Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2021.1968767
Anli Jiang, T. Zhang
ABSTRACT The gap between trust in central and local governments remains an unsolved puzzle in social sciences. Based on existing theoretical frameworks and our analyses of the Asian Barometer Survey data (2001–2016), we found three types of trust gaps in Asian societies: equal trust, paradoxical trust, and hierarchical trust. We speculated the differences could be explained by macro-level political freedom and individual-level predictors such as how people consume political news. Multilevel analyses revealed the political freedom of a society is a critical predictor of the trust gap: people from politically unfree societies tend to trust their central governments the most. Furthermore, freedom and frequency of news consumption interact in shaping political trust: in free societies, people who follow news frequently have less political trust; in unfree societies, the opposite is true, suggesting media propaganda plays a role in shaping political trust. This study helps to explain authoritarian resilience in East and Southeast Asia.
{"title":"Political freedom, news consumption, and patterns of political trust: evidence from East and Southeast Asia, 2001-2016","authors":"Anli Jiang, T. Zhang","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2021.1968767","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2021.1968767","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The gap between trust in central and local governments remains an unsolved puzzle in social sciences. Based on existing theoretical frameworks and our analyses of the Asian Barometer Survey data (2001–2016), we found three types of trust gaps in Asian societies: equal trust, paradoxical trust, and hierarchical trust. We speculated the differences could be explained by macro-level political freedom and individual-level predictors such as how people consume political news. Multilevel analyses revealed the political freedom of a society is a critical predictor of the trust gap: people from politically unfree societies tend to trust their central governments the most. Furthermore, freedom and frequency of news consumption interact in shaping political trust: in free societies, people who follow news frequently have less political trust; in unfree societies, the opposite is true, suggesting media propaganda plays a role in shaping political trust. This study helps to explain authoritarian resilience in East and Southeast Asia.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":"73 1","pages":"250 - 269"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46798592","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2022.2042337
A. Ponce, Ching-Hsing Wang
ABSTRACT This study examines the role played by the Hong Kong crisis in the outcome of the 2020 Taiwanese presidential election. Using the original data from a two-wave panel survey, we present solid evidence showing that the effect of cross-strait relations on voting behaviour in Taiwan is certainly complex and intricate. This study finds that greater optimism about Taiwan’s future is conducive to the Democratic Progressive Party’s chance of winning the election. However, when Taiwanese voters takes into consideration the Hong Kong crisis, it is found that greater optimism about Taiwan’s future helps relatively more the Kuomintang. Thus, this study deepens our understanding of the role of the cross-strait relations in shaping electoral behaviour in Taiwan for presidential elections.
{"title":"The Hong Kong crisis and its effect on the 2020 presidential election in Taiwan","authors":"A. Ponce, Ching-Hsing Wang","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2022.2042337","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2022.2042337","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study examines the role played by the Hong Kong crisis in the outcome of the 2020 Taiwanese presidential election. Using the original data from a two-wave panel survey, we present solid evidence showing that the effect of cross-strait relations on voting behaviour in Taiwan is certainly complex and intricate. This study finds that greater optimism about Taiwan’s future is conducive to the Democratic Progressive Party’s chance of winning the election. However, when Taiwanese voters takes into consideration the Hong Kong crisis, it is found that greater optimism about Taiwan’s future helps relatively more the Kuomintang. Thus, this study deepens our understanding of the role of the cross-strait relations in shaping electoral behaviour in Taiwan for presidential elections.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":"73 1","pages":"234 - 249"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48050505","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2022.2057336
M. Castle
ABSTRACT The COVID-19 pandemic has upended global trade. Production patterns have shifted, with widely publicised impacts on supply chains and a stark reduction in the trade in services that involve the movement of people, such as travel and tourism. While the global economy faltered and New Zealand’s services trade all but evaporated, the country’s agricultural exports remained robust. How has this strong performance in the face of adverse conditions shaped the public depiction of agricultural producers, who had previously faced a change in government and growing public criticism around agriculture’s environmental impact? I expect the export performance of agricultural producers to have resulted in a more positive public depiction. Quantitative text analysis of news media data supports this view. The average sentiment in news media about agriculture has improved over the course of the pandemic. This is not just a product of cheery reporting about export performance: I report a positive trend for articles relating to agriculture and the environment, the very issue that has been most contentious in recent years. COVID-19 has seemed an unexpected boon for agricultural producers, the public depiction of whom has been strengthened on the back of their contributions to New Zealand’s export economy.
{"title":"COVID-19, trade policy and agriculture in New Zealand: from ‘environmental vandals’ to ‘economic heroes’?","authors":"M. Castle","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2022.2057336","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2022.2057336","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The COVID-19 pandemic has upended global trade. Production patterns have shifted, with widely publicised impacts on supply chains and a stark reduction in the trade in services that involve the movement of people, such as travel and tourism. While the global economy faltered and New Zealand’s services trade all but evaporated, the country’s agricultural exports remained robust. How has this strong performance in the face of adverse conditions shaped the public depiction of agricultural producers, who had previously faced a change in government and growing public criticism around agriculture’s environmental impact? I expect the export performance of agricultural producers to have resulted in a more positive public depiction. Quantitative text analysis of news media data supports this view. The average sentiment in news media about agriculture has improved over the course of the pandemic. This is not just a product of cheery reporting about export performance: I report a positive trend for articles relating to agriculture and the environment, the very issue that has been most contentious in recent years. COVID-19 has seemed an unexpected boon for agricultural producers, the public depiction of whom has been strengthened on the back of their contributions to New Zealand’s export economy.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":"73 1","pages":"215 - 233"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46631919","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-25DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0338
More Americans identify as Independent than as Republican or Democrat. Who are Independents and how do they impact American politics? This question does not have a clear-cut answer. On the one hand, American Independents are pursued by media and politicians for their (perceived) nonpartisan behavior and their ability to swing elections. On the other hand, Independents are ignored for their low political engagement and dismissed as “closet partisans.” As a result, many analyses of American voters either remove Independents entirely or combine leaners—those Independents who admit feeling closer toward one party or the other—with weak partisans. This puts Independents and the researchers who study them in a strange position as we attempt to understand the role of Independent voters in American politics. The debate about whether Independent leaners are truly independent or whether they are “closet partisans” dominates the literature, but a thorough review of the evidence reveals many interesting findings and generates many interesting research questions surrounding the motivations for an Independent identity and its consequences. We address the who, how, why, and where of Independent voters: Who Are Independents? discusses Measurement of Party Identity and Independence, Partisan Dealignment, and Demographics of Independent Voters; How Do Independents Behave? discusses Voting, Political Interest and Engagement, and Implicit Attitudes and Intergroup Bias; Why Identify As Independent? discusses intrapersonal and interpersonal motivations for identifying as Independent; and Where Do We Go From Here? suggests common practices for researchers to enhance the study of Independent voters.
{"title":"The Study of Independent Voters","authors":"","doi":"10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0338","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0338","url":null,"abstract":"More Americans identify as Independent than as Republican or Democrat. Who are Independents and how do they impact American politics? This question does not have a clear-cut answer. On the one hand, American Independents are pursued by media and politicians for their (perceived) nonpartisan behavior and their ability to swing elections. On the other hand, Independents are ignored for their low political engagement and dismissed as “closet partisans.” As a result, many analyses of American voters either remove Independents entirely or combine leaners—those Independents who admit feeling closer toward one party or the other—with weak partisans. This puts Independents and the researchers who study them in a strange position as we attempt to understand the role of Independent voters in American politics. The debate about whether Independent leaners are truly independent or whether they are “closet partisans” dominates the literature, but a thorough review of the evidence reveals many interesting findings and generates many interesting research questions surrounding the motivations for an Independent identity and its consequences. We address the who, how, why, and where of Independent voters: Who Are Independents? discusses Measurement of Party Identity and Independence, Partisan Dealignment, and Demographics of Independent Voters; How Do Independents Behave? discusses Voting, Political Interest and Engagement, and Implicit Attitudes and Intergroup Bias; Why Identify As Independent? discusses intrapersonal and interpersonal motivations for identifying as Independent; and Where Do We Go From Here? suggests common practices for researchers to enhance the study of Independent voters.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-08-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44349392","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-25DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0332
The technological innovations during the 20th and 21st centuries that brought us radio, television, movies, the internet, and social media have created a class of people, celebrities, who, at first glance, wield enormous influence in our society—from setting fashion trends and hairstyles to advancing social movements and political causes. Donald Trump, Arnold Schwarzenegger, Jesse Ventura, and Ronald Reagan rode their celebrity to elective office. Other celebrities are increasingly using their status to influence politics by endorsing candidates for office and pushing for change in domestic and foreign policy. This essay focuses on the scholarship on the effect of celebrities in American politics. The study of celebrities in American politics is a largely interdisciplinary enterprise, with contributions from political science, sociology, marketing, history, cultural studies, mass communication, and communication studies. The literature on celebrities, and, more specifically, celebrities in American politics, has branched off into five key areas – (1) Celebrity Endorsements, (2) Celebrities and American Government Institutions, (3) Celebrity Politics and Celebrity Culture, and (4) Celebrities and the Environment.
{"title":"Celebrities in US Politics","authors":"","doi":"10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0332","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0332","url":null,"abstract":"The technological innovations during the 20th and 21st centuries that brought us radio, television, movies, the internet, and social media have created a class of people, celebrities, who, at first glance, wield enormous influence in our society—from setting fashion trends and hairstyles to advancing social movements and political causes. Donald Trump, Arnold Schwarzenegger, Jesse Ventura, and Ronald Reagan rode their celebrity to elective office. Other celebrities are increasingly using their status to influence politics by endorsing candidates for office and pushing for change in domestic and foreign policy. This essay focuses on the scholarship on the effect of celebrities in American politics. The study of celebrities in American politics is a largely interdisciplinary enterprise, with contributions from political science, sociology, marketing, history, cultural studies, mass communication, and communication studies. The literature on celebrities, and, more specifically, celebrities in American politics, has branched off into five key areas – (1) Celebrity Endorsements, (2) Celebrities and American Government Institutions, (3) Celebrity Politics and Celebrity Culture, and (4) Celebrities and the Environment.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-08-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47788835","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-23DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0336
Secession and secessionists movements have proliferated since the end of the Second World War. The academic literature has extensively explored these movements from different aspects. To begin, scholars have developed several legal approaches to explain when and if so how secession should take place, resulting in debates about the normative basis and legality of self-determination. Normative and philosophical approaches have sought to establish a number of necessary preconditions for secession. States, according to some of these authors, should allow secession to happen when they believe that it is morally and practically acceptable. The political economy of secession and secessionist movements has been another key area of research. Debates among scholars in this area have focused on whether wealthy or poor regions are more or less likely to pursue secession, how the presence of oil resources may establish more opportunities for the groups to secede along with incentives for the state to hold onto the territory, and what role state capacity and movement capabilities play in secessionist dynamics. Scholars have also emphasized economic approaches to the study of secession that highlight the costs and benefits of staying in the union compared to seceding. Others have studied secessionism from an international perspective and have particularly focused on exploring the impact of external kin on secessionist movements and on why and how self-determination movements obtain international recognition. International approaches have also explored the roles of ethnic ties and vulnerability in stimulating and curbing secessionist movements. Other scholars have focused on institutional approaches by exploring how different domestic and international institutions have shaped secessionist conflicts. In particular, research in this area has explored the relationship between democracy and secession, institutional legacies, and the role of autonomy and lost autonomy on separatism. Scholars have also examined the strategic choices and behaviors used by both secessionist groups (violence vs. nonviolence) and by states (concession and repression), and relatedly how reputational concerns for resolve and setting precedents shape state behavior toward secessionists. Some research shows that most states are more likely to fight against secessionist movements than to grant them concessions, particularly states facing multiple (potential) separatists. However, other scholars have challenged these claims, and shown that states can use organizational lines to grant some concessions to secessionist groups without damaging their reputations. Looking toward solutions, some scholars have emphasized institutional solutions, such as consociationalism, and still others have looked to international organizations to resolve secessionist conflicts, while skeptics have suggested that approaches like partition are often the only way forward. Finally, there are several new datasets for s
{"title":"Secession and Secessionist Movements","authors":"","doi":"10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0336","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0336","url":null,"abstract":"Secession and secessionists movements have proliferated since the end of the Second World War. The academic literature has extensively explored these movements from different aspects. To begin, scholars have developed several legal approaches to explain when and if so how secession should take place, resulting in debates about the normative basis and legality of self-determination. Normative and philosophical approaches have sought to establish a number of necessary preconditions for secession. States, according to some of these authors, should allow secession to happen when they believe that it is morally and practically acceptable. The political economy of secession and secessionist movements has been another key area of research. Debates among scholars in this area have focused on whether wealthy or poor regions are more or less likely to pursue secession, how the presence of oil resources may establish more opportunities for the groups to secede along with incentives for the state to hold onto the territory, and what role state capacity and movement capabilities play in secessionist dynamics. Scholars have also emphasized economic approaches to the study of secession that highlight the costs and benefits of staying in the union compared to seceding. Others have studied secessionism from an international perspective and have particularly focused on exploring the impact of external kin on secessionist movements and on why and how self-determination movements obtain international recognition. International approaches have also explored the roles of ethnic ties and vulnerability in stimulating and curbing secessionist movements. Other scholars have focused on institutional approaches by exploring how different domestic and international institutions have shaped secessionist conflicts. In particular, research in this area has explored the relationship between democracy and secession, institutional legacies, and the role of autonomy and lost autonomy on separatism. Scholars have also examined the strategic choices and behaviors used by both secessionist groups (violence vs. nonviolence) and by states (concession and repression), and relatedly how reputational concerns for resolve and setting precedents shape state behavior toward secessionists. Some research shows that most states are more likely to fight against secessionist movements than to grant them concessions, particularly states facing multiple (potential) separatists. However, other scholars have challenged these claims, and shown that states can use organizational lines to grant some concessions to secessionist groups without damaging their reputations. Looking toward solutions, some scholars have emphasized institutional solutions, such as consociationalism, and still others have looked to international organizations to resolve secessionist conflicts, while skeptics have suggested that approaches like partition are often the only way forward. Finally, there are several new datasets for s","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42054245","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-04DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2022.2048398
K. Hytten
ABSTRACT It is clear that transitioning towards environmental sustainability requires a strong and sustained effort to address climate change. However, despite high levels of public concern about climate change, it has remained a highly politicised and hotly contested issue in Australia, and Australia’s climate change policy remains inadequate and ineffective. Climate change first emerged as a key election issue in Australia’s 2007 federal election and remained a highly contentious issue in the 2010 election. Although climate change was much less prominent during the 2013 and 2016 election campaigns, it re-emerged as a major election issue in 2019. This paper uses critical discourse analysis to identify and trace climate change discourses in the media through these five federal election campaigns. It explores the main arguments, actors, and discursive strategies associated with two key discourses, how climate change was constructed during each campaign, and the implications of these constructions for the development of Australia’s climate change policy. It is argued that while the discourse of climate change activism has put climate change firmly on the national agenda, the discourse of climate change denialism has contributed to stymieing the development of effective climate change policy in Australia.
{"title":"Exploring climate change discourses across five Australian federal elections","authors":"K. Hytten","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2022.2048398","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2022.2048398","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT It is clear that transitioning towards environmental sustainability requires a strong and sustained effort to address climate change. However, despite high levels of public concern about climate change, it has remained a highly politicised and hotly contested issue in Australia, and Australia’s climate change policy remains inadequate and ineffective. Climate change first emerged as a key election issue in Australia’s 2007 federal election and remained a highly contentious issue in the 2010 election. Although climate change was much less prominent during the 2013 and 2016 election campaigns, it re-emerged as a major election issue in 2019. This paper uses critical discourse analysis to identify and trace climate change discourses in the media through these five federal election campaigns. It explores the main arguments, actors, and discursive strategies associated with two key discourses, how climate change was constructed during each campaign, and the implications of these constructions for the development of Australia’s climate change policy. It is argued that while the discourse of climate change activism has put climate change firmly on the national agenda, the discourse of climate change denialism has contributed to stymieing the development of effective climate change policy in Australia.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":"73 1","pages":"161 - 180"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45218723","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-04DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2021.2022902
D. Hall
ABSTRACT The Climate Change Commission (CCC) has a mandate to provide independent, expert advice to the New Zealand Government to enhance the clarity and stability of climate change policies. This institutional innovation has occasionally been rationalised as a form of expert rule, especially by analogy with central banks. In reality, however, the CCC only has advisory powers, so lacks the practical authority to enforce rules or operate policy instruments. How then might the CCC exert greater influence on the low-emissions transition? One option is to double-down on the model of expert rule – that is, to create exceptions to parliamentary sovereignty and to empower the CCC as a technocratic (or epistocratic) institution that has independence over the means (and ends) of climate change policy. Subsequently, the CCC would have a right not only to be believed, but obeyed. But this is politically improbable and also increases the CCC’s susceptibility to trends in political culture and mass media that erode the epistemic privilege of experts. Accordingly, this paper offers reasons for the CCC to deepen its entanglement with democracy, such that its epistemic authority might achieve greater practical authority by informing the ends of popular sovereignty.
{"title":"Expertise within democracy: the case of New Zealand’s climate change commission","authors":"D. Hall","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2021.2022902","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2021.2022902","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Climate Change Commission (CCC) has a mandate to provide independent, expert advice to the New Zealand Government to enhance the clarity and stability of climate change policies. This institutional innovation has occasionally been rationalised as a form of expert rule, especially by analogy with central banks. In reality, however, the CCC only has advisory powers, so lacks the practical authority to enforce rules or operate policy instruments. How then might the CCC exert greater influence on the low-emissions transition? One option is to double-down on the model of expert rule – that is, to create exceptions to parliamentary sovereignty and to empower the CCC as a technocratic (or epistocratic) institution that has independence over the means (and ends) of climate change policy. Subsequently, the CCC would have a right not only to be believed, but obeyed. But this is politically improbable and also increases the CCC’s susceptibility to trends in political culture and mass media that erode the epistemic privilege of experts. Accordingly, this paper offers reasons for the CCC to deepen its entanglement with democracy, such that its epistemic authority might achieve greater practical authority by informing the ends of popular sovereignty.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":"73 1","pages":"103 - 122"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42426375","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ABSTRACT A huge number of climate change adaptation projects are underway to manage risk and minimise vulnerability for communities and businesses. Yet, adaptation processes are often ineffective because of deeply entrenched structures of power and different value systems leading to conflicting priorities for action. This paper draws on the notion of cultural politics to understand climate change adaptation in the tourism sector of Aotearoa New Zealand, a sector that depends on the environment for its survival but neglects it for short-term gains, often precipitating maladaptation in the process. Building on insights into how and why the tourism industry – in a pre-COVID19 context – struggled to adapt to the urgent imperatives of climate change, the paper goes on to show how a culture-centred, deliberative democratic approach can be applied to identify pathways for a transition to an environmentally sustainable tourism sector that can adapt to a climate-changed and pandemic-affected world.
{"title":"The cultural politics of climate change adaptation: an analysis of the tourism sector in Aotearoa New Zealand","authors":"Priya Kurian, Debashish Munshi, Raven Cretney, Sandra L. Morrison, Lyn Kathlene","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2021.2021803","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2021.2021803","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT A huge number of climate change adaptation projects are underway to manage risk and minimise vulnerability for communities and businesses. Yet, adaptation processes are often ineffective because of deeply entrenched structures of power and different value systems leading to conflicting priorities for action. This paper draws on the notion of cultural politics to understand climate change adaptation in the tourism sector of Aotearoa New Zealand, a sector that depends on the environment for its survival but neglects it for short-term gains, often precipitating maladaptation in the process. Building on insights into how and why the tourism industry – in a pre-COVID19 context – struggled to adapt to the urgent imperatives of climate change, the paper goes on to show how a culture-centred, deliberative democratic approach can be applied to identify pathways for a transition to an environmentally sustainable tourism sector that can adapt to a climate-changed and pandemic-affected world.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":"73 1","pages":"143 - 160"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49247868","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-04DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2021.2019591
W. Dreyer, Elisabeth Ellis
ABSTRACT An emerging consensus among scholars of environmental politics includes public participation in the legislative process as a critical condition of the transition to sustainability. The select committee process in Aotearoa New Zealand has long been celebrated for its apparent openness to public participation. We examine the select committee process as it functioned in the case of the Climate Change Response (Zero Carbon) Amendment Bill 2019, employing a quantitative analysis that mapped categories of submitters’ policy propositions through the constant comparative method, and compare them against the recommendations of the majority and minority perspectives of the Environment Select Committee. In addition, we compare the majority and minority recommendations to the Departmental Report. The results of this case study incline us to question the assumption that submitters have influence with select committees and the extent of committee deliberation. If the transition to sustainability depends on the government’s capacity for transformative change, and that capacity in turn depends on the strength of its deliberative system, then our study provides some reason to worry about the capacity of government in Aotearoa New Zealand to respond to the challenge of climate change.
{"title":"Do New Zealand select committees still make a difference? The case of the Climate Change Response (Zero Carbon) Amendment Bill 2019","authors":"W. Dreyer, Elisabeth Ellis","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2021.2019591","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2021.2019591","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT An emerging consensus among scholars of environmental politics includes public participation in the legislative process as a critical condition of the transition to sustainability. The select committee process in Aotearoa New Zealand has long been celebrated for its apparent openness to public participation. We examine the select committee process as it functioned in the case of the Climate Change Response (Zero Carbon) Amendment Bill 2019, employing a quantitative analysis that mapped categories of submitters’ policy propositions through the constant comparative method, and compare them against the recommendations of the majority and minority perspectives of the Environment Select Committee. In addition, we compare the majority and minority recommendations to the Departmental Report. The results of this case study incline us to question the assumption that submitters have influence with select committees and the extent of committee deliberation. If the transition to sustainability depends on the government’s capacity for transformative change, and that capacity in turn depends on the strength of its deliberative system, then our study provides some reason to worry about the capacity of government in Aotearoa New Zealand to respond to the challenge of climate change.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":"73 1","pages":"123 - 142"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2021-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44488688","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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