Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2023.2233532
Vernon Noel Bennett
ABSTRACT New Zealand and Singapore are both capable small states with notably different security and defence concerns. The relative level of commitment that Singapore provides to its military forces in comparison to New Zealand is not only a reflection of the tremendous economic, social and technological development that has occurred in the city state since its independence, but is also due the different perceptions, discretion and motivation that each state has regarding the role and utility of their military instruments. The differences in their military capabilities also reflect how each has responded to their particular circumstances as small states. New Zealand has, to a large extent, worked within the constraints expected of small states while Singapore has striven to overcome them. However, the military capabilities of both states are significantly influenced by their characteristics as small states, and these form the basis of the challenges that they are likely to face going forward. This article examines key factors and elements underpinning why New Zealand and Singapore have developed markedly different military forces in the period from 1965 to 2022 in order to understand the extent to which their characteristics as small states have influenced their respective approaches to force development.
{"title":"Military force development in New Zealand and Singapore: realising different influences on small state military capability","authors":"Vernon Noel Bennett","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2023.2233532","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2023.2233532","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT New Zealand and Singapore are both capable small states with notably different security and defence concerns. The relative level of commitment that Singapore provides to its military forces in comparison to New Zealand is not only a reflection of the tremendous economic, social and technological development that has occurred in the city state since its independence, but is also due the different perceptions, discretion and motivation that each state has regarding the role and utility of their military instruments. The differences in their military capabilities also reflect how each has responded to their particular circumstances as small states. New Zealand has, to a large extent, worked within the constraints expected of small states while Singapore has striven to overcome them. However, the military capabilities of both states are significantly influenced by their characteristics as small states, and these form the basis of the challenges that they are likely to face going forward. This article examines key factors and elements underpinning why New Zealand and Singapore have developed markedly different military forces in the period from 1965 to 2022 in order to understand the extent to which their characteristics as small states have influenced their respective approaches to force development.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43598472","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2023.2242853
Anna Grzywacz
ABSTRACT The institutionalisation and strengthening of cooperation between Asia – Pacific states has been discussed for over 30 years. While experiencing institutional thickening, assessing integration in the region highlights some obstacles to deepening cooperation such as the lack of a common identity. Multiple forms of cooperation affect regional identity formation, but the question of how states explain belonging to different platforms of cooperation within one region remains neglected. If an actor initiates and contributes to multiple forms of cooperation, what narratives are employed, and what factors determine this discursive approach? By applying the concept of strategic narratives, I analyse how an understanding of a region changes with different platforms of cooperation involving the Asia – Pacific and Indo-Pacific, and I offer an explanation of discursive politics drawing from foreign policy analysis. I argue that variation in a state’s narratives display coherency if they are complementary and that a state’s discursive approach can be explained through three drivers: a state’s self-conception, perception of regional changes, and patterns of regional institutionalisation. The arguments are substantiated by an analysis of Indonesia’s regional engagement and narratives thereof.
{"title":"Identity and institutional thickening of Asia and the Pacific: narrating regional belonging in the foreign policy of Indonesia","authors":"Anna Grzywacz","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2023.2242853","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2023.2242853","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The institutionalisation and strengthening of cooperation between Asia – Pacific states has been discussed for over 30 years. While experiencing institutional thickening, assessing integration in the region highlights some obstacles to deepening cooperation such as the lack of a common identity. Multiple forms of cooperation affect regional identity formation, but the question of how states explain belonging to different platforms of cooperation within one region remains neglected. If an actor initiates and contributes to multiple forms of cooperation, what narratives are employed, and what factors determine this discursive approach? By applying the concept of strategic narratives, I analyse how an understanding of a region changes with different platforms of cooperation involving the Asia – Pacific and Indo-Pacific, and I offer an explanation of discursive politics drawing from foreign policy analysis. I argue that variation in a state’s narratives display coherency if they are complementary and that a state’s discursive approach can be explained through three drivers: a state’s self-conception, perception of regional changes, and patterns of regional institutionalisation. The arguments are substantiated by an analysis of Indonesia’s regional engagement and narratives thereof.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41369324","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2023.2238715
T. Paulissen, Bart Maddens
ABSTRACT The literature on the political finance of referendum campaigns has focussed primarily on how these are regulated in individual countries, but scholarly work is yet to empirically explore how these regulations and other factors translate into concrete spending practices of political parties. This article attempts to do this for the United Kingdom (UK), which has one of the oldest and most extensive referendum political finance regimes, with the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act (PPERA). After formulating several hypotheses grounded in party behaviour and political finance literature, we offer a close examination of the PPERA’s regulations on referendum campaign finance and compare the expenditure patterns of UK political parties in five post-PPERA referendums. The findings suggest that the competitiveness of a referendum, as well as a party’s financial resources and the salience of the referendum topic for the party are possible explanations for their financial engagement in the referendum campaign. More surprisingly, our results show that expenditure limits imposed by the PPERA barely have an effect on party expenditure. Parties rarely come close to the limits imposed, but when they do bump up against the limit, they are able to circumvent this via donations, which do not count towards their spending cap.
{"title":"Referendum campaign financing by political parties: the case of the United Kingdom","authors":"T. Paulissen, Bart Maddens","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2023.2238715","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2023.2238715","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The literature on the political finance of referendum campaigns has focussed primarily on how these are regulated in individual countries, but scholarly work is yet to empirically explore how these regulations and other factors translate into concrete spending practices of political parties. This article attempts to do this for the United Kingdom (UK), which has one of the oldest and most extensive referendum political finance regimes, with the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act (PPERA). After formulating several hypotheses grounded in party behaviour and political finance literature, we offer a close examination of the PPERA’s regulations on referendum campaign finance and compare the expenditure patterns of UK political parties in five post-PPERA referendums. The findings suggest that the competitiveness of a referendum, as well as a party’s financial resources and the salience of the referendum topic for the party are possible explanations for their financial engagement in the referendum campaign. More surprisingly, our results show that expenditure limits imposed by the PPERA barely have an effect on party expenditure. Parties rarely come close to the limits imposed, but when they do bump up against the limit, they are able to circumvent this via donations, which do not count towards their spending cap.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42357770","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-02DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2023.2223630
Kate Nicholls
ABSTRACT This essay reviews three recent books that address a range of policy issues currently affecting politics in Aotearoa New Zealand. Dominic O’Sullivan’s Sharing the Sovereign illustrates how treaties between states and Indigenous peoples can provide the basis for power-sharing arrangements across various spheres of public policy. Paul Spoonley’s The New New Zealand outlines the profound immigration-driven demographic changes experienced in recent decades and the failures of decision-makers to adjust to this new reality. Max Rashbrooke’s Too Much Money analyses the issue of social class in New Zealand and the dangers of an apparently increasing class divide. The essay outlines some of these arguments in detail and evaluates each contribution to both scholarship and actual public policy debates as New Zealand arguably enters a more contentious political moment.
这篇文章回顾了最近出版的三本关于当前影响新西兰奥特罗阿政治的一系列政策问题的书。多米尼克·奥沙利文的《分享主权》阐述了国家和土著人民之间的条约如何为公共政策各个领域的权力分享安排提供基础。保罗·斯波利(Paul Spoonley)的《新西兰》(The New Zealand)概述了近几十年来由移民推动的深刻的人口变化，以及决策者未能适应这一新现实。马克斯·拉什布鲁克的《太多的钱》分析了新西兰的社会阶级问题，以及明显日益扩大的阶级分化的危险。本文详细概述了其中的一些论点，并评估了每一项对学术和实际公共政策辩论的贡献，因为新西兰可以说进入了一个更具争议的政治时刻。
{"title":"The issues that divide us: three recent books","authors":"Kate Nicholls","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2023.2223630","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2023.2223630","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This essay reviews three recent books that address a range of policy issues currently affecting politics in Aotearoa New Zealand. Dominic O’Sullivan’s Sharing the Sovereign illustrates how treaties between states and Indigenous peoples can provide the basis for power-sharing arrangements across various spheres of public policy. Paul Spoonley’s The New New Zealand outlines the profound immigration-driven demographic changes experienced in recent decades and the failures of decision-makers to adjust to this new reality. Max Rashbrooke’s Too Much Money analyses the issue of social class in New Zealand and the dangers of an apparently increasing class divide. The essay outlines some of these arguments in detail and evaluates each contribution to both scholarship and actual public policy debates as New Zealand arguably enters a more contentious political moment.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47904242","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-02DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2022.2112401
余泓波, Hsin-Che Wu
ABSTRACT Different methods of measurement for survey research have been developed to explore how the public understands democracy. In the existing research on the democratic understanding of the Chinese people, closed-ended questions are often used to measure this understanding. However, the results obtained can only prove whether the democratic understanding of the Chinese people deviates from or is close to liberal democracy. This article applied grounded theory to classify respondents’ answers to an open-ended question. Unlike previous research findings, this article’s findings showed that even Chinese people’s democratic understanding has certain procedural or substantive elements. However, this understanding consists of only emphasizing their rights and interests under the Communist Party of China-led system rather than being more inclined toward liberal democracy. Additionally, the higher effective response rates for closed-ended questions suggested that Chinese people need a higher level of political knowledge and engagement in public affairs to form their own understanding of democracy when answering an open-ended question. We argue that although closed-ended questions are more convenient for statistical analysis, open-ended questions with the classification method developed in this study can paint a more accurate picture of respondents’ understanding of democracy in China.
{"title":"How the Chinese people understand democracy: a multi-method study based on four waves of nationwide representative surveys","authors":"余泓波, Hsin-Che Wu","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2022.2112401","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2022.2112401","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Different methods of measurement for survey research have been developed to explore how the public understands democracy. In the existing research on the democratic understanding of the Chinese people, closed-ended questions are often used to measure this understanding. However, the results obtained can only prove whether the democratic understanding of the Chinese people deviates from or is close to liberal democracy. This article applied grounded theory to classify respondents’ answers to an open-ended question. Unlike previous research findings, this article’s findings showed that even Chinese people’s democratic understanding has certain procedural or substantive elements. However, this understanding consists of only emphasizing their rights and interests under the Communist Party of China-led system rather than being more inclined toward liberal democracy. Additionally, the higher effective response rates for closed-ended questions suggested that Chinese people need a higher level of political knowledge and engagement in public affairs to form their own understanding of democracy when answering an open-ended question. We argue that although closed-ended questions are more convenient for statistical analysis, open-ended questions with the classification method developed in this study can paint a more accurate picture of respondents’ understanding of democracy in China.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41285493","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-02DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2022.2128832
Seungwon Yu, Suhee Kim, YeonWoo Sim
ABSTRACT Government relief aid policies are vitally important in response to disasters. Based on the literature on the politics of natural disasters, this article examines the effect on the election results of local governments’ policy announcements in response to a pandemic. Using data from the 2020 Korean general election with the Instrumental Variable methodology, both the announcement and the provision of relief aid contributed to the victory of the ruling party’s candidates. Management of both supply-side and demand-side relief aid policies affects election results. Lastly, the relationship between the announcement and the election is also affected by the characteristics of local governments (e.g. population size and partisanship).
{"title":"Announcing Local Government Relief Aid - Electoral Effects During a Pandemic","authors":"Seungwon Yu, Suhee Kim, YeonWoo Sim","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2022.2128832","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2022.2128832","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Government relief aid policies are vitally important in response to disasters. Based on the literature on the politics of natural disasters, this article examines the effect on the election results of local governments’ policy announcements in response to a pandemic. Using data from the 2020 Korean general election with the Instrumental Variable methodology, both the announcement and the provision of relief aid contributed to the victory of the ruling party’s candidates. Management of both supply-side and demand-side relief aid policies affects election results. Lastly, the relationship between the announcement and the election is also affected by the characteristics of local governments (e.g. population size and partisanship).","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42598027","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-02DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2023.2186251
N. Khoo
ABSTRACT Great power rivalry is a structural feature in Southeast Asia’s international politics which three decades of post-Cold War academic analysis and diplomatic activity has sought and failed to transcend. The acknowledgement of its return to a central role in the analysis of Southeast Asia’s international politics is both illuminating and instructive. Accordingly, this article centres discussion of three recent books on the region’s international politics around the following great power-related themes: the arrival of Chinese power in Southeast Asia; the return of Chinese activism and US-China rivalry in Southeast Asia; contingent Southeast Asian agency; and the value of theory in illuminating these dynamics.
{"title":"Great power Rivalry and Southeast Asian agency: Southeast Asia in an Era of US-China strategic competition","authors":"N. Khoo","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2023.2186251","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2023.2186251","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Great power rivalry is a structural feature in Southeast Asia’s international politics which three decades of post-Cold War academic analysis and diplomatic activity has sought and failed to transcend. The acknowledgement of its return to a central role in the analysis of Southeast Asia’s international politics is both illuminating and instructive. Accordingly, this article centres discussion of three recent books on the region’s international politics around the following great power-related themes: the arrival of Chinese power in Southeast Asia; the return of Chinese activism and US-China rivalry in Southeast Asia; contingent Southeast Asian agency; and the value of theory in illuminating these dynamics.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46801519","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-02DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2023.2208589
Kelly Blidook, Royce Koop
ABSTRACT Service representation – the extent to which Members of Parliament (MPs) assist constituents with problems they have related to the government – is an increasingly important role of MPs in developed democracies. We explore the practice of service representation through comparison of the service orientations and activities of two MPs in different countries, New Zealand and Australia, observed during periods of participant observation with them in their electorates. Constructing service connections between MPs and their constituents is often a crucial aspect of MPs’ overall representational styles. Our comparisons in this research depict the multi-dimensionality of service representation with respect to MPs’ emphasis on service, the nature of their service activities, and in the factors that shape those activities. The democratic implications of our comparisons are also addressed. Deep exploration of only two cases is used in this research to develop theoretical understanding to inform future analysis of service representation and its increasing importance in the overall representational and democratic process.
{"title":"“We can help and it doesn’t cost you a cracker”: the multidimensionality of service representation in Australia and New Zealand","authors":"Kelly Blidook, Royce Koop","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2023.2208589","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2023.2208589","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Service representation – the extent to which Members of Parliament (MPs) assist constituents with problems they have related to the government – is an increasingly important role of MPs in developed democracies. We explore the practice of service representation through comparison of the service orientations and activities of two MPs in different countries, New Zealand and Australia, observed during periods of participant observation with them in their electorates. Constructing service connections between MPs and their constituents is often a crucial aspect of MPs’ overall representational styles. Our comparisons in this research depict the multi-dimensionality of service representation with respect to MPs’ emphasis on service, the nature of their service activities, and in the factors that shape those activities. The democratic implications of our comparisons are also addressed. Deep exploration of only two cases is used in this research to develop theoretical understanding to inform future analysis of service representation and its increasing importance in the overall representational and democratic process.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42729938","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-12DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0347
The end of dictatorships, civil wars, and exclusive party systems by the close of the 20th century was a genuine cause for optimism about democracy in Latin America. Once the euphoria surrounding transitions subsided, the cold realities of transitioning to open market economies thrust the region into a crisis of representation. That is, Latin America’s parties, elected officials, and voters struggled mightily to achieve the democratic ideals of representation, accountability, effective citizenship rights, and rule of law (inter alia, Frances Hagopian’s “After Regime Change: Authoritarian Legacies, Political Representation and the Democratic Future of South America”; Jorge Domínguez’s “Latin America’s Crisis of Representation”; Kenneth M. Roberts’s “Party-Society Linkages and Democratic Representation in Latin America”; Scott Mainwaring’s “The Crisis of Representation in the Andes”). In many Latin American countries, a general malaise set in that bubbled over (again) with protests in 2019. COVID-19’s global pandemic placed a temporary lid on this simmering situation but likely exacerbated the region’s crisis of representation. Viewed as a barometer for democratic viability, political trust has become a lynchpin among institutional, behavioral, and cultural theories of democratization. Though “political trust” could refer to myriad institutions, we conceptually circumscribe it to governments, legislatures, political parties, local government, the judiciary, the police, the military, and the civil service / bureaucracy. We acknowledge that a research tradition built on David Easton’s conception of political system support (A Systems Analysis of Political Life, 1965; “A Re-assessment of the Concept of Political Support,” 1975) views presidential approval and satisfaction with democracy as conceptually kindred to political trust. We nevertheless distinguish these concepts because satisfaction with democracy remains in conceptual and empirical limbo after decades of debate. Moreover, early-21st-century work from the Executive Approval Project and others diverges theoretically from political trust by considering characteristics (e.g., gender, ideology) and actions (e.g., scandals, executive decrees) of a single person, the president, as opposed to institutions more broadly. We also acknowledge the tradition of Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba’s The Civic Culture (1963), which analyzes interpersonal trust alongside political trust. Research on interpersonal trust in the region has, unfortunately, lagged behind research on political trust and, if anything, has hewn more closely to the multidisciplinary work on prosociality than the culturalist tradition. In sum, interpersonal trust, presidential approval, and support for and satisfaction with democracy arise in the works cited in this article. But we view them as conceptually distinct from political trust and judge the scholarly advances related to the latter as worthy of separate treatment. Scholars ha
{"title":"Trust in Latin American Governing Institutions","authors":"","doi":"10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0347","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0347","url":null,"abstract":"The end of dictatorships, civil wars, and exclusive party systems by the close of the 20th century was a genuine cause for optimism about democracy in Latin America. Once the euphoria surrounding transitions subsided, the cold realities of transitioning to open market economies thrust the region into a crisis of representation. That is, Latin America’s parties, elected officials, and voters struggled mightily to achieve the democratic ideals of representation, accountability, effective citizenship rights, and rule of law (inter alia, Frances Hagopian’s “After Regime Change: Authoritarian Legacies, Political Representation and the Democratic Future of South America”; Jorge Domínguez’s “Latin America’s Crisis of Representation”; Kenneth M. Roberts’s “Party-Society Linkages and Democratic Representation in Latin America”; Scott Mainwaring’s “The Crisis of Representation in the Andes”). In many Latin American countries, a general malaise set in that bubbled over (again) with protests in 2019. COVID-19’s global pandemic placed a temporary lid on this simmering situation but likely exacerbated the region’s crisis of representation. Viewed as a barometer for democratic viability, political trust has become a lynchpin among institutional, behavioral, and cultural theories of democratization. Though “political trust” could refer to myriad institutions, we conceptually circumscribe it to governments, legislatures, political parties, local government, the judiciary, the police, the military, and the civil service / bureaucracy. We acknowledge that a research tradition built on David Easton’s conception of political system support (A Systems Analysis of Political Life, 1965; “A Re-assessment of the Concept of Political Support,” 1975) views presidential approval and satisfaction with democracy as conceptually kindred to political trust. We nevertheless distinguish these concepts because satisfaction with democracy remains in conceptual and empirical limbo after decades of debate. Moreover, early-21st-century work from the Executive Approval Project and others diverges theoretically from political trust by considering characteristics (e.g., gender, ideology) and actions (e.g., scandals, executive decrees) of a single person, the president, as opposed to institutions more broadly. We also acknowledge the tradition of Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba’s The Civic Culture (1963), which analyzes interpersonal trust alongside political trust. Research on interpersonal trust in the region has, unfortunately, lagged behind research on political trust and, if anything, has hewn more closely to the multidisciplinary work on prosociality than the culturalist tradition. In sum, interpersonal trust, presidential approval, and support for and satisfaction with democracy arise in the works cited in this article. But we view them as conceptually distinct from political trust and judge the scholarly advances related to the latter as worthy of separate treatment. Scholars ha","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46749516","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2022.2099915
Dominic O’Sullivan
ABSTRACT When analysing Indigenous public policy, crisis is best seen as the moral crisis of an enduring idea rather than the crisis of sporadic and unconnected instances of policy failure. In Australia and New Zealand, states use manufactured crises of Indigenous personal deficiencies to justify colonial authority. A justification which may be countered by positioning colonialism itself as the point of crisis. From this perspective, the crisis in Indigenous public policy is not resolved by the state becoming better at policy-making or more attentive to the egalitarian distribution of public resources. Instead, it is in the non-colonial possibilities of Indigenous self-determination that paths beyond crisis may lie. In practical terms, by ensuring spaces of independent Indigenous authority alongside spaces of distinctive culturally framed participation in the public life of the state. The potential for such arrangements in Australia is discussed with reference to a proposed First Nations’ Voice to Parliament and possible treaties between First Nations and the state. For New Zealand, their potential is discussed with reference to te Tiriti o Waitangi’s affirmation of independent Māori authority (rangatiratanga) and substantive state citizenship.
摘要在分析土著公共政策时，危机最好被视为一个持久理念的道德危机，而不是零星和不相关的政策失败案例的危机。在澳大利亚和新西兰，各州利用人为制造的原住民个人缺陷危机来证明殖民权威的正当性。可以通过将殖民主义本身定位为危机点来反驳这一理由。从这个角度来看，土著公共政策的危机并不是通过国家变得更善于决策或更注重公共资源的平等分配来解决的。相反，正是在土著自决的非殖民可能性中，才有可能走出危机。在实践中，通过确保独立的土著权力空间与独特的文化框架参与国家公共生活的空间。在澳大利亚，此类安排的潜力将参照拟议的原住民议会之声以及原住民与国家之间可能签订的条约进行讨论。对于新西兰来说，他们的潜力是参照te Tiriti o Waitangi对独立的毛利人权威（rangatiratanga）和实质性国家公民身份的肯定来讨论的。
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