Behavioral parenting programs have been exhaustively studied over the past five decades. We used this wealth of research to examine how estimates of parenting program effects have evolved over time, and if any time trends in effect estimates can be explained by trial, sample, or intervention characteristics.
We based our meta-analysis on a systematic search of 22 international and regional databases, gray literature, and 4 trial registries for randomized controlled trials of behavioral parenting programs.
We identified 244 eligible trials (1,100 effect sizes; 28,916 families) from 36 countries. Parenting program effects initially reduced and then stabilized. More recent trials used more rigorous methods (e.g., more active control conditions and less risk of bias), samples that were generally older and included more girls, and evaluated interventions that on average had fewer sessions, were more often delivered by independent staff and made less use of time-out. However, none of these developments explained the initial reduction in effect size estimates during the first decades.
Our findings suggest that estimates of parenting program effects are currently stable: Effect sizes are no longer reducing but there is also no evidence of increases over time. Experimentation with the content, delivery, and personalization of parenting programs is needed to identify ways to increase program effects.
Previous research suggests that sexual minorities are at higher risk for psychotic experiences, possibly due to repeated social defeat experiences. However, empirical research investigating this hypothesis is largely lacking. This study examined how experiences of “feeling excluded” and “not belonging” impact the prospective development of psychotic experiences in an adolescent sexual minority group, defined here as non-heterosexual attraction to others.
Experience sampling method (ESM) data from 1913 Flemish adolescents (aged 11–20) in the SIGMA study were analyzed. They reported their momentary feelings of exclusion when alone, belonging when in the company of others (both operationalizations of social defeat), and suspiciousness. Multilevel linear regression models tested the bidirectional, within- and between-person associations between social defeat and suspiciousness, and the effects of sexual minority status.
Lower feelings of belonging when in company significantly predicted higher suspiciousness at the next beep [95% CI: −0.03, −0.01], whereas increased feelings of exclusion when alone did not. Moreover, suspiciousness did not significantly predict feelings of exclusion and belonging at the next beep, confirming the direction of effect. Sexual minority participants reported generally lower belonging in social settings [95% CI: −0.68, −0.29] and higher suspiciousness [95% CI: 0.16, 0.57], but not higher feelings of exclusion. The interaction between social defeat and sexual minority status was not significant, indicating no differential sensitivity to social defeat experiences.
The experience of “not fitting in” when in company may be the most poignant social factor increasing risk for psychotic experiences in sexual minority youth. The findings highlight the need for inclusive environments where sexual minority individuals feel supported and integrated.
Prospective studies of autism family history infants primarily report recurrence and predictors of autism at 3 years. Less is known about ADHD family history infants and later childhood outcomes. We characterise profiles of mid-childhood developmental and behavioural outcomes in infants with a family history of autism and/or ADHD to identify potential support needs and patterns of co-occurrence across domains.
Two hundred and sixty-three infants (51% male; N = 198 autism/ADHD family history; N = 65 no family history) were assessed at 6–12 years. A latent profile analysis (LPA) with indicator variables measuring developmental abilities (IQ, adaptive function) and behavioural traits (autism, ADHD, anxiety) identified dimensional, data-derived outcome classes.
A seven-class solution was the most robust and clinically meaningful. Two classes (27% and 23%) had typical development; two classes had high autism, ADHD, and anxiety traits—one with low IQ and adaptive function (10%) and one with average IQ but low adaptive function (13%); one class had elevated autism and ADHD but not anxiety traits (10%); and the final two classes had elevated ADHD (9%) and anxiety (8%) traits in isolation. Sex distribution was balanced across all classes. Children with autism were found in all classes but predominantly in the classes with low IQ/adaptive functioning and high behavioural traits, as well as in the class with elevated autism and ADHD traits. We found only partial continuity between membership of similarly derived 3-year LPA classes and mid-childhood LPA classes.
Many autism/ADHD family history infants develop typically. However, by mid-childhood, in addition to those with autism, others show elevated neurodevelopmental (autism, ADHD) and neuropsychiatric (anxiety) behavioural traits. Lower developmental abilities (IQ and adaptive function) are primarily seen in children with an autism diagnosis. Family history infants should be monitored through childhood, and support provided should challenges emerge.
From the moment of fertilization, human development takes a phenomenal pace. In no other period of life are more biological and developmental milestones met than in the first 1,000 days after conception. All organs and systems are formed, and children start to discover the world, learn whom to trust and where to find comfort in times of distress. Evidence from biological, psychological, social and economic research shows that the environment in the first 1,000 days significantly impacts a person's ability to reach their full potential. Children who grow up in unpredictable and unsafe environments often struggle with the consequences for the rest of their lives. Investments in this critical period of human development have proven to be the most cost-effective way to improve lifelong health and well-being. Therefore, this period has gained interest both in political debate and society at large. In this contribution, we demonstrate that while the focus on the first 1,000 days is scientifically sound and historically grounded, it is time to reflect on its societal impact. We focus on its unintended negative consequences for parental well-being. Evidence for the importance of the first 1,000 days should drive collective action rather than reinforce individual blame. Parenting is not just a private matter; governments have a duty to provide parents with the resources to give their children the best start in life.
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