Pub Date : 2023-11-02DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2023.2273519
Luna L. Zhao
The targeting of ethnic Chinese voters is a relatively hidden area in New Zealand politics. This article explores how the two major parties in New Zealand, National and Labour, employed political marketing to target Chinese voters in the 2020 election. The findings reveal that National’s targeting approach lacked clear direction and structure, while Labour failed to demonstrate explicit intentions in targeting the Chinese community. Neither party exhibited a comprehensive understanding of this ethnic group nor developed effective political products to address their concerns. These shortcomings in targeting can be attributed to the broader context of National’s chaotic 2020 election campaign and Labour’s apparent disinterest in engaging with Chinese voters during an election where it already enjoyed a high approval rate among the public. The incomplete targeting efforts by both parties reflect the unique context of an election dominated by the COVID-19 pandemic.
{"title":"Sloppy targeting of Chinese voters in the 2020 New Zealand general election: an exploration of National and Labour’s targeting strategies","authors":"Luna L. Zhao","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2023.2273519","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2023.2273519","url":null,"abstract":"The targeting of ethnic Chinese voters is a relatively hidden area in New Zealand politics. This article explores how the two major parties in New Zealand, National and Labour, employed political marketing to target Chinese voters in the 2020 election. The findings reveal that National’s targeting approach lacked clear direction and structure, while Labour failed to demonstrate explicit intentions in targeting the Chinese community. Neither party exhibited a comprehensive understanding of this ethnic group nor developed effective political products to address their concerns. These shortcomings in targeting can be attributed to the broader context of National’s chaotic 2020 election campaign and Labour’s apparent disinterest in engaging with Chinese voters during an election where it already enjoyed a high approval rate among the public. The incomplete targeting efforts by both parties reflect the unique context of an election dominated by the COVID-19 pandemic.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":"16 11","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135934277","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-27DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2023.2259396
Brian C.H. Fong
ABSTRACT‘Leaderless movements’ are hallmarks of contemporary contentious politics. Yet, scholars have not reached a consensus on the definition of leaderless movements – with some highlighting ‘spontaneity’ while others explore ‘organisation-ness’. This study informs the theoretical debates by conceptualising leaderless movements as a shifting interplay of leaders, spontaneity and organisation-ness, using the case study of the 2019–20 Hong Kong Anti-Extradition Bill Movement. This study found that a plurality of social movement organisations had integrated both spontaneity and organisation-ness when mobilising, spanning from organisation formalisation to managing resources and advancing actions. The empirical findings of this study point to the need for rethinking the dynamics of leaders, spontaneity, and organisation-ness in contentious politics, suggesting a new definition that guides future studies of leaderless movements worldwide.KEYWORDS: Leaderless movementspontaneityorganization-nesssocial movement organizationcontentious politics Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).DisclaimerThis study seeks to offer scholarly, descriptive analyses of actors, events, forces, and trends relating to Hong Kong’s social movements. It does not express the author’s personal, prescriptive view on the constitutional development of Hong Kong. It also does not reflect the official position of National Sun Yat-sen University, Taiwan.Notes1. For an overview of the role of organisations in social movements, see Walker and Martin (Citation2019).2. It meant that no overarching organisation commanded the movement.3. It meant that different protesters should each make their own contribution to the movement along the way.4. LIHKG Forum is a Reddit-like online forum, where anonymous users are posting ideas for different kinds of topics. During the Anti-Extradition Bill Movement, the LIHKG Forum had been evolved into an open platform for spontaneous netizens to discuss and vote for different protest strategies. For details, see Lee et al. (Citation2021).5. Journalistic reports showed that student unions and the HKFS were not at the forefront of the action as they had been during the 2014 Umbrella Movement. Nevertheless, they were active in performing different organisation-ness functions, such as coordinating legal support for arrested student protesters, initiating joint class boycotts, and conducting international lobbying (see McLaughlin Citation2019).6. Newspaper archives indicate that the 20-plus pro-democracy umbrella professional groups were active in issuing joint statements and organising professional support for protesters. For example, they issued a joint statement to condemn the police after the 721 Yuen Long Attack on 21 July 2019 (see Stand News Citation2019) and offered support for the student unions’ class boycott in September 2019 by offering legal advisory and counselling services (see Hu Citation2019).7. Loc
{"title":"Leaderless Movements? Rethinking Leaders, Spontaneity, and Organisation-Ness","authors":"Brian C.H. Fong","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2023.2259396","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2023.2259396","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT‘Leaderless movements’ are hallmarks of contemporary contentious politics. Yet, scholars have not reached a consensus on the definition of leaderless movements – with some highlighting ‘spontaneity’ while others explore ‘organisation-ness’. This study informs the theoretical debates by conceptualising leaderless movements as a shifting interplay of leaders, spontaneity and organisation-ness, using the case study of the 2019–20 Hong Kong Anti-Extradition Bill Movement. This study found that a plurality of social movement organisations had integrated both spontaneity and organisation-ness when mobilising, spanning from organisation formalisation to managing resources and advancing actions. The empirical findings of this study point to the need for rethinking the dynamics of leaders, spontaneity, and organisation-ness in contentious politics, suggesting a new definition that guides future studies of leaderless movements worldwide.KEYWORDS: Leaderless movementspontaneityorganization-nesssocial movement organizationcontentious politics Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).DisclaimerThis study seeks to offer scholarly, descriptive analyses of actors, events, forces, and trends relating to Hong Kong’s social movements. It does not express the author’s personal, prescriptive view on the constitutional development of Hong Kong. It also does not reflect the official position of National Sun Yat-sen University, Taiwan.Notes1. For an overview of the role of organisations in social movements, see Walker and Martin (Citation2019).2. It meant that no overarching organisation commanded the movement.3. It meant that different protesters should each make their own contribution to the movement along the way.4. LIHKG Forum is a Reddit-like online forum, where anonymous users are posting ideas for different kinds of topics. During the Anti-Extradition Bill Movement, the LIHKG Forum had been evolved into an open platform for spontaneous netizens to discuss and vote for different protest strategies. For details, see Lee et al. (Citation2021).5. Journalistic reports showed that student unions and the HKFS were not at the forefront of the action as they had been during the 2014 Umbrella Movement. Nevertheless, they were active in performing different organisation-ness functions, such as coordinating legal support for arrested student protesters, initiating joint class boycotts, and conducting international lobbying (see McLaughlin Citation2019).6. Newspaper archives indicate that the 20-plus pro-democracy umbrella professional groups were active in issuing joint statements and organising professional support for protesters. For example, they issued a joint statement to condemn the police after the 721 Yuen Long Attack on 21 July 2019 (see Stand News Citation2019) and offered support for the student unions’ class boycott in September 2019 by offering legal advisory and counselling services (see Hu Citation2019).7. Loc","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":"111 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135537258","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-31DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2023.2248990
M. Armoudian, S. Noakes
ABSTRACT When and why do human rights-defending countries tolerate the actions of known rights violators? This paper examines that question using New Zealand’s bilateral relationships with the Republic of Turkey (also Türkiye) and the People’s Republic of China. The aim is to ascertain systematic regularities as to when and why New Zealand, a liberal democratic state with an expressed commitment to human rights, has been relatively mum on atrocities in China and Turkey. Drawing from archival and recent documentary evidence, the article finds that shifting commercial interests play a key role in New Zealand’s reticence, and that its relationships with China and Turkey have deepened over time, even amid increasing authoritarianism and human rights abuses in these countries.
{"title":"The Realpolitik of small states: explaining New Zealand’s silence on human rights violations in Turkey (Türkiye) and China","authors":"M. Armoudian, S. Noakes","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2023.2248990","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2023.2248990","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT When and why do human rights-defending countries tolerate the actions of known rights violators? This paper examines that question using New Zealand’s bilateral relationships with the Republic of Turkey (also Türkiye) and the People’s Republic of China. The aim is to ascertain systematic regularities as to when and why New Zealand, a liberal democratic state with an expressed commitment to human rights, has been relatively mum on atrocities in China and Turkey. Drawing from archival and recent documentary evidence, the article finds that shifting commercial interests play a key role in New Zealand’s reticence, and that its relationships with China and Turkey have deepened over time, even amid increasing authoritarianism and human rights abuses in these countries.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44610400","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2023.2238729
F. Scarpello
ABSTRACT New Zealand has a very plural policing landscape, though little is known about many of its facets. This article provides initial answers to three crucial questions: Who plays a policing role in contemporary New Zealand, how is state power exercised, and what shapes state-society-policing relations? The findings show that neoliberalism has strongly affected state-society-policing relations, and several actors across the state and society divide partake in police-centred partnerships. It also finds that state-society-policing relations reflect ideological, political and socioeconomic divisions inherent in contemporary New Zealand but arching back to its founding days. This emerges through analysing how the two main community-led policing initiatives, the Community Patrols New Zealand and the Māori wardens, relate to the police and the state. The findings matter beyond New Zealand and academia. They reiterate that plural policing is one of the primary expressions of how power is exercised in society, and it affects issues related to state legitimacy and social justice.
{"title":"Plural policing contemporary New Zealand: insights into state power, actors and relational dynamics","authors":"F. Scarpello","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2023.2238729","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2023.2238729","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT New Zealand has a very plural policing landscape, though little is known about many of its facets. This article provides initial answers to three crucial questions: Who plays a policing role in contemporary New Zealand, how is state power exercised, and what shapes state-society-policing relations? The findings show that neoliberalism has strongly affected state-society-policing relations, and several actors across the state and society divide partake in police-centred partnerships. It also finds that state-society-policing relations reflect ideological, political and socioeconomic divisions inherent in contemporary New Zealand but arching back to its founding days. This emerges through analysing how the two main community-led policing initiatives, the Community Patrols New Zealand and the Māori wardens, relate to the police and the state. The findings matter beyond New Zealand and academia. They reiterate that plural policing is one of the primary expressions of how power is exercised in society, and it affects issues related to state legitimacy and social justice.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":"75 1","pages":"47 - 64"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48366378","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2023.2233532
Vernon Noel Bennett
ABSTRACT New Zealand and Singapore are both capable small states with notably different security and defence concerns. The relative level of commitment that Singapore provides to its military forces in comparison to New Zealand is not only a reflection of the tremendous economic, social and technological development that has occurred in the city state since its independence, but is also due the different perceptions, discretion and motivation that each state has regarding the role and utility of their military instruments. The differences in their military capabilities also reflect how each has responded to their particular circumstances as small states. New Zealand has, to a large extent, worked within the constraints expected of small states while Singapore has striven to overcome them. However, the military capabilities of both states are significantly influenced by their characteristics as small states, and these form the basis of the challenges that they are likely to face going forward. This article examines key factors and elements underpinning why New Zealand and Singapore have developed markedly different military forces in the period from 1965 to 2022 in order to understand the extent to which their characteristics as small states have influenced their respective approaches to force development.
{"title":"Military force development in New Zealand and Singapore: realising different influences on small state military capability","authors":"Vernon Noel Bennett","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2023.2233532","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2023.2233532","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT New Zealand and Singapore are both capable small states with notably different security and defence concerns. The relative level of commitment that Singapore provides to its military forces in comparison to New Zealand is not only a reflection of the tremendous economic, social and technological development that has occurred in the city state since its independence, but is also due the different perceptions, discretion and motivation that each state has regarding the role and utility of their military instruments. The differences in their military capabilities also reflect how each has responded to their particular circumstances as small states. New Zealand has, to a large extent, worked within the constraints expected of small states while Singapore has striven to overcome them. However, the military capabilities of both states are significantly influenced by their characteristics as small states, and these form the basis of the challenges that they are likely to face going forward. This article examines key factors and elements underpinning why New Zealand and Singapore have developed markedly different military forces in the period from 1965 to 2022 in order to understand the extent to which their characteristics as small states have influenced their respective approaches to force development.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":"75 1","pages":"1 - 24"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43598472","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2023.2242853
Anna Grzywacz
ABSTRACT The institutionalisation and strengthening of cooperation between Asia – Pacific states has been discussed for over 30 years. While experiencing institutional thickening, assessing integration in the region highlights some obstacles to deepening cooperation such as the lack of a common identity. Multiple forms of cooperation affect regional identity formation, but the question of how states explain belonging to different platforms of cooperation within one region remains neglected. If an actor initiates and contributes to multiple forms of cooperation, what narratives are employed, and what factors determine this discursive approach? By applying the concept of strategic narratives, I analyse how an understanding of a region changes with different platforms of cooperation involving the Asia – Pacific and Indo-Pacific, and I offer an explanation of discursive politics drawing from foreign policy analysis. I argue that variation in a state’s narratives display coherency if they are complementary and that a state’s discursive approach can be explained through three drivers: a state’s self-conception, perception of regional changes, and patterns of regional institutionalisation. The arguments are substantiated by an analysis of Indonesia’s regional engagement and narratives thereof.
{"title":"Identity and institutional thickening of Asia and the Pacific: narrating regional belonging in the foreign policy of Indonesia","authors":"Anna Grzywacz","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2023.2242853","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2023.2242853","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The institutionalisation and strengthening of cooperation between Asia – Pacific states has been discussed for over 30 years. While experiencing institutional thickening, assessing integration in the region highlights some obstacles to deepening cooperation such as the lack of a common identity. Multiple forms of cooperation affect regional identity formation, but the question of how states explain belonging to different platforms of cooperation within one region remains neglected. If an actor initiates and contributes to multiple forms of cooperation, what narratives are employed, and what factors determine this discursive approach? By applying the concept of strategic narratives, I analyse how an understanding of a region changes with different platforms of cooperation involving the Asia – Pacific and Indo-Pacific, and I offer an explanation of discursive politics drawing from foreign policy analysis. I argue that variation in a state’s narratives display coherency if they are complementary and that a state’s discursive approach can be explained through three drivers: a state’s self-conception, perception of regional changes, and patterns of regional institutionalisation. The arguments are substantiated by an analysis of Indonesia’s regional engagement and narratives thereof.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":"75 1","pages":"65 - 83"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41369324","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2023.2238715
T. Paulissen, Bart Maddens
ABSTRACT The literature on the political finance of referendum campaigns has focussed primarily on how these are regulated in individual countries, but scholarly work is yet to empirically explore how these regulations and other factors translate into concrete spending practices of political parties. This article attempts to do this for the United Kingdom (UK), which has one of the oldest and most extensive referendum political finance regimes, with the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act (PPERA). After formulating several hypotheses grounded in party behaviour and political finance literature, we offer a close examination of the PPERA’s regulations on referendum campaign finance and compare the expenditure patterns of UK political parties in five post-PPERA referendums. The findings suggest that the competitiveness of a referendum, as well as a party’s financial resources and the salience of the referendum topic for the party are possible explanations for their financial engagement in the referendum campaign. More surprisingly, our results show that expenditure limits imposed by the PPERA barely have an effect on party expenditure. Parties rarely come close to the limits imposed, but when they do bump up against the limit, they are able to circumvent this via donations, which do not count towards their spending cap.
{"title":"Referendum campaign financing by political parties: the case of the United Kingdom","authors":"T. Paulissen, Bart Maddens","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2023.2238715","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2023.2238715","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The literature on the political finance of referendum campaigns has focussed primarily on how these are regulated in individual countries, but scholarly work is yet to empirically explore how these regulations and other factors translate into concrete spending practices of political parties. This article attempts to do this for the United Kingdom (UK), which has one of the oldest and most extensive referendum political finance regimes, with the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act (PPERA). After formulating several hypotheses grounded in party behaviour and political finance literature, we offer a close examination of the PPERA’s regulations on referendum campaign finance and compare the expenditure patterns of UK political parties in five post-PPERA referendums. The findings suggest that the competitiveness of a referendum, as well as a party’s financial resources and the salience of the referendum topic for the party are possible explanations for their financial engagement in the referendum campaign. More surprisingly, our results show that expenditure limits imposed by the PPERA barely have an effect on party expenditure. Parties rarely come close to the limits imposed, but when they do bump up against the limit, they are able to circumvent this via donations, which do not count towards their spending cap.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":"75 1","pages":"25 - 46"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42357770","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-02DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2023.2223630
Kate Nicholls
ABSTRACT This essay reviews three recent books that address a range of policy issues currently affecting politics in Aotearoa New Zealand. Dominic O’Sullivan’s Sharing the Sovereign illustrates how treaties between states and Indigenous peoples can provide the basis for power-sharing arrangements across various spheres of public policy. Paul Spoonley’s The New New Zealand outlines the profound immigration-driven demographic changes experienced in recent decades and the failures of decision-makers to adjust to this new reality. Max Rashbrooke’s Too Much Money analyses the issue of social class in New Zealand and the dangers of an apparently increasing class divide. The essay outlines some of these arguments in detail and evaluates each contribution to both scholarship and actual public policy debates as New Zealand arguably enters a more contentious political moment.
这篇文章回顾了最近出版的三本关于当前影响新西兰奥特罗阿政治的一系列政策问题的书。多米尼克·奥沙利文的《分享主权》阐述了国家和土著人民之间的条约如何为公共政策各个领域的权力分享安排提供基础。保罗·斯波利(Paul Spoonley)的《新西兰》(The New Zealand)概述了近几十年来由移民推动的深刻的人口变化，以及决策者未能适应这一新现实。马克斯·拉什布鲁克的《太多的钱》分析了新西兰的社会阶级问题，以及明显日益扩大的阶级分化的危险。本文详细概述了其中的一些论点，并评估了每一项对学术和实际公共政策辩论的贡献，因为新西兰可以说进入了一个更具争议的政治时刻。
{"title":"The issues that divide us: three recent books","authors":"Kate Nicholls","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2023.2223630","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2023.2223630","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This essay reviews three recent books that address a range of policy issues currently affecting politics in Aotearoa New Zealand. Dominic O’Sullivan’s Sharing the Sovereign illustrates how treaties between states and Indigenous peoples can provide the basis for power-sharing arrangements across various spheres of public policy. Paul Spoonley’s The New New Zealand outlines the profound immigration-driven demographic changes experienced in recent decades and the failures of decision-makers to adjust to this new reality. Max Rashbrooke’s Too Much Money analyses the issue of social class in New Zealand and the dangers of an apparently increasing class divide. The essay outlines some of these arguments in detail and evaluates each contribution to both scholarship and actual public policy debates as New Zealand arguably enters a more contentious political moment.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":"74 1","pages":"155 - 163"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47904242","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-02DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2022.2112401
余泓波, Hsin-Che Wu
ABSTRACT Different methods of measurement for survey research have been developed to explore how the public understands democracy. In the existing research on the democratic understanding of the Chinese people, closed-ended questions are often used to measure this understanding. However, the results obtained can only prove whether the democratic understanding of the Chinese people deviates from or is close to liberal democracy. This article applied grounded theory to classify respondents’ answers to an open-ended question. Unlike previous research findings, this article’s findings showed that even Chinese people’s democratic understanding has certain procedural or substantive elements. However, this understanding consists of only emphasizing their rights and interests under the Communist Party of China-led system rather than being more inclined toward liberal democracy. Additionally, the higher effective response rates for closed-ended questions suggested that Chinese people need a higher level of political knowledge and engagement in public affairs to form their own understanding of democracy when answering an open-ended question. We argue that although closed-ended questions are more convenient for statistical analysis, open-ended questions with the classification method developed in this study can paint a more accurate picture of respondents’ understanding of democracy in China.
{"title":"How the Chinese people understand democracy: a multi-method study based on four waves of nationwide representative surveys","authors":"余泓波, Hsin-Che Wu","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2022.2112401","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2022.2112401","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Different methods of measurement for survey research have been developed to explore how the public understands democracy. In the existing research on the democratic understanding of the Chinese people, closed-ended questions are often used to measure this understanding. However, the results obtained can only prove whether the democratic understanding of the Chinese people deviates from or is close to liberal democracy. This article applied grounded theory to classify respondents’ answers to an open-ended question. Unlike previous research findings, this article’s findings showed that even Chinese people’s democratic understanding has certain procedural or substantive elements. However, this understanding consists of only emphasizing their rights and interests under the Communist Party of China-led system rather than being more inclined toward liberal democracy. Additionally, the higher effective response rates for closed-ended questions suggested that Chinese people need a higher level of political knowledge and engagement in public affairs to form their own understanding of democracy when answering an open-ended question. We argue that although closed-ended questions are more convenient for statistical analysis, open-ended questions with the classification method developed in this study can paint a more accurate picture of respondents’ understanding of democracy in China.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":"46 2","pages":"114 - 140"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41285493","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-02DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2022.2128832
Seungwon Yu, Suhee Kim, YeonWoo Sim
ABSTRACT Government relief aid policies are vitally important in response to disasters. Based on the literature on the politics of natural disasters, this article examines the effect on the election results of local governments’ policy announcements in response to a pandemic. Using data from the 2020 Korean general election with the Instrumental Variable methodology, both the announcement and the provision of relief aid contributed to the victory of the ruling party’s candidates. Management of both supply-side and demand-side relief aid policies affects election results. Lastly, the relationship between the announcement and the election is also affected by the characteristics of local governments (e.g. population size and partisanship).
{"title":"Announcing Local Government Relief Aid - Electoral Effects During a Pandemic","authors":"Seungwon Yu, Suhee Kim, YeonWoo Sim","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2022.2128832","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2022.2128832","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Government relief aid policies are vitally important in response to disasters. Based on the literature on the politics of natural disasters, this article examines the effect on the election results of local governments’ policy announcements in response to a pandemic. Using data from the 2020 Korean general election with the Instrumental Variable methodology, both the announcement and the provision of relief aid contributed to the victory of the ruling party’s candidates. Management of both supply-side and demand-side relief aid policies affects election results. Lastly, the relationship between the announcement and the election is also affected by the characteristics of local governments (e.g. population size and partisanship).","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":"74 1","pages":"94 - 113"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42598027","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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