Pub Date : 2022-09-02DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2023.2186251
N. Khoo
ABSTRACT Great power rivalry is a structural feature in Southeast Asia’s international politics which three decades of post-Cold War academic analysis and diplomatic activity has sought and failed to transcend. The acknowledgement of its return to a central role in the analysis of Southeast Asia’s international politics is both illuminating and instructive. Accordingly, this article centres discussion of three recent books on the region’s international politics around the following great power-related themes: the arrival of Chinese power in Southeast Asia; the return of Chinese activism and US-China rivalry in Southeast Asia; contingent Southeast Asian agency; and the value of theory in illuminating these dynamics.
{"title":"Great power Rivalry and Southeast Asian agency: Southeast Asia in an Era of US-China strategic competition","authors":"N. Khoo","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2023.2186251","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2023.2186251","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Great power rivalry is a structural feature in Southeast Asia’s international politics which three decades of post-Cold War academic analysis and diplomatic activity has sought and failed to transcend. The acknowledgement of its return to a central role in the analysis of Southeast Asia’s international politics is both illuminating and instructive. Accordingly, this article centres discussion of three recent books on the region’s international politics around the following great power-related themes: the arrival of Chinese power in Southeast Asia; the return of Chinese activism and US-China rivalry in Southeast Asia; contingent Southeast Asian agency; and the value of theory in illuminating these dynamics.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":"74 1","pages":"141 - 154"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46801519","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-02DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2023.2208589
Kelly Blidook, Royce Koop
ABSTRACT Service representation – the extent to which Members of Parliament (MPs) assist constituents with problems they have related to the government – is an increasingly important role of MPs in developed democracies. We explore the practice of service representation through comparison of the service orientations and activities of two MPs in different countries, New Zealand and Australia, observed during periods of participant observation with them in their electorates. Constructing service connections between MPs and their constituents is often a crucial aspect of MPs’ overall representational styles. Our comparisons in this research depict the multi-dimensionality of service representation with respect to MPs’ emphasis on service, the nature of their service activities, and in the factors that shape those activities. The democratic implications of our comparisons are also addressed. Deep exploration of only two cases is used in this research to develop theoretical understanding to inform future analysis of service representation and its increasing importance in the overall representational and democratic process.
{"title":"“We can help and it doesn’t cost you a cracker”: the multidimensionality of service representation in Australia and New Zealand","authors":"Kelly Blidook, Royce Koop","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2023.2208589","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2023.2208589","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Service representation – the extent to which Members of Parliament (MPs) assist constituents with problems they have related to the government – is an increasingly important role of MPs in developed democracies. We explore the practice of service representation through comparison of the service orientations and activities of two MPs in different countries, New Zealand and Australia, observed during periods of participant observation with them in their electorates. Constructing service connections between MPs and their constituents is often a crucial aspect of MPs’ overall representational styles. Our comparisons in this research depict the multi-dimensionality of service representation with respect to MPs’ emphasis on service, the nature of their service activities, and in the factors that shape those activities. The democratic implications of our comparisons are also addressed. Deep exploration of only two cases is used in this research to develop theoretical understanding to inform future analysis of service representation and its increasing importance in the overall representational and democratic process.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":"74 1","pages":"75 - 93"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42729938","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-12DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0347
The end of dictatorships, civil wars, and exclusive party systems by the close of the 20th century was a genuine cause for optimism about democracy in Latin America. Once the euphoria surrounding transitions subsided, the cold realities of transitioning to open market economies thrust the region into a crisis of representation. That is, Latin America’s parties, elected officials, and voters struggled mightily to achieve the democratic ideals of representation, accountability, effective citizenship rights, and rule of law (inter alia, Frances Hagopian’s “After Regime Change: Authoritarian Legacies, Political Representation and the Democratic Future of South America”; Jorge Domínguez’s “Latin America’s Crisis of Representation”; Kenneth M. Roberts’s “Party-Society Linkages and Democratic Representation in Latin America”; Scott Mainwaring’s “The Crisis of Representation in the Andes”). In many Latin American countries, a general malaise set in that bubbled over (again) with protests in 2019. COVID-19’s global pandemic placed a temporary lid on this simmering situation but likely exacerbated the region’s crisis of representation. Viewed as a barometer for democratic viability, political trust has become a lynchpin among institutional, behavioral, and cultural theories of democratization. Though “political trust” could refer to myriad institutions, we conceptually circumscribe it to governments, legislatures, political parties, local government, the judiciary, the police, the military, and the civil service / bureaucracy. We acknowledge that a research tradition built on David Easton’s conception of political system support (A Systems Analysis of Political Life, 1965; “A Re-assessment of the Concept of Political Support,” 1975) views presidential approval and satisfaction with democracy as conceptually kindred to political trust. We nevertheless distinguish these concepts because satisfaction with democracy remains in conceptual and empirical limbo after decades of debate. Moreover, early-21st-century work from the Executive Approval Project and others diverges theoretically from political trust by considering characteristics (e.g., gender, ideology) and actions (e.g., scandals, executive decrees) of a single person, the president, as opposed to institutions more broadly. We also acknowledge the tradition of Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba’s The Civic Culture (1963), which analyzes interpersonal trust alongside political trust. Research on interpersonal trust in the region has, unfortunately, lagged behind research on political trust and, if anything, has hewn more closely to the multidisciplinary work on prosociality than the culturalist tradition. In sum, interpersonal trust, presidential approval, and support for and satisfaction with democracy arise in the works cited in this article. But we view them as conceptually distinct from political trust and judge the scholarly advances related to the latter as worthy of separate treatment. Scholars ha
{"title":"Trust in Latin American Governing Institutions","authors":"","doi":"10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0347","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0347","url":null,"abstract":"The end of dictatorships, civil wars, and exclusive party systems by the close of the 20th century was a genuine cause for optimism about democracy in Latin America. Once the euphoria surrounding transitions subsided, the cold realities of transitioning to open market economies thrust the region into a crisis of representation. That is, Latin America’s parties, elected officials, and voters struggled mightily to achieve the democratic ideals of representation, accountability, effective citizenship rights, and rule of law (inter alia, Frances Hagopian’s “After Regime Change: Authoritarian Legacies, Political Representation and the Democratic Future of South America”; Jorge Domínguez’s “Latin America’s Crisis of Representation”; Kenneth M. Roberts’s “Party-Society Linkages and Democratic Representation in Latin America”; Scott Mainwaring’s “The Crisis of Representation in the Andes”). In many Latin American countries, a general malaise set in that bubbled over (again) with protests in 2019. COVID-19’s global pandemic placed a temporary lid on this simmering situation but likely exacerbated the region’s crisis of representation. Viewed as a barometer for democratic viability, political trust has become a lynchpin among institutional, behavioral, and cultural theories of democratization. Though “political trust” could refer to myriad institutions, we conceptually circumscribe it to governments, legislatures, political parties, local government, the judiciary, the police, the military, and the civil service / bureaucracy. We acknowledge that a research tradition built on David Easton’s conception of political system support (A Systems Analysis of Political Life, 1965; “A Re-assessment of the Concept of Political Support,” 1975) views presidential approval and satisfaction with democracy as conceptually kindred to political trust. We nevertheless distinguish these concepts because satisfaction with democracy remains in conceptual and empirical limbo after decades of debate. Moreover, early-21st-century work from the Executive Approval Project and others diverges theoretically from political trust by considering characteristics (e.g., gender, ideology) and actions (e.g., scandals, executive decrees) of a single person, the president, as opposed to institutions more broadly. We also acknowledge the tradition of Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba’s The Civic Culture (1963), which analyzes interpersonal trust alongside political trust. Research on interpersonal trust in the region has, unfortunately, lagged behind research on political trust and, if anything, has hewn more closely to the multidisciplinary work on prosociality than the culturalist tradition. In sum, interpersonal trust, presidential approval, and support for and satisfaction with democracy arise in the works cited in this article. But we view them as conceptually distinct from political trust and judge the scholarly advances related to the latter as worthy of separate treatment. Scholars ha","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46749516","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2022.2099915
Dominic O’Sullivan
ABSTRACT When analysing Indigenous public policy, crisis is best seen as the moral crisis of an enduring idea rather than the crisis of sporadic and unconnected instances of policy failure. In Australia and New Zealand, states use manufactured crises of Indigenous personal deficiencies to justify colonial authority. A justification which may be countered by positioning colonialism itself as the point of crisis. From this perspective, the crisis in Indigenous public policy is not resolved by the state becoming better at policy-making or more attentive to the egalitarian distribution of public resources. Instead, it is in the non-colonial possibilities of Indigenous self-determination that paths beyond crisis may lie. In practical terms, by ensuring spaces of independent Indigenous authority alongside spaces of distinctive culturally framed participation in the public life of the state. The potential for such arrangements in Australia is discussed with reference to a proposed First Nations’ Voice to Parliament and possible treaties between First Nations and the state. For New Zealand, their potential is discussed with reference to te Tiriti o Waitangi’s affirmation of independent Māori authority (rangatiratanga) and substantive state citizenship.
摘要在分析土著公共政策时，危机最好被视为一个持久理念的道德危机，而不是零星和不相关的政策失败案例的危机。在澳大利亚和新西兰，各州利用人为制造的原住民个人缺陷危机来证明殖民权威的正当性。可以通过将殖民主义本身定位为危机点来反驳这一理由。从这个角度来看，土著公共政策的危机并不是通过国家变得更善于决策或更注重公共资源的平等分配来解决的。相反，正是在土著自决的非殖民可能性中，才有可能走出危机。在实践中，通过确保独立的土著权力空间与独特的文化框架参与国家公共生活的空间。在澳大利亚，此类安排的潜力将参照拟议的原住民议会之声以及原住民与国家之间可能签订的条约进行讨论。对于新西兰来说，他们的潜力是参照te Tiriti o Waitangi对独立的毛利人权威（rangatiratanga）和实质性国家公民身份的肯定来讨论的。
{"title":"The crisis of policy failure or the moral crisis of an idea: colonial politics in contemporary Australia and New Zealand","authors":"Dominic O’Sullivan","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2022.2099915","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2022.2099915","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT When analysing Indigenous public policy, crisis is best seen as the moral crisis of an enduring idea rather than the crisis of sporadic and unconnected instances of policy failure. In Australia and New Zealand, states use manufactured crises of Indigenous personal deficiencies to justify colonial authority. A justification which may be countered by positioning colonialism itself as the point of crisis. From this perspective, the crisis in Indigenous public policy is not resolved by the state becoming better at policy-making or more attentive to the egalitarian distribution of public resources. Instead, it is in the non-colonial possibilities of Indigenous self-determination that paths beyond crisis may lie. In practical terms, by ensuring spaces of independent Indigenous authority alongside spaces of distinctive culturally framed participation in the public life of the state. The potential for such arrangements in Australia is discussed with reference to a proposed First Nations’ Voice to Parliament and possible treaties between First Nations and the state. For New Zealand, their potential is discussed with reference to te Tiriti o Waitangi’s affirmation of independent Māori authority (rangatiratanga) and substantive state citizenship.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":"74 1","pages":"1 - 17"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42573392","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2022.2064759
Patrick Köllner
ABSTRACT Faced with growing Chinese engagement in the Pacific, the two traditional regional powers in that world region, Australia and New Zealand (NZ), unveiled major policy initiatives in the late 2010s. Both Australia’s ‘Pacific Step-up’ and NZ’s ‘Pacific Reset’ featured substantial increases in terms of development cooperation, diplomatic posts, and high-level exchanges and thus credibly signalled the two allies’ desire to remain partners of first choice for Pacific Island Countries. Alignment does however not mean that Australia and NZ’s Pacific policies are alike. A paired comparison highlights significant differences with respect to security and migration. I argue that the strong focus in Australia’s Pacific policy on hard security reflects not only the country’s more pronounced military profile and its alliance with the United States but also the country’s greater sense of vulnerability which derives in part from its geographic and historical linkages with Melanesia. This contrasts with NZ’s more unburdened traditional focus on Polynesia. I then trace the very different Pacific population profiles of the two Australasian states back to NZ’s much greater openness to permanent migration from the region – reflecting both constitutional obligations and the development of distinct migration pathways for Pacific people. These differences are of a structural nature and are bound to shape Australia and NZ’s policy approaches to the Pacific in the longer term.
{"title":"Australia and New Zealand’s Pacific policy: aligned, not alike","authors":"Patrick Köllner","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2022.2064759","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2022.2064759","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Faced with growing Chinese engagement in the Pacific, the two traditional regional powers in that world region, Australia and New Zealand (NZ), unveiled major policy initiatives in the late 2010s. Both Australia’s ‘Pacific Step-up’ and NZ’s ‘Pacific Reset’ featured substantial increases in terms of development cooperation, diplomatic posts, and high-level exchanges and thus credibly signalled the two allies’ desire to remain partners of first choice for Pacific Island Countries. Alignment does however not mean that Australia and NZ’s Pacific policies are alike. A paired comparison highlights significant differences with respect to security and migration. I argue that the strong focus in Australia’s Pacific policy on hard security reflects not only the country’s more pronounced military profile and its alliance with the United States but also the country’s greater sense of vulnerability which derives in part from its geographic and historical linkages with Melanesia. This contrasts with NZ’s more unburdened traditional focus on Polynesia. I then trace the very different Pacific population profiles of the two Australasian states back to NZ’s much greater openness to permanent migration from the region – reflecting both constitutional obligations and the development of distinct migration pathways for Pacific people. These differences are of a structural nature and are bound to shape Australia and NZ’s policy approaches to the Pacific in the longer term.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":"74 1","pages":"53 - 74"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49167445","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2022.2101493
James Halpin, Chris Wilson
ABSTRACT Scholars have long seen radicalisation as a predominantly group based phenomenon, occurring largely through ‘real world,’ in person interaction. By contrast, the internet is seen as playing only a limited ‘facilitating’ role in radicalising people to violence. However, a series of attacks by far right extremists over the past decade has demonstrated that this perspective is less accurate than it once was. Almost none of these terrorists were members of extremist groups and had only engaged with other extremists on the internet. In this article, we examine the relative importance of face-to-face group interaction and physically isolated internet-based radicalization in driving individuals towards extremist violence. We do so through a detailed case study of Action Zealandia, New Zealand’s leading ideological white nationalist group. The study is based on eighteen months of infiltration of the group by one of the authors from 2019 to 2021. When interacting online, members often adopt highly extremist personas, in some cases threatening mass violence. By contrast, face to face interaction and group membership pushed the group away from extremist violence. This was due to several factors: police pressure and a lack of opportunity for the movement to grow, and the often uninspiring nature of offline interaction.
{"title":"How online interaction radicalises while group involvement restrains: a case study of Action Zealandia from 2019 to 2021","authors":"James Halpin, Chris Wilson","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2022.2101493","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2022.2101493","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Scholars have long seen radicalisation as a predominantly group based phenomenon, occurring largely through ‘real world,’ in person interaction. By contrast, the internet is seen as playing only a limited ‘facilitating’ role in radicalising people to violence. However, a series of attacks by far right extremists over the past decade has demonstrated that this perspective is less accurate than it once was. Almost none of these terrorists were members of extremist groups and had only engaged with other extremists on the internet. In this article, we examine the relative importance of face-to-face group interaction and physically isolated internet-based radicalization in driving individuals towards extremist violence. We do so through a detailed case study of Action Zealandia, New Zealand’s leading ideological white nationalist group. The study is based on eighteen months of infiltration of the group by one of the authors from 2019 to 2021. When interacting online, members often adopt highly extremist personas, in some cases threatening mass violence. By contrast, face to face interaction and group membership pushed the group away from extremist violence. This was due to several factors: police pressure and a lack of opportunity for the movement to grow, and the often uninspiring nature of offline interaction.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":"74 1","pages":"18 - 33"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46814250","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2022.2069583
Lianjiang Li
ABSTRACT The paper argues that dimensionality and contextuality analyses are essential to maintaining conceptual equivalence in comparative studies of critical citizens. It argues that underlying the concept of critical citizens is a two-dimensional typology of citizens. One dimension is trust in existing state institutions, and the other is adherence to the underlying regime principles. Measuring each dimension with a dichotomy, we gobserve four types of citizens: (1) trustful system supporters; (2) trustful system opponents; (3) distrustful system supporters; (4) distrustful system opponents. Critical citizens are distrustful system supporters in established democracies, where the concept originates. However, the concept is stretched when applied to non-democracies like China, where critical citizens are distrustful system opponents. The paper generalises the concept, arguing that critical citizens have two defining features. First, they distrust the national government, whether it is democratically elected or self-appointed. Second, they accept electoral and representative democracy as the ideal form of government. Drawing on a national survey, the study finds that about twelve percent of Chinese people are critical citizens. Furthermore, it shows that individuals dissatisfied with the economy, government performance and corruption control are more likely to be critical citizens.
{"title":"Dimensionality, contextuality, and conceptual equivalence: the case of critical citizens","authors":"Lianjiang Li","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2022.2069583","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2022.2069583","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The paper argues that dimensionality and contextuality analyses are essential to maintaining conceptual equivalence in comparative studies of critical citizens. It argues that underlying the concept of critical citizens is a two-dimensional typology of citizens. One dimension is trust in existing state institutions, and the other is adherence to the underlying regime principles. Measuring each dimension with a dichotomy, we gobserve four types of citizens: (1) trustful system supporters; (2) trustful system opponents; (3) distrustful system supporters; (4) distrustful system opponents. Critical citizens are distrustful system supporters in established democracies, where the concept originates. However, the concept is stretched when applied to non-democracies like China, where critical citizens are distrustful system opponents. The paper generalises the concept, arguing that critical citizens have two defining features. First, they distrust the national government, whether it is democratically elected or self-appointed. Second, they accept electoral and representative democracy as the ideal form of government. Drawing on a national survey, the study finds that about twelve percent of Chinese people are critical citizens. Furthermore, it shows that individuals dissatisfied with the economy, government performance and corruption control are more likely to be critical citizens.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":"74 1","pages":"34 - 52"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"58932263","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-23DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0346
“Ancient Chinese political thought” refers to the reflections and discussions about politics during the period before the First Emperor established the Qin dynasty in 221 bce. Although one could also infer some political thought of that period from the other archeological evidence, the main sources of such reflections and discussions are texts believed to date back to that period, some of which became the foundation of Chinese education that began in the Han dynasty (210 bce–220 ce) and lasted till the beginning of the 20th century. Although disrupted by the turbulent history of China’s encounter with modernity in the early 20th century, the study of ancient Chinese texts has become the center of what is known as “national studies (guoxue国学)” in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) today, with institutes devoted to it in many Chinese universities, supporting researchers from various disciplines. In the revival of Confucianism coupled with the rise of cultural nationalism in mainland China, many Chinese scholars have turned to ancient Chinese political thought for inspiration in their search for distinctively Chinese perspectives on politics, both local and global, and they advocate Chinese alternatives or models to address contemporary challenges. With limited space, the publications selected for this article make up only a small fraction of the works in English and even fewer in Mandarin that discuss ancient Chinese political thought. (The focus on English works is due to the consideration that not all readers of this article would be able to read Mandarin.) In addition to being studied as part of early Chinese civilization that has influenced Chinese society through subsequent centuries, political theorists and philosophers engage ancient Chinese political thought to address perennial or contemporary political problems, contributing significantly to the growth of comparative political theory and comparative political philosophy.
{"title":"Ancient Chinese Political Thought","authors":"","doi":"10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0346","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0346","url":null,"abstract":"“Ancient Chinese political thought” refers to the reflections and discussions about politics during the period before the First Emperor established the Qin dynasty in 221 bce. Although one could also infer some political thought of that period from the other archeological evidence, the main sources of such reflections and discussions are texts believed to date back to that period, some of which became the foundation of Chinese education that began in the Han dynasty (210 bce–220 ce) and lasted till the beginning of the 20th century. Although disrupted by the turbulent history of China’s encounter with modernity in the early 20th century, the study of ancient Chinese texts has become the center of what is known as “national studies (guoxue国学)” in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) today, with institutes devoted to it in many Chinese universities, supporting researchers from various disciplines. In the revival of Confucianism coupled with the rise of cultural nationalism in mainland China, many Chinese scholars have turned to ancient Chinese political thought for inspiration in their search for distinctively Chinese perspectives on politics, both local and global, and they advocate Chinese alternatives or models to address contemporary challenges. With limited space, the publications selected for this article make up only a small fraction of the works in English and even fewer in Mandarin that discuss ancient Chinese political thought. (The focus on English works is due to the consideration that not all readers of this article would be able to read Mandarin.) In addition to being studied as part of early Chinese civilization that has influenced Chinese society through subsequent centuries, political theorists and philosophers engage ancient Chinese political thought to address perennial or contemporary political problems, contributing significantly to the growth of comparative political theory and comparative political philosophy.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42707878","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-27DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0345
While consensus on what should be included under the label of political participation is far from having been reached, the latter can broadly be defined as activities by ordinary citizens addressed to the political authorities or the general public and directed toward influencing some political outcomes. The literature then distinguishes between a range of distinct modes of participation. Protest is one of them. Protest participation refers to involvement in different sorts of political activities. The specific kinds of political activities that define this mode of participation may vary to some extent from author to author, from study to study, making the field hard to delimit. Most often, however, this includes attending a street demonstration, taking part in a strike, and other more radical forms such as blockades, occupations, sit-ins, and the like. Protest activities can be studied from two angles or levels of analysis: as aggregate-level collective phenomena or as individual-level expressions of political will. This bibliography focuses on individual protest participation. Moreover, in order to further delimit the field, works are prioritized that refer explicitly to protest participation, therefore overlooking proximate terms and phenomena such as activism or participation in social movements. A number of works have examined protest participation in a broader perspective, as one among several modes of political participation. Others have discussed how protest participation can be studied from a methodological point of view. From a more substantive point of view, scholars are interested in knowing who takes part in protest activities as well as why and how they do so. When it comes to explaining protest participation, we may roughly distinguish between three main perspectives, based on the key explanatory factors examined: Microstructural Accounts focus on social embeddedness as well as the role of preexisting networks and ties to explain involvement in protest activities; Social-Psychological Accounts focus on the role of grievances, identity, and emotions; Predispositional Accounts focus on political attitudes, values, and norms. The present bibliography follows this threefold categorization and is inevitably selective in the choice of references to be included. Often, however, research includes predictors from more than one single perspective. Furthermore, while most existing works focus exclusively on the individual level, scholars have started to examine the role of the broader context for explaining patterns of individual participation in protest activities. Finally, early-21st-century scholars are paying increasing attention to online forms of protest participation, hence complementing the traditional focus on offline forms.
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Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2021.1957955
Lena Le, Khac Nam Hoang
ABSTRACT Vietnam used to be isolated from the international community but has now become the Southeast Asian country with the most strategic partnerships with other Indo-Pacific countries. In Vietnam, over the past decade, ‘strategic partnership’ has also become a popular concept in the country’s foreign policy and media. However, the current literature does not yet include significant study on Vietnam’s new foreign policy practice. This article attempts to fill the gap by examining Vietnam’s use of ‘strategic partnership’, how Vietnam defines the term and how its partnerships operate in practice. By examining case studies of three strategic partnerships between Vietnam and India, Japan, and the Philippines, this article argues that the way Vietnam views strategic partnership shares quite a few common features with existing studies’ definitions. It also concludes that the country has rapidly forged strategic partnerships in the Indo-Pacific more than any other Southeast Asian country because of both external factors and internal demands. Despite limitations, SP is a valuable political and diplomatic tool for Vietnam.
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