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Party priorities in different pre-election New Zealand policy statements, 1984-2023 1984-2023 年新西兰大选前不同政策声明中的政党优先事项
IF 1.2 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-07-19 DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2024.2376528
Matthew Gibbons
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引用次数: 0
Strategic uses of constitutional originalism by conservatives in US gun politics and beyond 保守派在美国枪支政治及其他领域对宪法原创主义的战略性运用
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-06-13 DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2024.2349109
Josephine Harmon
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引用次数: 0
Democracy, impartiality and the online political activity of Aotearoa New Zealand’s public sector employees: similarities and differences with other Westminster countries 新西兰公共部门雇员的民主、公正和网上政治活动:与威斯敏斯特其他国家的异同
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-02 DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2024.2347219
Christopher A. Cooper
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引用次数: 0
Large Language Models Can Argue in Convincing Ways About Politics, But Humans Dislike AI Authors: implications for Governance 大型语言模型能以令人信服的方式论证政治,但人类不喜欢人工智能作者:对治理的影响
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-16 DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2024.2335471
Alexis Palmer, A. Spirling
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引用次数: 0
Settler memory and Indigenous counter-memories: narrative struggles over the history of colonialism in Aotearoa New Zealand 定居者记忆与土著反记忆:新西兰奥特亚罗瓦殖民主义历史的叙事斗争
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-10 DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2024.2335473
Olli Hellmann
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引用次数: 0
The effects of personality traits on individual attitudes toward internet sensationalized politics 人格特质对个人对网络煽情政治态度的影响
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-29 DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2024.2319353
Ching-Hsing Wang
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引用次数: 0
Sloppy targeting of Chinese voters in the 2020 New Zealand general election: an exploration of National and Labour’s targeting strategies 2020年新西兰大选对华裔选民的草率锁定:国家党和工党的锁定策略探讨
4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2023.2273519
Luna L. Zhao
The targeting of ethnic Chinese voters is a relatively hidden area in New Zealand politics. This article explores how the two major parties in New Zealand, National and Labour, employed political marketing to target Chinese voters in the 2020 election. The findings reveal that National’s targeting approach lacked clear direction and structure, while Labour failed to demonstrate explicit intentions in targeting the Chinese community. Neither party exhibited a comprehensive understanding of this ethnic group nor developed effective political products to address their concerns. These shortcomings in targeting can be attributed to the broader context of National’s chaotic 2020 election campaign and Labour’s apparent disinterest in engaging with Chinese voters during an election where it already enjoyed a high approval rate among the public. The incomplete targeting efforts by both parties reflect the unique context of an election dominated by the COVID-19 pandemic.
华人选民的目标是新西兰政治中一个相对隐蔽的领域。本文探讨了新西兰两大政党国家党和工党如何在2020年大选中利用政治营销来瞄准中国选民。调查结果显示,国家党的目标方针缺乏明确的方向和结构,而工党未能表现出针对华人社区的明确意图。两党都没有表现出对这个民族的全面了解,也没有开发出有效的政治产品来解决他们的关切。这些定位上的缺陷可以归因于国家党2020年竞选活动混乱的大背景,以及工党在选举期间显然对与中国选民接触不感兴趣,而工党在公众中已经获得了很高的支持率。两党不完全的针对性努力反映了新冠肺炎疫情主导的选举的独特背景。
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引用次数: 1
Leaderless Movements? Rethinking Leaders, Spontaneity, and Organisation-Ness 无领导的运动吗?重新思考领导者、自发性和组织性
4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-27 DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2023.2259396
Brian C.H. Fong
ABSTRACT‘Leaderless movements’ are hallmarks of contemporary contentious politics. Yet, scholars have not reached a consensus on the definition of leaderless movements – with some highlighting ‘spontaneity’ while others explore ‘organisation-ness’. This study informs the theoretical debates by conceptualising leaderless movements as a shifting interplay of leaders, spontaneity and organisation-ness, using the case study of the 2019–20 Hong Kong Anti-Extradition Bill Movement. This study found that a plurality of social movement organisations had integrated both spontaneity and organisation-ness when mobilising, spanning from organisation formalisation to managing resources and advancing actions. The empirical findings of this study point to the need for rethinking the dynamics of leaders, spontaneity, and organisation-ness in contentious politics, suggesting a new definition that guides future studies of leaderless movements worldwide.KEYWORDS: Leaderless movementspontaneityorganization-nesssocial movement organizationcontentious politics Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).DisclaimerThis study seeks to offer scholarly, descriptive analyses of actors, events, forces, and trends relating to Hong Kong’s social movements. It does not express the author’s personal, prescriptive view on the constitutional development of Hong Kong. It also does not reflect the official position of National Sun Yat-sen University, Taiwan.Notes1. For an overview of the role of organisations in social movements, see Walker and Martin (Citation2019).2. It meant that no overarching organisation commanded the movement.3. It meant that different protesters should each make their own contribution to the movement along the way.4. LIHKG Forum is a Reddit-like online forum, where anonymous users are posting ideas for different kinds of topics. During the Anti-Extradition Bill Movement, the LIHKG Forum had been evolved into an open platform for spontaneous netizens to discuss and vote for different protest strategies. For details, see Lee et al. (Citation2021).5. Journalistic reports showed that student unions and the HKFS were not at the forefront of the action as they had been during the 2014 Umbrella Movement. Nevertheless, they were active in performing different organisation-ness functions, such as coordinating legal support for arrested student protesters, initiating joint class boycotts, and conducting international lobbying (see McLaughlin Citation2019).6. Newspaper archives indicate that the 20-plus pro-democracy umbrella professional groups were active in issuing joint statements and organising professional support for protesters. For example, they issued a joint statement to condemn the police after the 721 Yuen Long Attack on 21 July 2019 (see Stand News Citation2019) and offered support for the student unions’ class boycott in September 2019 by offering legal advisory and counselling services (see Hu Citation2019).7. Loc
香港大学学生会于1912年香港大学成立时成立。14.香港中文大学学生会成立于1971年,而其他学生会则是在上世纪八九十年代各大学成立时成立的。该活动的官方Facebook帖子:https://www.facebook.com/HKHIIAD/posts/119122499421857.15。该活动的官方Facebook帖子:https://www.facebook.com/HKHIIAD/posts/141087527225354.16。该活动的官方Facebook帖子:https://www.facebook.com/283strike/posts/132660884852221.17。本次活动的官方Facebook帖子:https://www.facebook.com/283strike/posts/159447335506909.Additional informationfunding作者没有收到任何关于本文的研究、创作和/或出版的经济支持。作者简介方志辉,台湾国立中山大学社会科学学院教授。他的研究重点是大国竞争、民主化和身份政治,发表了80多篇期刊文章、书籍章节和著作等。他还是几本国际书籍的主编,包括《劳特利奇大国竞争与中国影响力手册》和《香港、台湾和印度太平洋地区的中心-外围拉锯战》。
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引用次数: 0
The Realpolitik of small states: explaining New Zealand’s silence on human rights violations in Turkey (Türkiye) and China 小国的现实政治:解释新西兰对土耳其(土耳其)和中国侵犯人权行为的沉默
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-31 DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2023.2248990
M. Armoudian, S. Noakes
ABSTRACT When and why do human rights-defending countries tolerate the actions of known rights violators? This paper examines that question using New Zealand’s bilateral relationships with the Republic of Turkey (also Türkiye) and the People’s Republic of China. The aim is to ascertain systematic regularities as to when and why New Zealand, a liberal democratic state with an expressed commitment to human rights, has been relatively mum on atrocities in China and Turkey. Drawing from archival and recent documentary evidence, the article finds that shifting commercial interests play a key role in New Zealand’s reticence, and that its relationships with China and Turkey have deepened over time, even amid increasing authoritarianism and human rights abuses in these countries.
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引用次数: 0
Plural policing contemporary New Zealand: insights into state power, actors and relational dynamics 多元警务当代新西兰:洞察国家权力,行动者和关系动态
IF 1.3 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2023.2238729
F. Scarpello
ABSTRACT New Zealand has a very plural policing landscape, though little is known about many of its facets. This article provides initial answers to three crucial questions: Who plays a policing role in contemporary New Zealand, how is state power exercised, and what shapes state-society-policing relations? The findings show that neoliberalism has strongly affected state-society-policing relations, and several actors across the state and society divide partake in police-centred partnerships. It also finds that state-society-policing relations reflect ideological, political and socioeconomic divisions inherent in contemporary New Zealand but arching back to its founding days. This emerges through analysing how the two main community-led policing initiatives, the Community Patrols New Zealand and the Māori wardens, relate to the police and the state. The findings matter beyond New Zealand and academia. They reiterate that plural policing is one of the primary expressions of how power is exercised in society, and it affects issues related to state legitimacy and social justice.
摘要新西兰的治安格局非常多元,尽管人们对其许多方面知之甚少。本文初步回答了三个关键问题:谁在当代新西兰扮演警务角色,国家权力是如何行使的,是什么塑造了国家与社会的警务关系?研究结果表明,新自由主义强烈影响了州与社会的警务关系,州与社会之间的一些行动者参与了以警察为中心的伙伴关系。它还发现,国家与社会的警务关系反映了当代新西兰固有的意识形态、政治和社会经济分歧,但可以追溯到其建国时期。这是通过分析两个主要的社区领导的警务举措,即新西兰社区巡逻和毛利典狱长,与警察和国家的关系而得出的。这些发现的重要性超出了新西兰和学术界。他们重申,多元警务是社会权力行使方式的主要表现之一,它影响着与国家合法性和社会正义相关的问题。
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引用次数: 0
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