傻瓜的事),而我们16岁时的最高水平——注意,那是20世纪70年代——是把拉辛从法语翻译成希腊诗歌。在进入剑桥大学阅读古典文学之前,我在高中的最后和最成长期只学习了希腊语、拉丁语和英语。我仍然为自己被称为语言学家而感到骄傲,尤其是现在它又成为了一个非常流行的绰号。然而,经过一个漫长而复杂的过程,我很难讲清楚——但非常感谢Geoffrey Lloyd教授爵士,他为本刊撰写了关于心灵的跨学科和跨文化研究的文章——在过去的六年里,我一直是最大、最活跃的跨学科人文与社会科学研究中心(CRASSH)的主任:我们目前有43名长期合同的博士后,
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引用次数: 2
The History of Science and the History of Knowledge 科学史与知识史
Pub Date : 2017-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/691678
L. Daston
The article examines the state of the history of science as a discipline and its objectives in the context of its origins and current transformations. The establishment of this discipline and its assumptions about the nature of science together with its goals and structure are briefly discussed. The history of science became a discipline only at the beginning of the second half of the 20th century, and its start is associated with the work of chemist James Conant, a high-level administrator in Manhattan project who was also president of Harvard University and a high-ranking bureaucrat. It was based also on the narrative developed by Alfred North Whitehead, Edwin Burtt, Alexandre Koyré and other historians of science, which claimed modern science was the creator of modernity and a necessary condition for the geopolitical domination of the West. In that understanding, modern science meant science since the time of Galileo and Newton. The author provides a critical analysis of this foundation narrative for the discipline and of its consequences while showing how contemporary history of science has overcome it. The contradiction between modernism and historicism has been resolved in favor of the latter. A key role in this was played by the book The Structure of Scientific Revolutions by Thomas Kuhn, which held the potential to undo the presumed monolithic unity of science by rejecting teleology and introducing incommensurability and discontinuities into the historical process. By rejecting explanation of the knowledge of other times and places in terms of modern science, the discipline faced a radical multiplication of independent types of knowledge. This was facilitated by the reorientation to the study of knowledge practices that took place in the 1980s. As a result, the subject matter of the history of science began to erode, and this launched discussion of the prospects for a transition to a history of knowledge based on the study of practices. The sweep of this change of vision is illustrated by the example of classifying sciences according to both their subject matter and the similarities in their research practices. Finally, the advantages and disadvantages of the new discipline along with its prospects and the challenges it faces are discussed.
本文考察了作为一门学科的科学史的状态及其在起源和当前转变背景下的目标。本文简要讨论了这门学科的建立及其对科学本质的假设,以及它的目标和结构。科学史直到20世纪下半叶才成为一门学科,它的开始与化学家詹姆斯·科南特的工作有关,他是曼哈顿计划的高级管理人员,也是哈佛大学的校长和高级官僚。它还基于阿尔弗雷德·诺斯·怀特黑德、埃德温·伯特、亚历山大·科伊罗伊特和其他科学史家的叙述,他们声称现代科学是现代性的创造者,是西方地缘政治统治的必要条件。在这种理解下,现代科学意味着自伽利略和牛顿时代以来的科学。作者对这一学科的基础叙事及其后果进行了批判性分析,同时展示了当代科学史是如何克服它的。现代主义和历史主义之间的矛盾得到了解决,有利于后者。托马斯·库恩(Thomas Kuhn)的《科学革命的结构》(the Structure of Scientific Revolutions)在这方面发挥了关键作用,该书通过拒绝目的论,并在历史过程中引入不可通约性和不连续性,有可能推翻科学的单一统一性。由于拒绝用现代科学来解释其他时代和地方的知识,这门学科面临着独立知识类型急剧增加的局面。20世纪80年代发生的对知识实践研究的重新定位促进了这一点。结果,科学史的主题开始受到侵蚀,这引发了向以实践研究为基础的知识史过渡的前景的讨论。根据学科内容和研究实践的相似性对科学进行分类的例子说明了这种看法变化的影响范围。最后,讨论了这门新学科的优势和劣势,以及它的发展前景和面临的挑战。
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引用次数: 86
The Darwin Complex 达尔文情结
Pub Date : 2017-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/692312
S. Montgomery
T hose who undertake a project studying and writing about Charles Darwin are rarely the same afterward. Darwin has a way, that is, of making things seem both permanent and transitory. No matter how deeply immersed one might become in his books, notebooks, letters, and scribblings, the man and his mind still bear enigmas. Indeed, the closer we get, the less adequate our perceptions and analyses seem to be. There is always something that escapes, that melts into distance, no matter which end of the telescope we look through. Many scholars and authors who study Darwin’s work become addicted to their subject. They feel, perhaps, that they have gained only a beginning on higher matters related to the origins of modern science. Others are pursued by the shadows of things they should have said, insights they should have had, ideas they did not pursue for reasons of belated courage or disciplinary loyalty. Still others are drawn to the minutiae of Darwin’s life, hoping to discover under the stone of a small fact some new revelation about how Origin of
那些接受了研究和写作查尔斯·达尔文的项目的人,后来很少会和以前一样。达尔文有一种方法,那就是使事物看起来既永恒又短暂。无论一个人多么沉浸在他的书、笔记本、信件和涂鸦中,这个人和他的思想仍然是谜。事实上,我们越接近,我们的感知和分析似乎就越不充分。无论我们透过望远镜的哪一端观察,总有一些东西逃逸,融化在远方。许多研究达尔文作品的学者和作家都沉迷于他们的主题。他们也许觉得,在与现代科学的起源有关的更高级的问题上,他们只是取得了一个开端。另一些人则被他们应该说的话、他们应该拥有的见解、他们出于迟来的勇气或纪律忠诚而没有追求的想法的阴影所纠缠。还有一些人被达尔文生活的细枝末节所吸引,希望在一个小事实的石头下发现一些关于物种起源的新启示
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引用次数: 1
Where Now for the Interdisciplinary and Cross-Cultural Study of the Unity and Diversity of the Human Mind? 对人类心灵统一性和多样性的跨学科和跨文化研究在哪里?
Pub Date : 2017-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/692007
G. Lloyd
I started out as a classicist using quite a bit of anthropology to try to get a handle on the reasoning practices—the modes of argumentation—in early Greek thought. It was only at quite an advanced age that, stimulated, or rather provoked, by the Chinese students whom I taught at Beijing Daxue (Peking University) in 1987, I saw that I really had to master classical Chinese to make the most of the evidently startling similarities and differences between ancient Chinese and Greek modes of reasoning. As I delved further into the commonalities and the specificities of human reasoning in different cultures and at different periods, I was drawn further and further into adjacent and sometimes indeed quite distant fields, evolutionary and developmental psychology, paleontology, ethology, linguistics, cognitive science, even neurophysiology. My “field,” insofar as I can call my interdisciplinary and crosscultural explorations a field, has been transformed in recent years, and this opportunity to contribute to KNOW provides the occasion for me to take stock of where I think we have got to and where we go from here. Contemplating recent work in those diverse disciplines
一开始,我是一个古典主义者,运用了相当多的人类学知识,试图掌握早期希腊思想中的推理实践——论证模式。1987年,我在北京大学所教的中国学生激励我,或者更确切地说,激怒了我,直到我年事已高的时候,我才认识到,我真的必须精通文言文,才能最大限度地利用古代中国和古希腊推理模式之间明显惊人的异同。当我深入研究不同文化和不同时期人类推理的共性和特殊性时,我越来越被吸引到邻近的领域,有时甚至是相当遥远的领域,进化和发展心理学、古生物学、动物行为学、语言学、认知科学,甚至神经生理学。我的“领域”,也就是我所谓的跨学科和跨文化探索领域,近年来已经发生了变化,这次为KNOW做贡献的机会让我有机会评估一下我们已经走到了哪里,以及我们将从哪里走。思考这些不同学科最近的工作
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引用次数: 1
Uncertainty in Economic Analysis and the Economic Analysis of Uncertainty 经济分析中的不确定性和不确定性的经济分析
Pub Date : 2017-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/692519
L. Hansen
W hen i think about knowledge, I find it virtually impossible to avoid thinking about uncertainty. Uncertainty adds a new dimension to discussions of knowledge that are especially important in economic analyses when we seek a better understanding ofmarkets and the resulting outcomes for society and quantitative answers to important policy questions. It has been important in my research and also more generally in economic scholarship to take inventory, not only of what we know, but also of the gaps to this knowledge. Thus, part of economic research assesses what we know about what we do not know and how we confront what we do not know. Uncertainty matters not only for how economic researchers interpret and use evidence, but also for how the consumers and enterprises that we seek to model confront the future. Modeling systems as they play out over time is pervasive in many scientific disciplines, including economics. To use this approach to address real-world problems requires thatwe impose a specific structure on the models, guided by economic analysis and empirical evi-
当我想到知识时,我发现几乎不可能避免想到不确定性。不确定性为知识讨论增加了一个新的维度,在经济分析中,当我们寻求更好地理解市场和由此产生的社会结果,以及对重要政策问题的定量答案时,知识讨论尤为重要。在我的研究中,以及在更广泛的经济研究中,盘点是很重要的,不仅要盘点我们所知道的,还要盘点这些知识的差距。因此,经济研究的一部分是评估我们对未知事物的了解,以及我们如何面对未知事物。不确定性不仅关系到经济研究人员如何解释和使用证据,也关系到我们试图建立模型的消费者和企业如何面对未来。随着时间的推移,对系统进行建模在许多科学学科中都很普遍,包括经济学。为了使用这种方法来解决现实世界的问题,我们需要在经济分析和经验证据的指导下,在模型上强加一个特定的结构
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引用次数: 4
期刊
KNOW: A Journal on the Formation of Knowledge
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