Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2022.2064759
Patrick Köllner
ABSTRACT Faced with growing Chinese engagement in the Pacific, the two traditional regional powers in that world region, Australia and New Zealand (NZ), unveiled major policy initiatives in the late 2010s. Both Australia’s ‘Pacific Step-up’ and NZ’s ‘Pacific Reset’ featured substantial increases in terms of development cooperation, diplomatic posts, and high-level exchanges and thus credibly signalled the two allies’ desire to remain partners of first choice for Pacific Island Countries. Alignment does however not mean that Australia and NZ’s Pacific policies are alike. A paired comparison highlights significant differences with respect to security and migration. I argue that the strong focus in Australia’s Pacific policy on hard security reflects not only the country’s more pronounced military profile and its alliance with the United States but also the country’s greater sense of vulnerability which derives in part from its geographic and historical linkages with Melanesia. This contrasts with NZ’s more unburdened traditional focus on Polynesia. I then trace the very different Pacific population profiles of the two Australasian states back to NZ’s much greater openness to permanent migration from the region – reflecting both constitutional obligations and the development of distinct migration pathways for Pacific people. These differences are of a structural nature and are bound to shape Australia and NZ’s policy approaches to the Pacific in the longer term.
{"title":"Australia and New Zealand’s Pacific policy: aligned, not alike","authors":"Patrick Köllner","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2022.2064759","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2022.2064759","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Faced with growing Chinese engagement in the Pacific, the two traditional regional powers in that world region, Australia and New Zealand (NZ), unveiled major policy initiatives in the late 2010s. Both Australia’s ‘Pacific Step-up’ and NZ’s ‘Pacific Reset’ featured substantial increases in terms of development cooperation, diplomatic posts, and high-level exchanges and thus credibly signalled the two allies’ desire to remain partners of first choice for Pacific Island Countries. Alignment does however not mean that Australia and NZ’s Pacific policies are alike. A paired comparison highlights significant differences with respect to security and migration. I argue that the strong focus in Australia’s Pacific policy on hard security reflects not only the country’s more pronounced military profile and its alliance with the United States but also the country’s greater sense of vulnerability which derives in part from its geographic and historical linkages with Melanesia. This contrasts with NZ’s more unburdened traditional focus on Polynesia. I then trace the very different Pacific population profiles of the two Australasian states back to NZ’s much greater openness to permanent migration from the region – reflecting both constitutional obligations and the development of distinct migration pathways for Pacific people. These differences are of a structural nature and are bound to shape Australia and NZ’s policy approaches to the Pacific in the longer term.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49167445","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2022.2101493
James Halpin, Chris Wilson
ABSTRACT Scholars have long seen radicalisation as a predominantly group based phenomenon, occurring largely through ‘real world,’ in person interaction. By contrast, the internet is seen as playing only a limited ‘facilitating’ role in radicalising people to violence. However, a series of attacks by far right extremists over the past decade has demonstrated that this perspective is less accurate than it once was. Almost none of these terrorists were members of extremist groups and had only engaged with other extremists on the internet. In this article, we examine the relative importance of face-to-face group interaction and physically isolated internet-based radicalization in driving individuals towards extremist violence. We do so through a detailed case study of Action Zealandia, New Zealand’s leading ideological white nationalist group. The study is based on eighteen months of infiltration of the group by one of the authors from 2019 to 2021. When interacting online, members often adopt highly extremist personas, in some cases threatening mass violence. By contrast, face to face interaction and group membership pushed the group away from extremist violence. This was due to several factors: police pressure and a lack of opportunity for the movement to grow, and the often uninspiring nature of offline interaction.
{"title":"How online interaction radicalises while group involvement restrains: a case study of Action Zealandia from 2019 to 2021","authors":"James Halpin, Chris Wilson","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2022.2101493","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2022.2101493","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Scholars have long seen radicalisation as a predominantly group based phenomenon, occurring largely through ‘real world,’ in person interaction. By contrast, the internet is seen as playing only a limited ‘facilitating’ role in radicalising people to violence. However, a series of attacks by far right extremists over the past decade has demonstrated that this perspective is less accurate than it once was. Almost none of these terrorists were members of extremist groups and had only engaged with other extremists on the internet. In this article, we examine the relative importance of face-to-face group interaction and physically isolated internet-based radicalization in driving individuals towards extremist violence. We do so through a detailed case study of Action Zealandia, New Zealand’s leading ideological white nationalist group. The study is based on eighteen months of infiltration of the group by one of the authors from 2019 to 2021. When interacting online, members often adopt highly extremist personas, in some cases threatening mass violence. By contrast, face to face interaction and group membership pushed the group away from extremist violence. This was due to several factors: police pressure and a lack of opportunity for the movement to grow, and the often uninspiring nature of offline interaction.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46814250","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2022.2069583
Lianjiang Li
ABSTRACT The paper argues that dimensionality and contextuality analyses are essential to maintaining conceptual equivalence in comparative studies of critical citizens. It argues that underlying the concept of critical citizens is a two-dimensional typology of citizens. One dimension is trust in existing state institutions, and the other is adherence to the underlying regime principles. Measuring each dimension with a dichotomy, we gobserve four types of citizens: (1) trustful system supporters; (2) trustful system opponents; (3) distrustful system supporters; (4) distrustful system opponents. Critical citizens are distrustful system supporters in established democracies, where the concept originates. However, the concept is stretched when applied to non-democracies like China, where critical citizens are distrustful system opponents. The paper generalises the concept, arguing that critical citizens have two defining features. First, they distrust the national government, whether it is democratically elected or self-appointed. Second, they accept electoral and representative democracy as the ideal form of government. Drawing on a national survey, the study finds that about twelve percent of Chinese people are critical citizens. Furthermore, it shows that individuals dissatisfied with the economy, government performance and corruption control are more likely to be critical citizens.
{"title":"Dimensionality, contextuality, and conceptual equivalence: the case of critical citizens","authors":"Lianjiang Li","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2022.2069583","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2022.2069583","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The paper argues that dimensionality and contextuality analyses are essential to maintaining conceptual equivalence in comparative studies of critical citizens. It argues that underlying the concept of critical citizens is a two-dimensional typology of citizens. One dimension is trust in existing state institutions, and the other is adherence to the underlying regime principles. Measuring each dimension with a dichotomy, we gobserve four types of citizens: (1) trustful system supporters; (2) trustful system opponents; (3) distrustful system supporters; (4) distrustful system opponents. Critical citizens are distrustful system supporters in established democracies, where the concept originates. However, the concept is stretched when applied to non-democracies like China, where critical citizens are distrustful system opponents. The paper generalises the concept, arguing that critical citizens have two defining features. First, they distrust the national government, whether it is democratically elected or self-appointed. Second, they accept electoral and representative democracy as the ideal form of government. Drawing on a national survey, the study finds that about twelve percent of Chinese people are critical citizens. Furthermore, it shows that individuals dissatisfied with the economy, government performance and corruption control are more likely to be critical citizens.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"58932263","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-23DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0346
“Ancient Chinese political thought” refers to the reflections and discussions about politics during the period before the First Emperor established the Qin dynasty in 221 bce. Although one could also infer some political thought of that period from the other archeological evidence, the main sources of such reflections and discussions are texts believed to date back to that period, some of which became the foundation of Chinese education that began in the Han dynasty (210 bce–220 ce) and lasted till the beginning of the 20th century. Although disrupted by the turbulent history of China’s encounter with modernity in the early 20th century, the study of ancient Chinese texts has become the center of what is known as “national studies (guoxue国学)” in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) today, with institutes devoted to it in many Chinese universities, supporting researchers from various disciplines. In the revival of Confucianism coupled with the rise of cultural nationalism in mainland China, many Chinese scholars have turned to ancient Chinese political thought for inspiration in their search for distinctively Chinese perspectives on politics, both local and global, and they advocate Chinese alternatives or models to address contemporary challenges. With limited space, the publications selected for this article make up only a small fraction of the works in English and even fewer in Mandarin that discuss ancient Chinese political thought. (The focus on English works is due to the consideration that not all readers of this article would be able to read Mandarin.) In addition to being studied as part of early Chinese civilization that has influenced Chinese society through subsequent centuries, political theorists and philosophers engage ancient Chinese political thought to address perennial or contemporary political problems, contributing significantly to the growth of comparative political theory and comparative political philosophy.
{"title":"Ancient Chinese Political Thought","authors":"","doi":"10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0346","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0346","url":null,"abstract":"“Ancient Chinese political thought” refers to the reflections and discussions about politics during the period before the First Emperor established the Qin dynasty in 221 bce. Although one could also infer some political thought of that period from the other archeological evidence, the main sources of such reflections and discussions are texts believed to date back to that period, some of which became the foundation of Chinese education that began in the Han dynasty (210 bce–220 ce) and lasted till the beginning of the 20th century. Although disrupted by the turbulent history of China’s encounter with modernity in the early 20th century, the study of ancient Chinese texts has become the center of what is known as “national studies (guoxue国学)” in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) today, with institutes devoted to it in many Chinese universities, supporting researchers from various disciplines. In the revival of Confucianism coupled with the rise of cultural nationalism in mainland China, many Chinese scholars have turned to ancient Chinese political thought for inspiration in their search for distinctively Chinese perspectives on politics, both local and global, and they advocate Chinese alternatives or models to address contemporary challenges. With limited space, the publications selected for this article make up only a small fraction of the works in English and even fewer in Mandarin that discuss ancient Chinese political thought. (The focus on English works is due to the consideration that not all readers of this article would be able to read Mandarin.) In addition to being studied as part of early Chinese civilization that has influenced Chinese society through subsequent centuries, political theorists and philosophers engage ancient Chinese political thought to address perennial or contemporary political problems, contributing significantly to the growth of comparative political theory and comparative political philosophy.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42707878","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-27DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0345
While consensus on what should be included under the label of political participation is far from having been reached, the latter can broadly be defined as activities by ordinary citizens addressed to the political authorities or the general public and directed toward influencing some political outcomes. The literature then distinguishes between a range of distinct modes of participation. Protest is one of them. Protest participation refers to involvement in different sorts of political activities. The specific kinds of political activities that define this mode of participation may vary to some extent from author to author, from study to study, making the field hard to delimit. Most often, however, this includes attending a street demonstration, taking part in a strike, and other more radical forms such as blockades, occupations, sit-ins, and the like. Protest activities can be studied from two angles or levels of analysis: as aggregate-level collective phenomena or as individual-level expressions of political will. This bibliography focuses on individual protest participation. Moreover, in order to further delimit the field, works are prioritized that refer explicitly to protest participation, therefore overlooking proximate terms and phenomena such as activism or participation in social movements. A number of works have examined protest participation in a broader perspective, as one among several modes of political participation. Others have discussed how protest participation can be studied from a methodological point of view. From a more substantive point of view, scholars are interested in knowing who takes part in protest activities as well as why and how they do so. When it comes to explaining protest participation, we may roughly distinguish between three main perspectives, based on the key explanatory factors examined: Microstructural Accounts focus on social embeddedness as well as the role of preexisting networks and ties to explain involvement in protest activities; Social-Psychological Accounts focus on the role of grievances, identity, and emotions; Predispositional Accounts focus on political attitudes, values, and norms. The present bibliography follows this threefold categorization and is inevitably selective in the choice of references to be included. Often, however, research includes predictors from more than one single perspective. Furthermore, while most existing works focus exclusively on the individual level, scholars have started to examine the role of the broader context for explaining patterns of individual participation in protest activities. Finally, early-21st-century scholars are paying increasing attention to online forms of protest participation, hence complementing the traditional focus on offline forms.
{"title":"Protest Participation","authors":"","doi":"10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0345","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0345","url":null,"abstract":"While consensus on what should be included under the label of political participation is far from having been reached, the latter can broadly be defined as activities by ordinary citizens addressed to the political authorities or the general public and directed toward influencing some political outcomes. The literature then distinguishes between a range of distinct modes of participation. Protest is one of them. Protest participation refers to involvement in different sorts of political activities. The specific kinds of political activities that define this mode of participation may vary to some extent from author to author, from study to study, making the field hard to delimit. Most often, however, this includes attending a street demonstration, taking part in a strike, and other more radical forms such as blockades, occupations, sit-ins, and the like. Protest activities can be studied from two angles or levels of analysis: as aggregate-level collective phenomena or as individual-level expressions of political will. This bibliography focuses on individual protest participation. Moreover, in order to further delimit the field, works are prioritized that refer explicitly to protest participation, therefore overlooking proximate terms and phenomena such as activism or participation in social movements. A number of works have examined protest participation in a broader perspective, as one among several modes of political participation. Others have discussed how protest participation can be studied from a methodological point of view. From a more substantive point of view, scholars are interested in knowing who takes part in protest activities as well as why and how they do so. When it comes to explaining protest participation, we may roughly distinguish between three main perspectives, based on the key explanatory factors examined: Microstructural Accounts focus on social embeddedness as well as the role of preexisting networks and ties to explain involvement in protest activities; Social-Psychological Accounts focus on the role of grievances, identity, and emotions; Predispositional Accounts focus on political attitudes, values, and norms. The present bibliography follows this threefold categorization and is inevitably selective in the choice of references to be included. Often, however, research includes predictors from more than one single perspective. Furthermore, while most existing works focus exclusively on the individual level, scholars have started to examine the role of the broader context for explaining patterns of individual participation in protest activities. Finally, early-21st-century scholars are paying increasing attention to online forms of protest participation, hence complementing the traditional focus on offline forms.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43765102","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2021.1957955
Lena Le, Khac Nam Hoang
ABSTRACT Vietnam used to be isolated from the international community but has now become the Southeast Asian country with the most strategic partnerships with other Indo-Pacific countries. In Vietnam, over the past decade, ‘strategic partnership’ has also become a popular concept in the country’s foreign policy and media. However, the current literature does not yet include significant study on Vietnam’s new foreign policy practice. This article attempts to fill the gap by examining Vietnam’s use of ‘strategic partnership’, how Vietnam defines the term and how its partnerships operate in practice. By examining case studies of three strategic partnerships between Vietnam and India, Japan, and the Philippines, this article argues that the way Vietnam views strategic partnership shares quite a few common features with existing studies’ definitions. It also concludes that the country has rapidly forged strategic partnerships in the Indo-Pacific more than any other Southeast Asian country because of both external factors and internal demands. Despite limitations, SP is a valuable political and diplomatic tool for Vietnam.
{"title":"Forging strategic partnership in the Indo–Pacific region: Vietnam’s diplomatic direction","authors":"Lena Le, Khac Nam Hoang","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2021.1957955","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2021.1957955","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Vietnam used to be isolated from the international community but has now become the Southeast Asian country with the most strategic partnerships with other Indo-Pacific countries. In Vietnam, over the past decade, ‘strategic partnership’ has also become a popular concept in the country’s foreign policy and media. However, the current literature does not yet include significant study on Vietnam’s new foreign policy practice. This article attempts to fill the gap by examining Vietnam’s use of ‘strategic partnership’, how Vietnam defines the term and how its partnerships operate in practice. By examining case studies of three strategic partnerships between Vietnam and India, Japan, and the Philippines, this article argues that the way Vietnam views strategic partnership shares quite a few common features with existing studies’ definitions. It also concludes that the country has rapidly forged strategic partnerships in the Indo-Pacific more than any other Southeast Asian country because of both external factors and internal demands. Despite limitations, SP is a valuable political and diplomatic tool for Vietnam.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45678694","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2021.1968767
Anli Jiang, T. Zhang
ABSTRACT The gap between trust in central and local governments remains an unsolved puzzle in social sciences. Based on existing theoretical frameworks and our analyses of the Asian Barometer Survey data (2001–2016), we found three types of trust gaps in Asian societies: equal trust, paradoxical trust, and hierarchical trust. We speculated the differences could be explained by macro-level political freedom and individual-level predictors such as how people consume political news. Multilevel analyses revealed the political freedom of a society is a critical predictor of the trust gap: people from politically unfree societies tend to trust their central governments the most. Furthermore, freedom and frequency of news consumption interact in shaping political trust: in free societies, people who follow news frequently have less political trust; in unfree societies, the opposite is true, suggesting media propaganda plays a role in shaping political trust. This study helps to explain authoritarian resilience in East and Southeast Asia.
{"title":"Political freedom, news consumption, and patterns of political trust: evidence from East and Southeast Asia, 2001-2016","authors":"Anli Jiang, T. Zhang","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2021.1968767","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2021.1968767","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The gap between trust in central and local governments remains an unsolved puzzle in social sciences. Based on existing theoretical frameworks and our analyses of the Asian Barometer Survey data (2001–2016), we found three types of trust gaps in Asian societies: equal trust, paradoxical trust, and hierarchical trust. We speculated the differences could be explained by macro-level political freedom and individual-level predictors such as how people consume political news. Multilevel analyses revealed the political freedom of a society is a critical predictor of the trust gap: people from politically unfree societies tend to trust their central governments the most. Furthermore, freedom and frequency of news consumption interact in shaping political trust: in free societies, people who follow news frequently have less political trust; in unfree societies, the opposite is true, suggesting media propaganda plays a role in shaping political trust. This study helps to explain authoritarian resilience in East and Southeast Asia.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46798592","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2022.2042337
A. Ponce, Ching-Hsing Wang
ABSTRACT This study examines the role played by the Hong Kong crisis in the outcome of the 2020 Taiwanese presidential election. Using the original data from a two-wave panel survey, we present solid evidence showing that the effect of cross-strait relations on voting behaviour in Taiwan is certainly complex and intricate. This study finds that greater optimism about Taiwan’s future is conducive to the Democratic Progressive Party’s chance of winning the election. However, when Taiwanese voters takes into consideration the Hong Kong crisis, it is found that greater optimism about Taiwan’s future helps relatively more the Kuomintang. Thus, this study deepens our understanding of the role of the cross-strait relations in shaping electoral behaviour in Taiwan for presidential elections.
{"title":"The Hong Kong crisis and its effect on the 2020 presidential election in Taiwan","authors":"A. Ponce, Ching-Hsing Wang","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2022.2042337","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2022.2042337","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study examines the role played by the Hong Kong crisis in the outcome of the 2020 Taiwanese presidential election. Using the original data from a two-wave panel survey, we present solid evidence showing that the effect of cross-strait relations on voting behaviour in Taiwan is certainly complex and intricate. This study finds that greater optimism about Taiwan’s future is conducive to the Democratic Progressive Party’s chance of winning the election. However, when Taiwanese voters takes into consideration the Hong Kong crisis, it is found that greater optimism about Taiwan’s future helps relatively more the Kuomintang. Thus, this study deepens our understanding of the role of the cross-strait relations in shaping electoral behaviour in Taiwan for presidential elections.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48050505","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2022.2057336
M. Castle
ABSTRACT The COVID-19 pandemic has upended global trade. Production patterns have shifted, with widely publicised impacts on supply chains and a stark reduction in the trade in services that involve the movement of people, such as travel and tourism. While the global economy faltered and New Zealand’s services trade all but evaporated, the country’s agricultural exports remained robust. How has this strong performance in the face of adverse conditions shaped the public depiction of agricultural producers, who had previously faced a change in government and growing public criticism around agriculture’s environmental impact? I expect the export performance of agricultural producers to have resulted in a more positive public depiction. Quantitative text analysis of news media data supports this view. The average sentiment in news media about agriculture has improved over the course of the pandemic. This is not just a product of cheery reporting about export performance: I report a positive trend for articles relating to agriculture and the environment, the very issue that has been most contentious in recent years. COVID-19 has seemed an unexpected boon for agricultural producers, the public depiction of whom has been strengthened on the back of their contributions to New Zealand’s export economy.
{"title":"COVID-19, trade policy and agriculture in New Zealand: from ‘environmental vandals’ to ‘economic heroes’?","authors":"M. Castle","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2022.2057336","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2022.2057336","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The COVID-19 pandemic has upended global trade. Production patterns have shifted, with widely publicised impacts on supply chains and a stark reduction in the trade in services that involve the movement of people, such as travel and tourism. While the global economy faltered and New Zealand’s services trade all but evaporated, the country’s agricultural exports remained robust. How has this strong performance in the face of adverse conditions shaped the public depiction of agricultural producers, who had previously faced a change in government and growing public criticism around agriculture’s environmental impact? I expect the export performance of agricultural producers to have resulted in a more positive public depiction. Quantitative text analysis of news media data supports this view. The average sentiment in news media about agriculture has improved over the course of the pandemic. This is not just a product of cheery reporting about export performance: I report a positive trend for articles relating to agriculture and the environment, the very issue that has been most contentious in recent years. COVID-19 has seemed an unexpected boon for agricultural producers, the public depiction of whom has been strengthened on the back of their contributions to New Zealand’s export economy.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46631919","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-25DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0338
More Americans identify as Independent than as Republican or Democrat. Who are Independents and how do they impact American politics? This question does not have a clear-cut answer. On the one hand, American Independents are pursued by media and politicians for their (perceived) nonpartisan behavior and their ability to swing elections. On the other hand, Independents are ignored for their low political engagement and dismissed as “closet partisans.” As a result, many analyses of American voters either remove Independents entirely or combine leaners—those Independents who admit feeling closer toward one party or the other—with weak partisans. This puts Independents and the researchers who study them in a strange position as we attempt to understand the role of Independent voters in American politics. The debate about whether Independent leaners are truly independent or whether they are “closet partisans” dominates the literature, but a thorough review of the evidence reveals many interesting findings and generates many interesting research questions surrounding the motivations for an Independent identity and its consequences. We address the who, how, why, and where of Independent voters: Who Are Independents? discusses Measurement of Party Identity and Independence, Partisan Dealignment, and Demographics of Independent Voters; How Do Independents Behave? discusses Voting, Political Interest and Engagement, and Implicit Attitudes and Intergroup Bias; Why Identify As Independent? discusses intrapersonal and interpersonal motivations for identifying as Independent; and Where Do We Go From Here? suggests common practices for researchers to enhance the study of Independent voters.
{"title":"The Study of Independent Voters","authors":"","doi":"10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0338","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0338","url":null,"abstract":"More Americans identify as Independent than as Republican or Democrat. Who are Independents and how do they impact American politics? This question does not have a clear-cut answer. On the one hand, American Independents are pursued by media and politicians for their (perceived) nonpartisan behavior and their ability to swing elections. On the other hand, Independents are ignored for their low political engagement and dismissed as “closet partisans.” As a result, many analyses of American voters either remove Independents entirely or combine leaners—those Independents who admit feeling closer toward one party or the other—with weak partisans. This puts Independents and the researchers who study them in a strange position as we attempt to understand the role of Independent voters in American politics. The debate about whether Independent leaners are truly independent or whether they are “closet partisans” dominates the literature, but a thorough review of the evidence reveals many interesting findings and generates many interesting research questions surrounding the motivations for an Independent identity and its consequences. We address the who, how, why, and where of Independent voters: Who Are Independents? discusses Measurement of Party Identity and Independence, Partisan Dealignment, and Demographics of Independent Voters; How Do Independents Behave? discusses Voting, Political Interest and Engagement, and Implicit Attitudes and Intergroup Bias; Why Identify As Independent? discusses intrapersonal and interpersonal motivations for identifying as Independent; and Where Do We Go From Here? suggests common practices for researchers to enhance the study of Independent voters.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-08-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44349392","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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