Pub Date : 2020-09-01DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2021.1923374
F. Reichert
ABSTRACT How young people become active citizens to sustain democracy is a crucial question for a modern democracy like Australia to pose in a context of youth political disillusionment with politics. The present research investigates this question in the context of young Australian adults’ norms of citizenship and intended political participation. The results show that encouraging young people to engage in decision-making processes in school or the community may cultivate active democrats, while law-abidingness works as a moderator of other citizenship norms. It remains a major challenge for democracies to promote engaged citizenship norms, prepare young people to be interested in civic issues, and facilitate skills that make politically self-efficacious young citizens.
{"title":"How citizenship norms predict participation in different political activities","authors":"F. Reichert","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2021.1923374","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2021.1923374","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT How young people become active citizens to sustain democracy is a crucial question for a modern democracy like Australia to pose in a context of youth political disillusionment with politics. The present research investigates this question in the context of young Australian adults’ norms of citizenship and intended political participation. The results show that encouraging young people to engage in decision-making processes in school or the community may cultivate active democrats, while law-abidingness works as a moderator of other citizenship norms. It remains a major challenge for democracies to promote engaged citizenship norms, prepare young people to be interested in civic issues, and facilitate skills that make politically self-efficacious young citizens.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/00323187.2021.1923374","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45791554","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-26DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0315
Rebecca H. Best
Traditionally, women have been viewed as having little agency in wars and conflicts. Women were thought neither to cause the wars nor to fight them. When women were considered at all by scholars of war, they were conceived of primarily as victims. As women gained the franchise and ultimately began to be elected into political office in advanced democracies, some scholars began to consider the foreign policy implications of this—that is, do women’s attitudes toward war and defense policy differ from those of men and do these views produce different outcomes at the ballot box? Furthermore, do women behave differently with regard to security issues once in national office? Does their presence change the way their male colleagues vote on these issues? In recent decades, scholarship emerging first from critical feminist theory and later from positivist political scientists has begun to look more explicitly for women’s roles, experiences, and influences on and in conflict. This work has led to the recognition that, even when victimized in war, women have agency, and to the parallel conclusion that men’s agency is not as complete as scholars, practitioners, and the public have often assumed. This bibliography provides an overview of the development of women and conflict literature as well as several prominent themes and questions within the literature. It is of necessity incomplete and interested scholars are encouraged to review related articles in Oxford Bibliographies in International Relations, such as “Feminist Security Studies” by Kristen P. Williams, and “Women and Peacemaking/Peacekeeping” by Sabrina Karim and Kyle Beardsley.
{"title":"Women and Conflict Studies","authors":"Rebecca H. Best","doi":"10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0315","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0315","url":null,"abstract":"Traditionally, women have been viewed as having little agency in wars and conflicts. Women were thought neither to cause the wars nor to fight them. When women were considered at all by scholars of war, they were conceived of primarily as victims. As women gained the franchise and ultimately began to be elected into political office in advanced democracies, some scholars began to consider the foreign policy implications of this—that is, do women’s attitudes toward war and defense policy differ from those of men and do these views produce different outcomes at the ballot box? Furthermore, do women behave differently with regard to security issues once in national office? Does their presence change the way their male colleagues vote on these issues? In recent decades, scholarship emerging first from critical feminist theory and later from positivist political scientists has begun to look more explicitly for women’s roles, experiences, and influences on and in conflict. This work has led to the recognition that, even when victimized in war, women have agency, and to the parallel conclusion that men’s agency is not as complete as scholars, practitioners, and the public have often assumed. This bibliography provides an overview of the development of women and conflict literature as well as several prominent themes and questions within the literature. It is of necessity incomplete and interested scholars are encouraged to review related articles in Oxford Bibliographies in International Relations, such as “Feminist Security Studies” by Kristen P. Williams, and “Women and Peacemaking/Peacekeeping” by Sabrina Karim and Kyle Beardsley.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2020-08-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43880095","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-29DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0310
Vera Heuer, Gabriela Rangel
For decades, women were actively excluded from the political arena. As suffrage expanded around the world, women’s rights activists celebrated a major step toward gender equality in the political arena. Yet the gender gap in political engagement still persists to this day. Although in some countries, women are now found to turn out to vote at rates similar to men (and in industrialized countries, women may even vote at higher rates), they are still less likely to participate in many other types of political activities. Scholars have long investigated the factors influencing women’s political engagement. Early research focused heavily on individual level factors—most often lack of access to resources or informal networks—as determinants of the gender gap. A burgeoning body of literature, however, has identified institutions as an important factor influencing women’s political engagement. Thus this bibliography focuses on those institutional determinants of women’s political engagement defined as any type of political activity that nonelite women take part in. This includes voting, participating in campaigns, and engaging in demonstrations or protests, but also more cognitive aspects of engagement, such as political interest and political knowledge. This bibliography does not focus on the impact of institutions on women’s access or election into political office, as there is extensive literature on institutional determinants and women’s representation, which falls outside of the scope of women’s engagement as nonstate actors. The research outlined here, however, does consider a variety of institutional factors that influence women’s engagement. The bibliography begins by reviewing the literature on how the structures of the political system—including Regime Type, electoral rules, and quotas—impact women’s engagement. It then discusses how institutions can indirectly influence women’s political attitudes and behavior, by reviewing the impact of the composition of institutions on women’s engagement. That section is followed by a set of research that shows how institutional outcomes—namely Policy Outcomes and Institutional Support—influence various forms of political participation, and concludes with examples of nonstate institutions and their impact on women’s engagement.
{"title":"Institutional Factors Affecting Women’s Political Engagement","authors":"Vera Heuer, Gabriela Rangel","doi":"10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0310","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0310","url":null,"abstract":"For decades, women were actively excluded from the political arena. As suffrage expanded around the world, women’s rights activists celebrated a major step toward gender equality in the political arena. Yet the gender gap in political engagement still persists to this day. Although in some countries, women are now found to turn out to vote at rates similar to men (and in industrialized countries, women may even vote at higher rates), they are still less likely to participate in many other types of political activities. Scholars have long investigated the factors influencing women’s political engagement. Early research focused heavily on individual level factors—most often lack of access to resources or informal networks—as determinants of the gender gap. A burgeoning body of literature, however, has identified institutions as an important factor influencing women’s political engagement. Thus this bibliography focuses on those institutional determinants of women’s political engagement defined as any type of political activity that nonelite women take part in. This includes voting, participating in campaigns, and engaging in demonstrations or protests, but also more cognitive aspects of engagement, such as political interest and political knowledge. This bibliography does not focus on the impact of institutions on women’s access or election into political office, as there is extensive literature on institutional determinants and women’s representation, which falls outside of the scope of women’s engagement as nonstate actors. The research outlined here, however, does consider a variety of institutional factors that influence women’s engagement. The bibliography begins by reviewing the literature on how the structures of the political system—including Regime Type, electoral rules, and quotas—impact women’s engagement. It then discusses how institutions can indirectly influence women’s political attitudes and behavior, by reviewing the impact of the composition of institutions on women’s engagement. That section is followed by a set of research that shows how institutional outcomes—namely Policy Outcomes and Institutional Support—influence various forms of political participation, and concludes with examples of nonstate institutions and their impact on women’s engagement.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2020-07-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42323190","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-29DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0311
Gretchen Bauer
In the early 21st century, African women are world leaders in women’s representation in parliaments, and they are at global averages for women’s representation in cabinets and courts. These are trends that have their origins in the political transitions that swept across the African continent beginning in the late 1980s and early 1990s—what some have referred to as Africa’s second independence. Across Africa, political independence was first won beginning in the late 1950s in many countries, but even later, in the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s, in other countries. In many countries, single-party rule and military regimes swiftly ensued in the early years of independence, while in those that were not yet independent, armed struggles were often necessary to achieve liberation. While African women had played significant roles in politics in the precolonial and colonial eras across the continent, and in nationalist movements for independence, they had many fewer opportunities in the single-party and military regimes of the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s. But women and their organizations were often at the forefront of the political transitions that beset Africa beginning in the 1990s, and from then onward commenced a renewed representation in formal politics. The research and scholarship followed suit, and there has emerged a significant literature on women’s representation in politics in Africa from the 1990s onward—in legislatures, cabinets, and courts, as well as from women’s movements outside of formal government office. The author would like to thank Amara Galileo for valuable research assistance.
{"title":"Women’s Political Representation in Africa","authors":"Gretchen Bauer","doi":"10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0311","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0311","url":null,"abstract":"In the early 21st century, African women are world leaders in women’s representation in parliaments, and they are at global averages for women’s representation in cabinets and courts. These are trends that have their origins in the political transitions that swept across the African continent beginning in the late 1980s and early 1990s—what some have referred to as Africa’s second independence. Across Africa, political independence was first won beginning in the late 1950s in many countries, but even later, in the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s, in other countries. In many countries, single-party rule and military regimes swiftly ensued in the early years of independence, while in those that were not yet independent, armed struggles were often necessary to achieve liberation. While African women had played significant roles in politics in the precolonial and colonial eras across the continent, and in nationalist movements for independence, they had many fewer opportunities in the single-party and military regimes of the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s. But women and their organizations were often at the forefront of the political transitions that beset Africa beginning in the 1990s, and from then onward commenced a renewed representation in formal politics. The research and scholarship followed suit, and there has emerged a significant literature on women’s representation in politics in Africa from the 1990s onward—in legislatures, cabinets, and courts, as well as from women’s movements outside of formal government office. The author would like to thank Amara Galileo for valuable research assistance.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2020-07-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48500065","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-29DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0313
Olli Hellmann
This article reviews academic work on party systems—defined as the patterns of interactions between political parties—in East and Southeast Asia (hereafter “East Asia”). Before drawing a “map” of the relevant literature, it is important to acknowledge the political and cultural diversity of the region. Not only is East Asia characterized by a multiplicity of political systems, ranging from totalitarian regimes to consolidated democracies, but scholars are, in addition, faced with linguistic heterogeneity, which creates incentives to specialize in individual countries rather than theoretical themes. This diversity is clearly reflected in the study of party systems. First, party systems differ significantly between democratic and nondemocratic political systems. What is particularly striking is that parties in the democracies of East Asia are generally only weakly institutionalized. In contrast, regime parties in the region’s autocratic political systems tend to command effective and extensive organizations—a diagnosis that does not just apply to the surviving communist regimes, but also to the region’s “electoral authoritarian” regimes. Second, much of the scholarship on party systems in East Asia takes the form of single-country case studies. While rich in empirical detail, these studies rarely engage in theoretical debates on party systems and thus they do not attract much of a readership beyond regional studies experts. This annotated bibliography aims to address this issue. By organizing academic work on East Asian party systems into a theory-guided framework, the bibliography gives readers an overview of how existing studies may contribute to the general literature on party politics—even though these studies themselves may not make their contribution explicit. Specifically, the bibliography is structured along four key theoretical questions: (1) How can we account for differences in the development of party systems? (2) How do party systems affect the consolidation of (democratic and autocratic) political regimes? (3) How do party systems relate to the state? (4) What is the effect of party systems on the quality of governance? The bibliography covers different conceptual dimensions of party system development, including fragmentation (how many relevant parties are there?), party-voter linkages (how are political parties rooted in the electorate?), party system institutionalization (how stable are patterns of interparty competition?), and party institutionalization (how routinized are party internal processes?).
{"title":"Political Party Systems in East and Southeast Asia","authors":"Olli Hellmann","doi":"10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0313","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0313","url":null,"abstract":"This article reviews academic work on party systems—defined as the patterns of interactions between political parties—in East and Southeast Asia (hereafter “East Asia”). Before drawing a “map” of the relevant literature, it is important to acknowledge the political and cultural diversity of the region. Not only is East Asia characterized by a multiplicity of political systems, ranging from totalitarian regimes to consolidated democracies, but scholars are, in addition, faced with linguistic heterogeneity, which creates incentives to specialize in individual countries rather than theoretical themes. This diversity is clearly reflected in the study of party systems. First, party systems differ significantly between democratic and nondemocratic political systems. What is particularly striking is that parties in the democracies of East Asia are generally only weakly institutionalized. In contrast, regime parties in the region’s autocratic political systems tend to command effective and extensive organizations—a diagnosis that does not just apply to the surviving communist regimes, but also to the region’s “electoral authoritarian” regimes. Second, much of the scholarship on party systems in East Asia takes the form of single-country case studies. While rich in empirical detail, these studies rarely engage in theoretical debates on party systems and thus they do not attract much of a readership beyond regional studies experts. This annotated bibliography aims to address this issue. By organizing academic work on East Asian party systems into a theory-guided framework, the bibliography gives readers an overview of how existing studies may contribute to the general literature on party politics—even though these studies themselves may not make their contribution explicit. Specifically, the bibliography is structured along four key theoretical questions: (1) How can we account for differences in the development of party systems? (2) How do party systems affect the consolidation of (democratic and autocratic) political regimes? (3) How do party systems relate to the state? (4) What is the effect of party systems on the quality of governance? The bibliography covers different conceptual dimensions of party system development, including fragmentation (how many relevant parties are there?), party-voter linkages (how are political parties rooted in the electorate?), party system institutionalization (how stable are patterns of interparty competition?), and party institutionalization (how routinized are party internal processes?).","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2020-07-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41284110","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-29DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0312
Cynthia Barrow-Giles, Tennyson S. D. Joseph
The works included in this compendium summary address themes relevant to the elections and democracy in the Caribbean region. The states that fall within the relevant “region” include the formerly English, French, and Dutch colonies in the Caribbean Sea and the South and Central American mainland, as well as the remaining English, French, Dutch, Danish, and Spanish colonies in the Caribbean. The aim of this bibliography is to provide readers and researchers with a broad overview of the kinds of theoretical, thematic, and empirical emphases that have framed the questions around which the electoral and democratic landscape of the Caribbean has been studied. For purposes of clarification, the collection does not address Caribbean democracy as a stand-alone isolated issue, but instead provides a survey of works on elections in the Caribbean through the lens of their interrelation with Caribbean democratic history, practice, culture, and constitutional development and institutional framework. (A survey of Caribbean democracy will require isolated treatment). Relatedly, while the article addresses the experience of the wider Caribbean, much of the emphasis on the intellectual output is on the works relevant to the English-speaking Caribbean. Where the experiences of the non-English countries have given rise to critical intellectual interventions, these are included to bring balance to the Caribbean story and to highlight commonalities and divergences, useful for researchers interested in comparative analyses. Following this introduction, the article is divided into eleven thematic sections, examining (1) seminal texts and works on Caribbean democracy and Caribbean elections, or works providing general data and analysis of large blocs of countries or works presenting pathbreaking theoretical treatment of critical issues in Caribbean democracy; (2) texts addressing the issue of the administration and governance of elections, inclusive of concerns with money and electoral financing; (3) texts concerned with constitutional development; (4) texts on electoral reform; (5) works addressing dysfunctionalities such as electoral corruption and electoral violence; (6) women and political participation; (7) public opinion and voting behavior; (8) works concerned with providing analyses of the results and outcomes of Caribbean elections in a largely statistical or data-capturing sense; and (9) works that have sought to offer analyses of Caribbean elections in relation to the broader political-economy of the region. Given the reality of ethnic division and the absence of racial and cultural uniformity in several countries of the Caribbean, one of the sections is devoted to (10) surveying some of the key works that have addressed the challenges of ethnicity, ethnic mobilization, and ethnic voting, and their implications for democratic development. The final section presents (11) the main works that have sought to address the very important question of election monito
{"title":"Elections and Democracy in the Caribbean","authors":"Cynthia Barrow-Giles, Tennyson S. D. Joseph","doi":"10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0312","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0312","url":null,"abstract":"The works included in this compendium summary address themes relevant to the elections and democracy in the Caribbean region. The states that fall within the relevant “region” include the formerly English, French, and Dutch colonies in the Caribbean Sea and the South and Central American mainland, as well as the remaining English, French, Dutch, Danish, and Spanish colonies in the Caribbean. The aim of this bibliography is to provide readers and researchers with a broad overview of the kinds of theoretical, thematic, and empirical emphases that have framed the questions around which the electoral and democratic landscape of the Caribbean has been studied. For purposes of clarification, the collection does not address Caribbean democracy as a stand-alone isolated issue, but instead provides a survey of works on elections in the Caribbean through the lens of their interrelation with Caribbean democratic history, practice, culture, and constitutional development and institutional framework. (A survey of Caribbean democracy will require isolated treatment). Relatedly, while the article addresses the experience of the wider Caribbean, much of the emphasis on the intellectual output is on the works relevant to the English-speaking Caribbean. Where the experiences of the non-English countries have given rise to critical intellectual interventions, these are included to bring balance to the Caribbean story and to highlight commonalities and divergences, useful for researchers interested in comparative analyses. Following this introduction, the article is divided into eleven thematic sections, examining (1) seminal texts and works on Caribbean democracy and Caribbean elections, or works providing general data and analysis of large blocs of countries or works presenting pathbreaking theoretical treatment of critical issues in Caribbean democracy; (2) texts addressing the issue of the administration and governance of elections, inclusive of concerns with money and electoral financing; (3) texts concerned with constitutional development; (4) texts on electoral reform; (5) works addressing dysfunctionalities such as electoral corruption and electoral violence; (6) women and political participation; (7) public opinion and voting behavior; (8) works concerned with providing analyses of the results and outcomes of Caribbean elections in a largely statistical or data-capturing sense; and (9) works that have sought to offer analyses of Caribbean elections in relation to the broader political-economy of the region. Given the reality of ethnic division and the absence of racial and cultural uniformity in several countries of the Caribbean, one of the sections is devoted to (10) surveying some of the key works that have addressed the challenges of ethnicity, ethnic mobilization, and ethnic voting, and their implications for democratic development. The final section presents (11) the main works that have sought to address the very important question of election monito","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2020-07-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48887216","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-29DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0314
Netina Tan
Women’s descriptive representation in East and Southeast Asia remains lower than global average. Apart from Timor-Leste and Taiwan, no country has achieved the 30 percent “critical mass” of women parliamentarians—a number seen as the minimum proportion necessary to influence policies. East and Southeast Asia is a diverse region where, unlike in South Asia, the rise of powerful women leaders came about only in recent decades. With the rise of prominent women leaders, such as Corazon Aquino, Megawati Sukarnoputri, Yingluck Shinawatra, Park Geun-hye, and Aung San Suu Kyi, studies on dynastic or familial ties have become more prominent, and political science and area studies journals now publish frequently on gender and politics in Asia. Previously, qualitative, descriptive work based on historical archives, ethnography, or elite interviews has dominated. With more cross-country and public opinion data sets, however, quantitative studies have flourished. Similar to those dealing with the Global North, theories to explain the supply and demand of women in politics in Asia include: (1) international factors and diffusion theory, (2) women’s activism and mass movements, (3) institutional designs (e.g., quotas, electoral systems, candidate selection, party politics), and (4) culture and religion. Beyond the literature that theorizes how women engage in politics, another body of literature explores the experiences of women in politics. Who wins in elections? What are the experiences of women candidates and politicians? What are the barriers to substantively representing women? Findings demonstrate that highly educated, professional elite women win elections, while women in cabinet tend to hold “soft” and lower profile portfolios. Moreover, many prominent female state and party leaders come to power through their connection with prominent male leaders. The experiences of female politicians also differ depending on the level of politics, namely, local or national level. The status of women’s representation is further impacted by the regime type. A striking anomaly is the higher number of women politicians in authoritarian, one-party states than in established democracies in the region. Yet do authoritarian regimes with high numbers of female representatives better serve women’s interests? What is the relationship between women and democratic revolutions? In the Philippines, Taiwan, and South Korea, women’s activism and women leaders played key roles in democratic revolutions. More research is needed on assessing women’s substantive representation in both regimes. While it is important to examine politics through the lens of gender, it is equally important to understand how gender inequality intersects with ethnic minority and religious identities. Thus far, few researchers have adopted intersectional approaches in examining how women in politics can be disadvantaged by multiple sources of oppression.
{"title":"Women and Politics in East and Southeast Asia","authors":"Netina Tan","doi":"10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0314","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0314","url":null,"abstract":"Women’s descriptive representation in East and Southeast Asia remains lower than global average. Apart from Timor-Leste and Taiwan, no country has achieved the 30 percent “critical mass” of women parliamentarians—a number seen as the minimum proportion necessary to influence policies. East and Southeast Asia is a diverse region where, unlike in South Asia, the rise of powerful women leaders came about only in recent decades. With the rise of prominent women leaders, such as Corazon Aquino, Megawati Sukarnoputri, Yingluck Shinawatra, Park Geun-hye, and Aung San Suu Kyi, studies on dynastic or familial ties have become more prominent, and political science and area studies journals now publish frequently on gender and politics in Asia. Previously, qualitative, descriptive work based on historical archives, ethnography, or elite interviews has dominated. With more cross-country and public opinion data sets, however, quantitative studies have flourished. Similar to those dealing with the Global North, theories to explain the supply and demand of women in politics in Asia include: (1) international factors and diffusion theory, (2) women’s activism and mass movements, (3) institutional designs (e.g., quotas, electoral systems, candidate selection, party politics), and (4) culture and religion. Beyond the literature that theorizes how women engage in politics, another body of literature explores the experiences of women in politics. Who wins in elections? What are the experiences of women candidates and politicians? What are the barriers to substantively representing women? Findings demonstrate that highly educated, professional elite women win elections, while women in cabinet tend to hold “soft” and lower profile portfolios. Moreover, many prominent female state and party leaders come to power through their connection with prominent male leaders. The experiences of female politicians also differ depending on the level of politics, namely, local or national level. The status of women’s representation is further impacted by the regime type. A striking anomaly is the higher number of women politicians in authoritarian, one-party states than in established democracies in the region. Yet do authoritarian regimes with high numbers of female representatives better serve women’s interests? What is the relationship between women and democratic revolutions? In the Philippines, Taiwan, and South Korea, women’s activism and women leaders played key roles in democratic revolutions. More research is needed on assessing women’s substantive representation in both regimes. While it is important to examine politics through the lens of gender, it is equally important to understand how gender inequality intersects with ethnic minority and religious identities. Thus far, few researchers have adopted intersectional approaches in examining how women in politics can be disadvantaged by multiple sources of oppression.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2020-07-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"61152831","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-27DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0309
Lei Xie
Transboundary water courses abound in Asia, which is experiencing risks with regards to the use of water and the sustainability of water ecology. Many of the Asian states are facing growing pressures to react to global change, with a high level of both poverty and population growth. Asia’s water politics have been explored from a range of perspectives, reflecting the complicated discourses, processes, and narratives when the global South respond to water-related challenges. Within these nations, the low economic development level and the underdevelopment of key democratic institutions as well as limited knowledge in water management have posed challenges to the region to setting up efficient institutional arrangements to promote sustainable development. The geographical conditions make the sharing of international rivers more complicated. Large-scale rivers are often found to run through a number of countries, resulting in each state possessing asymmetric interests in the shared water resources. Vulnerability in the river basin is often unevenly spread among riparian states, adding to the difficulty of countries’ peacefully resolving tensions over the shared water resources. Moreover, regional security in South Asia is considered to be unstable and rapidly changing. Some international rivers run near national borders, complicating the existing border disputes in some places. Questions are raised if the region has developed strong resilience when faced with water-related risks such as water scarcity and degradation.
{"title":"Water Politics in Asia","authors":"Lei Xie","doi":"10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0309","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0309","url":null,"abstract":"Transboundary water courses abound in Asia, which is experiencing risks with regards to the use of water and the sustainability of water ecology. Many of the Asian states are facing growing pressures to react to global change, with a high level of both poverty and population growth. Asia’s water politics have been explored from a range of perspectives, reflecting the complicated discourses, processes, and narratives when the global South respond to water-related challenges. Within these nations, the low economic development level and the underdevelopment of key democratic institutions as well as limited knowledge in water management have posed challenges to the region to setting up efficient institutional arrangements to promote sustainable development. The geographical conditions make the sharing of international rivers more complicated. Large-scale rivers are often found to run through a number of countries, resulting in each state possessing asymmetric interests in the shared water resources. Vulnerability in the river basin is often unevenly spread among riparian states, adding to the difficulty of countries’ peacefully resolving tensions over the shared water resources. Moreover, regional security in South Asia is considered to be unstable and rapidly changing. Some international rivers run near national borders, complicating the existing border disputes in some places. Questions are raised if the region has developed strong resilience when faced with water-related risks such as water scarcity and degradation.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2020-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45165741","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-03DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2020.1818587
Nicole Satherley, Lara M. Greaves, D. Osborne, C. Sibley
ABSTRACT Voter polarisation, or the widening of differences between supporters of different political parties, is of growing concern in many nations. However, little is known about whether polarisation is on the rise in New Zealand. We address this lacuna by investigating temporal trends in voter polarisation in New Zealand (namely, those voting for the National party, Labour party, the Green party, and New Zealand First) from 2009–2018. Using a large national probability sample (the New Zealand Attitudes and Values Study; Ns = 2,820–39,287), we assessed polarisation across three domains: demographic characteristics, social and policy attitudes, and feelings towards each political party (affective polarisation). Evidence of polarisation was generally limited, with the most notable trends occurring in the public’s perceptions of societal fairness and attitudes towards inequality. These analyses provide insight into the magnitude and type of polarisation occurring across voters in a multi-party context.
{"title":"State of the nation: trends in New Zealand voters’ polarisation from 2009–2018","authors":"Nicole Satherley, Lara M. Greaves, D. Osborne, C. Sibley","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2020.1818587","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2020.1818587","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Voter polarisation, or the widening of differences between supporters of different political parties, is of growing concern in many nations. However, little is known about whether polarisation is on the rise in New Zealand. We address this lacuna by investigating temporal trends in voter polarisation in New Zealand (namely, those voting for the National party, Labour party, the Green party, and New Zealand First) from 2009–2018. Using a large national probability sample (the New Zealand Attitudes and Values Study; Ns = 2,820–39,287), we assessed polarisation across three domains: demographic characteristics, social and policy attitudes, and feelings towards each political party (affective polarisation). Evidence of polarisation was generally limited, with the most notable trends occurring in the public’s perceptions of societal fairness and attitudes towards inequality. These analyses provide insight into the magnitude and type of polarisation occurring across voters in a multi-party context.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2020-05-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/00323187.2020.1818587","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48516281","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-03DOI: 10.1080/00323187.2020.1800414
Samantha K. Stanley, J. Kerr, Marc S. Wilson
ABSTRACT New Zealand’s primary strategy for tackling greenhouse gas emissions is the emissions trading scheme, which puts a price on emissions from all major industries – except animal agriculture. In the decade since the scheme was introduced, conversations about including emissions from animal agriculture have been shrouded in controversy, with a levy on such emissions dubbed a ‘fart tax’. Across two independent samples of New Zealanders, we examined whether support for a charge on farm emissions differed depending on how the charge was framed. We showed that participants were more supportive of including farm emissions in the existing scheme than supporting a ‘fart tax’, and also that the description of the policy that most closely aligned with the Labour Party’s original proposal for the charge (a levy on the agricultural sector to fund research into low carbon farming practices) garnered the most support. Across both samples, support also varied by political affiliation, with support highest among Green voters, followed by Labour voters, and National voters generally opposing the charge, regardless of framing. Frames did not interact with political affiliation in the expected way, suggesting that ‘fart tax’ referencing reaches across the political divide in undermining support for this policy.
{"title":"The influence of politics and labelling on New Zealanders’ attitudes towards animal agriculture emissions policy","authors":"Samantha K. Stanley, J. Kerr, Marc S. Wilson","doi":"10.1080/00323187.2020.1800414","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2020.1800414","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT New Zealand’s primary strategy for tackling greenhouse gas emissions is the emissions trading scheme, which puts a price on emissions from all major industries – except animal agriculture. In the decade since the scheme was introduced, conversations about including emissions from animal agriculture have been shrouded in controversy, with a levy on such emissions dubbed a ‘fart tax’. Across two independent samples of New Zealanders, we examined whether support for a charge on farm emissions differed depending on how the charge was framed. We showed that participants were more supportive of including farm emissions in the existing scheme than supporting a ‘fart tax’, and also that the description of the policy that most closely aligned with the Labour Party’s original proposal for the charge (a levy on the agricultural sector to fund research into low carbon farming practices) garnered the most support. Across both samples, support also varied by political affiliation, with support highest among Green voters, followed by Labour voters, and National voters generally opposing the charge, regardless of framing. Frames did not interact with political affiliation in the expected way, suggesting that ‘fart tax’ referencing reaches across the political divide in undermining support for this policy.","PeriodicalId":20275,"journal":{"name":"Political Science","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2020-05-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/00323187.2020.1800414","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44798425","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：