Pub Date : 2017-04-01DOI: 10.13169/intejcubastud.9.1.0019
Petra Kuivala
IntroductionPope Francis spent four days on Cuban soil in September 2015. During these days, he visited three cities: Havana, Holguin and Santiago de Cuba. I participated in the visit as an observer invited by the Conference of Catholic Bishops in Cuba(Conferencia de Obispos Catolicos de Cuba). In Havana, I joined the delegation of the Conference and participated in the events in the same manner as the Catholic invitees such as foreign bishops, Cuban clergy and religious, and diplomatic representatives. This included both events open to the public as well as events for a selected audience. In Holguin and Santiago de Cuba, I focused on observing the visit among the Cubans participating in the public events, with a concentration on interpreting the responses of the audience and commentaries of the audience to the events.During and following the visit, I conducted interviews with Cuban bishops, clergy, members of the religious orders present in Cuba as well as Cubans both Catholic and non-Catholic who either participated in the events of the papal visit or chose not to participate in them. In this article, apart from my own reflections and analysis as a participant in the visit, I refer to those interviews as anonymous sources. From this perspective, I analyse the expectations, interpretations and outcomes of the papal visit, focusing on the dynamics of the apostolic journey as well as reactions and responses of the Catholic Church in Cuba and Cuban Catholics to Pope Francis's message and the purpose of the visit.Cuba and the Holy SeeIn the books of the Holy See,1 Cuba has occupied a particular chapter ever since Fidel Castro's revolution in 1959. The Catholic Church, rooted in Cuba during the Colonial era, has existed within the socialist system for the past six decades. The coexistence of the Catholic Church and the Cuban revolutionary regime has nevertheless been characterised by mutual tension, conflict and confrontation.The confrontation between the Catholic Church in Cuba and the Cuban revolution experienced its most tense stages in the 1960s. The cultural, collective memory of the Cuban Catholics still recalls the experience of alienation and marginalisation in the Cuban society and public life. The living memory still accounts for suspicion and, at times, hostility, among the older generations of Cuban Catholics both on the island and in exile. The institutional church has, however, reached a renewed position and newly gained visibility in the Cuban public sphere in the twenty-first century. From the confrontation of the 1960s and the decade of marginalised silence and introspection of the 1970s, the church reorganised itself in order to provide for internal revival in the 1980s and reemerge in the Cuban society in the 1990s in order to fill the void of ideological and existential searching among Cubans, caused by the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Special Period2 and the removal of the atheist ideal from the Cuban constitution, all occur
{"title":"Policy of Empowerment: Pope Francis in Cuba","authors":"Petra Kuivala","doi":"10.13169/intejcubastud.9.1.0019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13169/intejcubastud.9.1.0019","url":null,"abstract":"IntroductionPope Francis spent four days on Cuban soil in September 2015. During these days, he visited three cities: Havana, Holguin and Santiago de Cuba. I participated in the visit as an observer invited by the Conference of Catholic Bishops in Cuba(Conferencia de Obispos Catolicos de Cuba). In Havana, I joined the delegation of the Conference and participated in the events in the same manner as the Catholic invitees such as foreign bishops, Cuban clergy and religious, and diplomatic representatives. This included both events open to the public as well as events for a selected audience. In Holguin and Santiago de Cuba, I focused on observing the visit among the Cubans participating in the public events, with a concentration on interpreting the responses of the audience and commentaries of the audience to the events.During and following the visit, I conducted interviews with Cuban bishops, clergy, members of the religious orders present in Cuba as well as Cubans both Catholic and non-Catholic who either participated in the events of the papal visit or chose not to participate in them. In this article, apart from my own reflections and analysis as a participant in the visit, I refer to those interviews as anonymous sources. From this perspective, I analyse the expectations, interpretations and outcomes of the papal visit, focusing on the dynamics of the apostolic journey as well as reactions and responses of the Catholic Church in Cuba and Cuban Catholics to Pope Francis's message and the purpose of the visit.Cuba and the Holy SeeIn the books of the Holy See,1 Cuba has occupied a particular chapter ever since Fidel Castro's revolution in 1959. The Catholic Church, rooted in Cuba during the Colonial era, has existed within the socialist system for the past six decades. The coexistence of the Catholic Church and the Cuban revolutionary regime has nevertheless been characterised by mutual tension, conflict and confrontation.The confrontation between the Catholic Church in Cuba and the Cuban revolution experienced its most tense stages in the 1960s. The cultural, collective memory of the Cuban Catholics still recalls the experience of alienation and marginalisation in the Cuban society and public life. The living memory still accounts for suspicion and, at times, hostility, among the older generations of Cuban Catholics both on the island and in exile. The institutional church has, however, reached a renewed position and newly gained visibility in the Cuban public sphere in the twenty-first century. From the confrontation of the 1960s and the decade of marginalised silence and introspection of the 1970s, the church reorganised itself in order to provide for internal revival in the 1980s and reemerge in the Cuban society in the 1990s in order to fill the void of ideological and existential searching among Cubans, caused by the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Special Period2 and the removal of the atheist ideal from the Cuban constitution, all occur","PeriodicalId":254309,"journal":{"name":"The International Journal of Cuban Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122453462","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-04-01DOI: 10.13169/intejcubastud.9.1.0117
E. Kirk
All media exists to invest our lives with artificial perceptions and arbitrary values.- Marshall McLuhan (1964)Revolutionary Cuba has been a fixture in the international media for decades. Topics that made headlines around the globe have included Fidel Castro's death, US-Cuba relations, visits to Havana by the Pope, Cuba's international medical missions, and economic changes under Raul Castro. One topic, however, which has been crucial to human development in contemporary Cuba, has received comparatively little media attention - sexual diversity1 (LGBT) rights.Sexual diversity rights has been a topic of increasing importance in contemporary Cuba, although this has not always been the case. For example, probably one of the largest stains on the history of revolutionary Cuba was the treatment of homosexual men in the 1960s and 1970s. From forced attendance in the Military Units to Aid Production (UMAP) labour camps, to imprisonment, and struggles under discriminatory legislation, the first decades of the Revolution were fraught with prejudice and homophobia (Madero 2016; Roque Guerra 2011). While homosexuality was officially decriminalised in 1979, and some changes occurred through the 1980s and 1990s, it was not until some years later that attention to sexual diversity rights would be prioritised within the revolutionary framework. Yet despite the significant shifts from these earlier events, very little media attention has been given to this topic.Significant changes began in 2007, with the first celebrations for the International Day Against Homophobia (17 May). Following this, sweeping national programmes and campaigns emerged focusing on the normalisation of sexual diversity and the importance of respect (rather than tolerance or acceptance) (Kirk 2011). For example, the National Program for Sexual Education and Sexual Health (ProNess) was re-written between 2012 and 2013 to include themes of diverse sexual orientation and gender identities, and the New Family Code, including rights for non-heteronormative families, was presented to the National Assembly in 2012 (Kirk 2015). Although there are ongoing issues associated with machismo and discrimination (particularly in the more rural provinces), sexual diversity has largely been normalised throughout the island - a considerable achievement given Cuba's extensive homophobic past and the deep-rooted machismo. Nonetheless, these events have largely been ignored in the international media.The most important element to this normalisation process, which has received equally little attention, has undoubtedly been the Ministry of Public Health's (MINSAP) National Centre of Sexual Education (CENESEX) (Castro Espin 2013). The Centre, directed by Mariela Castro Espin, has employed a unique health-based approach to normalise sexual diversity. The approach focuses on the discrimination-health link, which asserts that discrimination is detrimental to individual and national health. Based on this approach, CE
所有媒体的存在都是为了给我们的生活注入人为的感知和武断的价值观。几十年来，革命的古巴一直是国际媒体的常客。成为全球头条新闻的话题包括菲德尔·卡斯特罗之死、美古关系、教皇访问哈瓦那、古巴的国际医疗使团以及劳尔·卡斯特罗领导下的经济改革。然而，有一个话题对当代古巴的人类发展至关重要，却很少得到媒体的关注——性多样性(LGBT)权利。在当代古巴，性多样性权利已成为一个日益重要的话题，尽管情况并非总是如此。例如，古巴革命历史上最大的污点之一可能是20世纪60年代和70年代对同性恋男子的待遇。从被迫进入军事单位到援助生产(UMAP)劳改营，到监禁，以及在歧视性立法下的斗争，革命的头几十年充满了偏见和同性恋恐惧症(Madero 2016;Roque Guerra 2011)。虽然同性恋在1979年被正式合法化，并且在20世纪80年代和90年代发生了一些变化，但直到几年后，对性多样性权利的关注才在革命性的框架内得到优先考虑。然而，尽管这些早期事件发生了重大变化，但媒体对这一主题的关注却很少。2007年开始发生重大变化，首次庆祝国际反对恐同日(5月17日)。在此之后，全国性的计划和运动出现了，重点是性别多样性的正常化和尊重(而不是容忍或接受)的重要性(Kirk 2011)。例如，在2012年至2013年期间重新编写了《国家性教育和性健康方案》(proess)，以纳入不同的性取向和性别认同的主题，并于2012年向国民议会提交了《新家庭法》，其中包括非异性恋家庭的权利(Kirk, 2015年)。尽管与大男子主义和歧视有关的问题持续存在(特别是在农村省份)，但性别多样性在整个岛屿上基本上已经正常化-鉴于古巴广泛的同性恋恐惧症和根深蒂固的大男子主义，这是一项相当大的成就。然而，这些事件在很大程度上被国际媒体所忽视。这一正常化进程中最重要的因素无疑是公共卫生部(MINSAP)国家性教育中心(CENESEX) (Castro Espin, 2013年)，而这一进程同样很少受到关注。该中心由玛丽拉·卡斯特罗·埃斯平领导，采用了一种独特的基于健康的方法，使性多样性正常化。该方法侧重于歧视与健康的联系，认为歧视有害于个人和国家健康。基于这种方法，CENESEX组织了国际反同性恋日的庆祝活动，发展了一系列在全岛开展研究和传播信息的“网络”，创办了一本国际公认的研究期刊(Sexologia y Sociedad)，成立了全国关注跨性别者委员会，并担任其他部委和群众组织的顾问(Roque Guerra 2011;Castro Espin 2011)。特别是，对政治和公共政策最重大变化的报道最多也不过是微乎其微。例如，2008年，公共卫生部长签署了第126号决议，将变性手术合法化(Roque Guerra 2011)。2010年，菲德尔·卡斯特罗正式为UMAP营地和20世纪60年代普遍的同性恋恐惧症道歉(路透社2010)。次年，古巴共产党(PCC)修改了其基本原则——该党的意识形态传播的基础——将尊重性别多样性纳入其中(卡斯特罗2012;Cubadebate 2011)。…
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Pub Date : 2017-04-01DOI: 10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.9.1.0016
D. Baden
The media merry-go-round following the death of Fidel Castro has now come to a halt, and so, six months after his death, it is perhaps a good time to reflect on the Western portrayal of one of the longest serving political leaders in history. Naturally, bearing in mind the history of the imperialist US attitude towards Cuba, and the nationalisation of US property by the Castro government shortly after the revolution, the hostility between the two is perhaps understandable. Yet what surprised me greatly was the response of the UK media following Castro's death. In Britain, the overwhelmingly negative views of a few Miami emigres, who celebrated his passing, was given massive prominence, while the millions of mourners who had lost their leader were overlooked.I came to do research in Cuba for the first time in 2014 and knew little about the island until that point. On that journey, I was struck by story after story from Cubans about how they saw Fidel as a father figure - brave, heroic, larger than life and mostly beloved. So it was shocking for me to hear Fidel repeatedly described as a brutal dictator in the UK media following his death. This is not to say that all Cubans were uncritical of Fidel, far from it, but for a leader who had been in power for that long, the regard which most Cubans felt for him was remarkable.Following Castro's death, the news channel BBC 24 invited me in to talk about my experience of doing research in Cuba and what I had learned about Fidel. I was taken aback to find myself bombarded with anti-Castro questions from the interviewer, based not on any evidence, but on misinformation that had been uncritically repeated so often that it had begun to be taken as fact. It seemed to me that little interest was displayed in obtaining a genuine understanding of the Cuban experience.The fact that the BBC, of all media outlets, was happy, even keen, to repeat such one-sided and inaccurate material was revelatory. Clearly, I was not alone in being dismayed as my interview was recorded and went viral with more than three million views on YouTube. The media watchdog organisation, Media Lens, deconstructed the interview to highlight the extent of the BBC's bias and, as a consequence, I received hundreds of emails, comments, cards and letters from Cubans, or from those who had visited Cuba, and even a human rights lawyer thanking me for trying to present a more balanced perspective.1Yet it is not only the mass media who demonstrate anti-Cuba bias. It was after my second visit to Cuba in 2015, that I began to appreciate the difficulties in telling any kind of balanced story about the island. The aim of the research trip was to talk to top managers in the pharmaceutical and biotechnology sector to discuss the secret of Cuba's success, for example, as having produced the first lung cancer vaccine. I was told that their success reflected their strategy which was based on the speech given by Fidel Castro in 1960 known as the Declaration of
{"title":"On Western Bias Against Cuba","authors":"D. Baden","doi":"10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.9.1.0016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.9.1.0016","url":null,"abstract":"The media merry-go-round following the death of Fidel Castro has now come to a halt, and so, six months after his death, it is perhaps a good time to reflect on the Western portrayal of one of the longest serving political leaders in history. Naturally, bearing in mind the history of the imperialist US attitude towards Cuba, and the nationalisation of US property by the Castro government shortly after the revolution, the hostility between the two is perhaps understandable. Yet what surprised me greatly was the response of the UK media following Castro's death. In Britain, the overwhelmingly negative views of a few Miami emigres, who celebrated his passing, was given massive prominence, while the millions of mourners who had lost their leader were overlooked.I came to do research in Cuba for the first time in 2014 and knew little about the island until that point. On that journey, I was struck by story after story from Cubans about how they saw Fidel as a father figure - brave, heroic, larger than life and mostly beloved. So it was shocking for me to hear Fidel repeatedly described as a brutal dictator in the UK media following his death. This is not to say that all Cubans were uncritical of Fidel, far from it, but for a leader who had been in power for that long, the regard which most Cubans felt for him was remarkable.Following Castro's death, the news channel BBC 24 invited me in to talk about my experience of doing research in Cuba and what I had learned about Fidel. I was taken aback to find myself bombarded with anti-Castro questions from the interviewer, based not on any evidence, but on misinformation that had been uncritically repeated so often that it had begun to be taken as fact. It seemed to me that little interest was displayed in obtaining a genuine understanding of the Cuban experience.The fact that the BBC, of all media outlets, was happy, even keen, to repeat such one-sided and inaccurate material was revelatory. Clearly, I was not alone in being dismayed as my interview was recorded and went viral with more than three million views on YouTube. The media watchdog organisation, Media Lens, deconstructed the interview to highlight the extent of the BBC's bias and, as a consequence, I received hundreds of emails, comments, cards and letters from Cubans, or from those who had visited Cuba, and even a human rights lawyer thanking me for trying to present a more balanced perspective.1Yet it is not only the mass media who demonstrate anti-Cuba bias. It was after my second visit to Cuba in 2015, that I began to appreciate the difficulties in telling any kind of balanced story about the island. The aim of the research trip was to talk to top managers in the pharmaceutical and biotechnology sector to discuss the secret of Cuba's success, for example, as having produced the first lung cancer vaccine. I was told that their success reflected their strategy which was based on the speech given by Fidel Castro in 1960 known as the Declaration of","PeriodicalId":254309,"journal":{"name":"The International Journal of Cuban Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117015309","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Leonard Ray Teel, Reporting the Cuban Revolution: How Castro Manipulated American Journalists (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2015) hb 264pp. ISBN: 978-0-8071-6092-3The release of Leonard Ray Teel's latest treatise, Reporting the Cuban Revolution, comes at a period of increased scepticism toward journalists as, according to a September 2016 Gallup poll, only 32% of Americans trust the mass media to report news accurately and fairly. This registered as the lowest approval rating for the media in the history of Gallup polling. Apparently, consumers, by and large, do not trust the media to follow through on its claims of objectivity. The work of 13 correspondents who covered the Cuban Revolution suggests that impartiality was an issue long before Americans considered it a problem.Famed journalist Walter Lippmann and Charles Merz studied the New York Times reporting on the Russian Revolution from 1917 to 1920 and concluded it was 'nothing short of disaster . . . seeing not what was, but what men wished to see' (35). This characterization reflects Teel's overall argument concerning the coverage of the Cuban Revolution. Teel surveys 'this cohort of thirteen' to find that adventure reporting rather than impartiality once again dominated coverage of events in another country. Reporting from a foreign land when meshed with 'timeliness, prominence, conflict, proximity and human interest', - what Teel tongue-and-cheek calls journalism's 'tests' for news value - came together to create a narrative of news.This cohort and their abandonment of the code of impartiality in a war zone 'served Castro's purpose' (5). Teel goes on in Chapters One and Two to describe how that code began in 1923 with the American Society of Newspaper Editors, who formalized a national journalistic ethos, prizing objectivity and impartiality. This code of objectivity lost its way once reporters left the US. Echoing media critic Herbert Altschull, Teel concludes that 'ideal of objectivity evidently applied to American journalists "only within the geographic limits of the United States"' (5).In Chapters Three and Four, Teel walks through the media competition that inspired the first four correspondents to risk much at a chance with Castro who was holed up deep inside the Sierra Maestra Mountains of southeast Cuba. By 1957, Herbert Matthews, Jules Dubois, Robert Taber, and Wendell Hoffman had 'projected a positive image of [Castro]' as the 'freedom-loving young attorney' who sacrificed comforts for the cause of democracy and free elections. Teel argues that the four helped glamorise Castro for the marketplace by 'basically reporting straight from Castro's script' (68).In Chapters Five and Six, Teel recounts how journalist Andrew St. George was lured by the adventure saga, the novelty and shock of the first four journalists. Intoxicated by the thought of similar exploits, St. George ended up with everything he needed for adventure, other than impartial reporting. …
伦纳德·雷·蒂尔，报道古巴革命:卡斯特罗如何操纵美国记者(巴吞鲁日:路易斯安那州立大学出版社，2015)hb 264页。伦纳德·雷·蒂尔的最新专著《报道古巴革命》出版之际，正值人们对记者越来越怀疑的时期。根据2016年9月的盖洛普民意调查，只有32%的美国人相信大众媒体能够准确、公正地报道新闻。这是盖洛普民意调查历史上对媒体的最低支持率。显然，总的来说，消费者并不相信媒体会兑现其所宣称的客观性。报道古巴革命的13名记者的工作表明，早在美国人认为公正是个问题之前，这个问题就已经存在了。著名记者沃尔特·李普曼(Walter Lippmann)和查尔斯·默茨(Charles Merz)研究了《纽约时报》对1917年至1920年俄国革命的报道，得出结论说，这场革命“简直就是一场灾难……看到的不是真实的东西，而是人们希望看到的东西。这种描述反映了蒂尔对古巴革命报道的总体看法。蒂尔对“这13个人”进行了调查，发现冒险报道而非公正再次主导了另一个国家的新闻报道。当来自异国他乡的报道与“及时性、突出性、冲突性、亲近性和人情味”相结合时——迪尔半开玩笑地称之为新闻业对新闻价值的“考验”——共同创造了一种新闻叙事。这群人以及他们在战区放弃公正准则的行为“达到了卡斯特罗的目的”(5)。蒂尔在第一章和第二章中继续描述了1923年美国报纸编辑协会(American Society of Newspaper Editors)是如何开始这种准则的，他们正式确立了一种国家新闻精神，重视客观和公正。一旦记者离开美国，这种客观准则就失去了意义。在第三章和第四章中，蒂尔回顾了媒体竞争的过程，正是这种竞争激励了最初的四位记者冒着很大的风险去采访躲藏在古巴东南部马埃斯特拉山脉深处的卡斯特罗。到1957年，赫伯特·马修斯、朱尔斯·杜布瓦、罗伯特·塔伯和温德尔·霍夫曼“塑造了卡斯特罗的正面形象”，把他塑造成“热爱自由的年轻律师”，为民主和自由选举事业牺牲了舒适。蒂尔认为，这四个人“基本上直接按照卡斯特罗的剧本报道”，从而在市场上美化了卡斯特罗。在第五章和第六章中，蒂尔讲述了记者安德鲁·圣乔治是如何被冒险传奇、前四名记者的新奇和震惊所吸引的。想到类似的事迹，圣乔治陶醉了，他最终得到了探险所需的一切，除了公正的报道。…
{"title":"Reporting the Cuban Revolution: How Castro Manipulated American Journalists","authors":"D. Grantham","doi":"10.5860/choice.196444","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.196444","url":null,"abstract":"Leonard Ray Teel, Reporting the Cuban Revolution: How Castro Manipulated American Journalists (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2015) hb 264pp. ISBN: 978-0-8071-6092-3The release of Leonard Ray Teel's latest treatise, Reporting the Cuban Revolution, comes at a period of increased scepticism toward journalists as, according to a September 2016 Gallup poll, only 32% of Americans trust the mass media to report news accurately and fairly. This registered as the lowest approval rating for the media in the history of Gallup polling. Apparently, consumers, by and large, do not trust the media to follow through on its claims of objectivity. The work of 13 correspondents who covered the Cuban Revolution suggests that impartiality was an issue long before Americans considered it a problem.Famed journalist Walter Lippmann and Charles Merz studied the New York Times reporting on the Russian Revolution from 1917 to 1920 and concluded it was 'nothing short of disaster . . . seeing not what was, but what men wished to see' (35). This characterization reflects Teel's overall argument concerning the coverage of the Cuban Revolution. Teel surveys 'this cohort of thirteen' to find that adventure reporting rather than impartiality once again dominated coverage of events in another country. Reporting from a foreign land when meshed with 'timeliness, prominence, conflict, proximity and human interest', - what Teel tongue-and-cheek calls journalism's 'tests' for news value - came together to create a narrative of news.This cohort and their abandonment of the code of impartiality in a war zone 'served Castro's purpose' (5). Teel goes on in Chapters One and Two to describe how that code began in 1923 with the American Society of Newspaper Editors, who formalized a national journalistic ethos, prizing objectivity and impartiality. This code of objectivity lost its way once reporters left the US. Echoing media critic Herbert Altschull, Teel concludes that 'ideal of objectivity evidently applied to American journalists \"only within the geographic limits of the United States\"' (5).In Chapters Three and Four, Teel walks through the media competition that inspired the first four correspondents to risk much at a chance with Castro who was holed up deep inside the Sierra Maestra Mountains of southeast Cuba. By 1957, Herbert Matthews, Jules Dubois, Robert Taber, and Wendell Hoffman had 'projected a positive image of [Castro]' as the 'freedom-loving young attorney' who sacrificed comforts for the cause of democracy and free elections. Teel argues that the four helped glamorise Castro for the marketplace by 'basically reporting straight from Castro's script' (68).In Chapters Five and Six, Teel recounts how journalist Andrew St. George was lured by the adventure saga, the novelty and shock of the first four journalists. Intoxicated by the thought of similar exploits, St. George ended up with everything he needed for adventure, other than impartial reporting. …","PeriodicalId":254309,"journal":{"name":"The International Journal of Cuban Studies","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114611977","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-04-01DOI: 10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.9.1.0142
A. Jiwa
IntroductionCuba's health status has grown in the last few decades following the expansion of their acclaimed medical schools, to welcome a growing number of international students. In 1999, the Latin American School of Medicine (Spanish - Escuela Latinoamericana de Medicina (ELAM)) was founded by the Cuban government to train international students in the field of medicine (Castro 1999). It now has 10,000 students from 124 countries (Porter 2012), primarily those from Latin America and the Caribbean, with smaller numbers from Africa and Asia. With all students at the school on full scholarships, inclusive of room, board, and a small monthly stipend, admission to the school is widely viewed as a prestigious opportunity to learn in one of the most innovative and sophisticated healthcare systems in the world (Tandon et al. 2000). In particular, Cuba's approach to healthcare is famed for its medical internationalism and its public health strategies which have resulted in health statistics paralleling those in the developed world. With such a heavy focus on health governance, the underlying processes in creating these doctors have often been overlooked. This article examines the available literature to describe and analyse the teaching methods, curriculum structure and student experience at ELAM.BackgroundUnder General Batista's rule (1952-59), pre-revolutionary healthcare in Cuba was private, with a fee-for-service system in place. This catered mainly for the elite and was neither universal nor equally accessible. While charity hospitals were available to those who could not afford private healthcare, there was still a significant number of Cubans who were unable to access healthcare or whom were denied care (Choonara 2010). A significant number of Cubans lived in rural communities, whereas most hospitals and doctors were located in the capital, Havana (Keck and Reed 2012). Wages differed according to location, and with lower wages in rural areas, doctors in these areas were usually less qualified or experienced than those in the cities (Choonara 2010). As a result, infant mortality in the area was as high as 100 per 1,000 births - statistics that paint today's picture of Mali or Somalia (World Health Organization 2016b).Following the revolution in 1959, Che Guevara outlined his aims for healthcare in Cuba, in his speech on Revolutionary Medicine. The speech declared,The work that today is entrusted to the Ministry of Health and similar organisations is to provide public health services to the greatest possible number of persons, institute a program of preventative medicine and orient the public to the performance of hygienic practices. (Guevara 1960 in Guevara 1971)Acting on these words, Fidel Castro, Cuba's new leader, began a programme of reform which involved the construction of new hospitals, decentralised the Cuban healthcare system, and began a programme of nationalisation and regionalisadon. The medical school in Havana, which had been close
在过去的几十年里，古巴的健康状况有所改善，因为他们广受赞誉的医学院扩大了规模，以欢迎越来越多的国际学生。1999年，古巴政府成立了拉丁美洲医学院(西班牙语- Escuela Latinoamericana de Medicina (ELAM))，以培训医学领域的国际学生(Castro 1999年)。它现在有来自124个国家的10,000名学生(Porter 2012)，主要来自拉丁美洲和加勒比地区，来自非洲和亚洲的人数较少。学校的所有学生都享有全额奖学金，包括住宿费、食宿费和每月少量津贴，因此被学校录取被广泛视为在世界上最具创新性和最先进的医疗体系之一学习的难得机会(Tandon等人，2000年)。特别是，古巴的保健办法以其医疗国际主义和公共卫生战略而闻名，其卫生统计数据与发达国家相当。由于如此重视卫生治理，造就这些医生的基本过程往往被忽视。本文考察了现有的文献来描述和分析ELAM的教学方法、课程结构和学生体验。在巴蒂斯塔将军的统治下(1952- 1959年)，古巴革命前的医疗保健是私人的，实行按服务收费的制度。这主要是为精英阶层服务的，既不是普遍的，也不是平等的。虽然那些负担不起私人医疗费用的人可以去慈善医院，但仍有相当数量的古巴人无法获得医疗服务或被剥夺了医疗服务(Choonara, 2010年)。相当数量的古巴人居住在农村社区，而大多数医院和医生位于首都哈瓦那(Keck和Reed, 2012年)。工资因地区而异，由于农村地区的工资较低，这些地区的医生通常不如城市的医生合格或经验丰富(Choonara 2010)。因此，该地区的婴儿死亡率高达每1000名新生儿中有100人死亡，这是今天马里或索马里的统计数据(世界卫生组织2016b)。1959年革命之后，切·格瓦拉在他关于革命医学的演讲中概述了他在古巴医疗保健方面的目标。该讲话宣布，卫生部和类似组织今天的工作是向尽可能多的人提供公共卫生服务，制定预防医学方案，并引导公众采取卫生做法。根据这些话，古巴的新领导人菲德尔·卡斯特罗开始了一项改革方案，其中包括建设新的医院，分散古巴的医疗保健系统，并开始了国有化和区域化方案。哈瓦那的医学院在巴蒂斯塔将军的统治下因抗议活动而关闭，现已重新开放。学生免学费，农村学生增多。实践技能教学第一次与社会医学一起被纳入课程。1960年，第717号法律设立了公共卫生部(MINSAP - Ministerio de Salud Publica)，第723号法律设立了农村医疗服务机构(RMS);菲茨2016)。在实践中，这些法律产生了两大变化:1。将农村医疗作为优先事项医学院最后一年的学生发起了一项倡议，详细说明了他们在古巴农村工作的必要性，因为那里最需要他们。为此，公共卫生部为农村社区的学生创造了318个工作岗位(Del等人，2008年)，并于1960年创建了RMS(西班牙语，El Servicio Medico rural)。RMS旨在为那些最需要的人提供"疾病预防和健康振兴服务，无论他们是穷人、健康状况不稳定还是居住在远离城市中心的地方" (Gorry 2012b)。…
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Steve Cushion, A Hidden History of the Cuban Revolution: How the Working Class Shaped the Guerrillas' Victory (New York, NY: Monthly Review Press, 2016) pb 272 pp. ISBN: 9781583675816Reviewed by Gary PrevostLondon-based trade union activist Steve Cushion has written an invaluable contribution to our understanding of victory of the Cuban revolutionary forces in 1959 by focusing on the role of organized labor in the defeat of the Batista dictatorship. Leaning heavily on the labor archives of the Institute of Cuban History in Havana and interviews with participants in the struggles, Cushion fashions a well-written and well-researched account of the role of the working class struggles and their interplay with the rural guerrilla army and the armed urban underground. The latter two movements have been previously well documented and generally credited with the success of the revolution, but Cushion argues that these studies combined with the official narrative of the leaders of the Cuban revolution from Fidel Castro on down have tended to underestimate the role of organized labor. Rather than just a two-front war against Batista, he argues that the interaction of all three elements are necessary to understand the defeat of Batista and equally important in understanding the pro-working class trajectory that the revolution took from 1959 forward.Cushion successfully documents a myriad of working class organizing, especially in Eastern Cuba, that occurred in the wake of Batista's coup in 1952 and the attack on the living standards of Cuban workers in the ensuing years made worse by the complicity with Batista of the existing trade union leadership under Eusebio Mujal. Cushion documents a lively picture of working class activism in 1950s Cuba ranging from those employed in the dominant sugar sector to those in shops, department stores, and white-collar workers in the offices and banks. The activism, carried out under harsh government repression, took multiple forms from slowdowns and walkouts to sabotage and the formation of clandestine cells that would form the workers' section of the guerrilla movement. Documented is the development of the tactic of railway workers of 'trade unionism on a war footing' which combined mass action with acts of sabotage that burned sugar fields and derailed trains. Cushion documents a textile workers' strike in Matanzas leading to a complete shutdown of the city with female workers in the Woolworth's department store helping to enforce the citywide general strike in defiance of efforts by state security forces to reopen the store. …
Steve Cushion，古巴革命的隐藏历史:工人阶级如何塑造游击队的胜利(纽约，纽约:每月评论出版社，2016)272页。ISBN: 9781583675816 Gary prevos评论伦敦的工会活动家Steve Cushion通过关注有组织的劳工在击败巴蒂斯塔独裁统治中的作用，为我们理解1959年古巴革命力量的胜利做出了宝贵的贡献。大量参考哈瓦那古巴历史研究所的劳动档案和对斗争参与者的采访，《缓冲》对工人阶级斗争的角色及其与农村游击队和城市武装地下组织的相互作用进行了精心撰写和研究。后两种运动之前都有很好的文献记载，并被普遍认为是革命成功的功臣，但塞奇认为，这些研究与从菲德尔·卡斯特罗(Fidel Castro)起的古巴革命领导人的官方叙述相结合，往往低估了有组织劳工的作用。他认为，这三个因素的相互作用对于理解巴蒂斯塔的失败是必要的，而不仅仅是反对巴蒂斯塔的两线战争，对于理解1959年以来革命所走的亲工人阶级的轨迹同样重要。《缓冲》成功地记录了大量的工人阶级组织，特别是在古巴东部，这些组织发生在1952年巴蒂斯塔的政变之后，在随后的几年里，古巴工人的生活水平受到了更严重的攻击，这是因为在尤西比奥·穆贾尔(Eusebio Mujal)领导下的现有工会领导层与巴蒂斯塔串通一干。《缓冲》生动地记录了20世纪50年代古巴工人阶级的行动，从占主导地位的制糖业的工人到商店、百货公司的工人，再到办公室和银行的白领。在政府严厉镇压下进行的激进主义采取了多种形式，从怠工和罢工到破坏和形成秘密小组，这些小组将成为游击队运动的工人部分。记录在案的是铁路工人“战时工会主义”策略的发展，这种策略将群众行动与烧毁糖田和使火车出轨的破坏行为结合起来。《缓冲》记录了马坦萨斯纺织工人的罢工，导致整个城市完全关闭，伍尔沃斯百货公司的女工们不顾国家安全部队重新开业的努力，帮助实施了全市范围的大罢工。…
{"title":"A Hidden History of the Cuban Revolution: How the Working Class Shaped the Guerrillas' Victory","authors":"G. Prevost","doi":"10.5860/choice.198112","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.198112","url":null,"abstract":"Steve Cushion, A Hidden History of the Cuban Revolution: How the Working Class Shaped the Guerrillas' Victory (New York, NY: Monthly Review Press, 2016) pb 272 pp. ISBN: 9781583675816Reviewed by Gary PrevostLondon-based trade union activist Steve Cushion has written an invaluable contribution to our understanding of victory of the Cuban revolutionary forces in 1959 by focusing on the role of organized labor in the defeat of the Batista dictatorship. Leaning heavily on the labor archives of the Institute of Cuban History in Havana and interviews with participants in the struggles, Cushion fashions a well-written and well-researched account of the role of the working class struggles and their interplay with the rural guerrilla army and the armed urban underground. The latter two movements have been previously well documented and generally credited with the success of the revolution, but Cushion argues that these studies combined with the official narrative of the leaders of the Cuban revolution from Fidel Castro on down have tended to underestimate the role of organized labor. Rather than just a two-front war against Batista, he argues that the interaction of all three elements are necessary to understand the defeat of Batista and equally important in understanding the pro-working class trajectory that the revolution took from 1959 forward.Cushion successfully documents a myriad of working class organizing, especially in Eastern Cuba, that occurred in the wake of Batista's coup in 1952 and the attack on the living standards of Cuban workers in the ensuing years made worse by the complicity with Batista of the existing trade union leadership under Eusebio Mujal. Cushion documents a lively picture of working class activism in 1950s Cuba ranging from those employed in the dominant sugar sector to those in shops, department stores, and white-collar workers in the offices and banks. The activism, carried out under harsh government repression, took multiple forms from slowdowns and walkouts to sabotage and the formation of clandestine cells that would form the workers' section of the guerrilla movement. Documented is the development of the tactic of railway workers of 'trade unionism on a war footing' which combined mass action with acts of sabotage that burned sugar fields and derailed trains. Cushion documents a textile workers' strike in Matanzas leading to a complete shutdown of the city with female workers in the Woolworth's department store helping to enforce the citywide general strike in defiance of efforts by state security forces to reopen the store. …","PeriodicalId":254309,"journal":{"name":"The International Journal of Cuban Studies","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129531404","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Revolution within the Revolution: Women and Gender Politics in Cuba, 1952-1962","authors":"D. Baden","doi":"10.5860/choice.196495","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.196495","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":254309,"journal":{"name":"The International Journal of Cuban Studies","volume":"27 3","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131860027","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
William M. Leogrande and Peter Kornbluh, Back Channel to Cuba: The Hidden History of Negotiations between Washington and Havana (Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press, 2015) pb 560pp. ISBN: 978-1-4696-2660-4Reviewed by Steve LudlamWhen Cuban resistance finally produced Obama's abandonment of over half a century of violent US hostility to the Revolution, the obvious question arose as to why this had taken so long? What this book demonstrates is that, despite the decades of relations characterised by Cuba's revolutionary internationalism and US aggression through invasion, terrorism, assassination attempts against Cuban leaders, economic strangulation, and unending projects of internal subversion, there were repeated behind-the-scenes talks seeking to normalise those relations. The authors make the important point that, post-Cold War, the ending of US security concerns actually lowered its incentive to act. Domestic politics became more important, and, after all, US opposition to the Revolution's antiimperialism both preceded and survived Cuba's Soviet alignment.Written by two of the US's leading Cuba scholars, this monumental history is based on the major US and presidential archives, on an extensive secondary literature, and on nearly seventy interviews with leading political actors, including Fidel Castro and James Carter. It is also a culmination of years of excavation by the Cuba Documentation Project of the National Security Archive, which Peter Kornbluh directs.The book begins with Fidel's 'unofficial' visit to the US in April 1959, when he (and the US Ambassador in Cuba) assumed positive relations were possible. Eisenhower snubbed Fidel, preferring the golf course, prompting the famous photograph of Fidel and Che playing golf, taken, according to Fidel, to satirise Eisenhower's behaviour (p. 17). Nixon, in his stead, hectored Fidel on communist threats. A meeting with the CIA produced agreement to establish a back channel that was never opened. Within weeks the Revolution's agrarian reform accelerated the process of US counter-revolutionary policy that culminated in the full trade embargo and increasingly violent aggression. By the summer of 1959, the CIA was planning a counter-revolution.Yet, as this book makes clear, back channels remained open as the revolution radicalised, even through terrorist incidents like the La Coubre explosion in Havana. The secrecy surrounding such dialogue reflects Cold War constraints and the violence, sometimes murderous, of right-wing Cuban-American groups against 'dialogistas'. On the Cuban side, of course, suspicion and stubborn defence of sovereignty prevailed. Inevitably, then, some of the 'back' channels discussed throughout are not so much non-diplomatic channels as diplomatic channels rendered exceptionally clandestine by the historical sensitivity of USCuba relations.The book takes us in fascinating detail through such channels, and an extensive dramatis personae of officials, diplo
William M. Leogrande和Peter Kornbluh，《回到古巴的渠道:华盛顿和哈瓦那之间谈判的隐藏历史》(Chapel Hill, NC:北卡罗来纳大学出版社，2015)560pp。当古巴的抵抗最终使奥巴马放弃了半个多世纪以来美国对古巴革命的暴力敌意时，一个明显的问题出现了，为什么这花了这么长时间?这本书所表明的是，尽管几十年来两国关系的特点是古巴革命的国际主义和美国通过入侵、恐怖主义、暗杀古巴领导人的企图、经济扼杀和无休止的内部颠覆项目进行侵略，但寻求两国关系正常化的幕后谈判一再进行。两位作者提出了一个重要观点，即冷战后，美国安全担忧的结束实际上降低了其采取行动的动力。国内政治变得更加重要，毕竟，美国反对古巴革命的反帝国主义，在古巴与苏联结盟之前和之后都是如此。由两位美国著名的古巴学者撰写，这段不朽的历史是基于主要的美国和总统档案，大量的二手文献，以及对包括菲德尔·卡斯特罗和詹姆斯·卡特在内的主要政治人物的近70次采访。这也是Peter Kornbluh领导的国家安全档案馆古巴文献项目多年挖掘的成果。这本书从1959年4月菲德尔对美国的“非正式”访问开始，当时他(和美国驻古巴大使)认为两国有可能建立积极的关系。艾森豪威尔冷落菲德尔，更喜欢去高尔夫球场，于是拍了一张著名的菲德尔和切打高尔夫的照片，据菲德尔说，这是为了讽刺艾森豪威尔的行为(第17页)。尼克松则以共产主义威胁威胁菲德尔。与中央情报局的会议达成了建立秘密渠道的协议，但从未开放过。在几周内，革命的土地改革加速了美国反革命政策的进程，最终导致全面贸易禁运和日益暴力的侵略。到1959年夏天，中央情报局正在策划一场反革命。然而，正如这本书所表明的那样，随着革命的激进化，即使是在哈瓦那La Coubre爆炸这样的恐怖事件中，秘密渠道仍然是开放的。这种对话的秘密反映了冷战的限制和右翼古巴裔美国人团体对“对话者”的暴力，有时是谋杀。当然，在古巴方面，怀疑和对主权的顽固捍卫占了上风。因此，不可避免的是，整个讨论的一些“幕后”渠道与其说是非外交渠道，不如说是由于美古关系的历史敏感性而变得异常秘密的外交渠道。这本书通过这些渠道向我们展示了引人入胜的细节，并广泛地刻画了官员、外交官和私人中间人的人物形象，其中最著名的是作家加布里埃尔·加西亚·马尔克斯。他们的工作经历了半个世纪的明显冰冻关系，以及许多不稳定事件，最近的事件是“救援兄弟”飞机被击落，埃连·冈萨雷斯案，“古巴五人”在美国的监禁，以及美国特工艾伦·格罗斯在古巴的监禁。…
{"title":"Back Channel to Cuba: The Hidden History of Negotiations between Washington and Havana","authors":"Steve Ludlam","doi":"10.1093/jahist/jav436","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jav436","url":null,"abstract":"William M. Leogrande and Peter Kornbluh, Back Channel to Cuba: The Hidden History of Negotiations between Washington and Havana (Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press, 2015) pb 560pp. ISBN: 978-1-4696-2660-4Reviewed by Steve LudlamWhen Cuban resistance finally produced Obama's abandonment of over half a century of violent US hostility to the Revolution, the obvious question arose as to why this had taken so long? What this book demonstrates is that, despite the decades of relations characterised by Cuba's revolutionary internationalism and US aggression through invasion, terrorism, assassination attempts against Cuban leaders, economic strangulation, and unending projects of internal subversion, there were repeated behind-the-scenes talks seeking to normalise those relations. The authors make the important point that, post-Cold War, the ending of US security concerns actually lowered its incentive to act. Domestic politics became more important, and, after all, US opposition to the Revolution's antiimperialism both preceded and survived Cuba's Soviet alignment.Written by two of the US's leading Cuba scholars, this monumental history is based on the major US and presidential archives, on an extensive secondary literature, and on nearly seventy interviews with leading political actors, including Fidel Castro and James Carter. It is also a culmination of years of excavation by the Cuba Documentation Project of the National Security Archive, which Peter Kornbluh directs.The book begins with Fidel's 'unofficial' visit to the US in April 1959, when he (and the US Ambassador in Cuba) assumed positive relations were possible. Eisenhower snubbed Fidel, preferring the golf course, prompting the famous photograph of Fidel and Che playing golf, taken, according to Fidel, to satirise Eisenhower's behaviour (p. 17). Nixon, in his stead, hectored Fidel on communist threats. A meeting with the CIA produced agreement to establish a back channel that was never opened. Within weeks the Revolution's agrarian reform accelerated the process of US counter-revolutionary policy that culminated in the full trade embargo and increasingly violent aggression. By the summer of 1959, the CIA was planning a counter-revolution.Yet, as this book makes clear, back channels remained open as the revolution radicalised, even through terrorist incidents like the La Coubre explosion in Havana. The secrecy surrounding such dialogue reflects Cold War constraints and the violence, sometimes murderous, of right-wing Cuban-American groups against 'dialogistas'. On the Cuban side, of course, suspicion and stubborn defence of sovereignty prevailed. Inevitably, then, some of the 'back' channels discussed throughout are not so much non-diplomatic channels as diplomatic channels rendered exceptionally clandestine by the historical sensitivity of USCuba relations.The book takes us in fascinating detail through such channels, and an extensive dramatis personae of officials, diplo","PeriodicalId":254309,"journal":{"name":"The International Journal of Cuban Studies","volume":"59 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114946939","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-07-01DOI: 10.13169/intejcubastud.8.2.0329
Maxime Toutain
{"title":"La Influencia del Culto a Los Orishas En la Patrimonialización del Central Méjico (Matanzas)","authors":"Maxime Toutain","doi":"10.13169/intejcubastud.8.2.0329","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13169/intejcubastud.8.2.0329","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":254309,"journal":{"name":"The International Journal of Cuban Studies","volume":"267 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115666952","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-07-01DOI: 10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.8.2.0296
Julia E. Wright
IntroductionIt was in about 1992 that I first became interested in Cuba from a professional perspective; rumour had it that Cuba was 'going organic' owing to the collapse of the Soviet Union. I was working in international agricultural development and had from the outset aligned with organic farming approaches. If a whole nation were practising organic farming, this would clearly have major implications for the rest of the world's farming and food systems and especially in terms of food security, sustainable agriculture and human health. If this was not happening in Cuba, then begged the question 'Why not?' From that point of first interest, and notwithstanding the supposed interest of the global agricultural sector in sustainability, it took 6 years to secure the funding to undertake doctoral research in Cuba, finally receiving support through the EU Marie Curie Training and Mobility of Researchers Awards.2 My overall research objective was to evaluate the implications for both the agricultural sector and the food system, of the impact of a widespread reduction in the petroleum-based inputs that Cuban agriculture was dependent on, drawing from the Cuban experience.3This article aims to describe the methodological challenges encountered in attempting to undertake research in Cuba, and the often serendipitous ways in which these challenges were overcome. Along the way, I encountered the struggles of numerous Cuban researchers who were attempting to continue their work during the resource-poor Special Period. Some Cuban colleagues have informally, and politely, contested my interpretation of the 'snapshot' of the farming and food systems that I documented, and each of them has a different perspective of 'the real situation'. Nevertheless, the book that emerged as an adaptation of my doctoral thesis4 has become a seminal text not only for students but also for civil society groups working for change toward more sustainable systems that are less dependent on fossil fuels.Methodological Considerations of a Cautious Doctoral StudentAny attempt to evaluate the farming and food system over a whole country is ambitious, especially when the country is relatively secluded and reticent, as was the case for this research. Notwithstanding the extensive research planning that took place, the final research design developed as an emergent product of the research process, rather than through rigid adherence to a fixed framework. In particular, it was governed in practice by the opportunities encountered in the field, which in turn affected not only the methodology but also the development of the analytical framework, which in turn was influenced by the author's background in applied development research and her university research department's focus on Innovation, Communication and Knowledge Systems (at Wageningen University).Much secondary information was unavailable to the author pre-field, given the 2 to 5 year time lag of publications coming out of Cuba, and
{"title":"Methodological Considerations on the Experience of Undertaking Doctoral Research in the Agricultural Sector in Cuba during the Special Period (1998-2000)","authors":"Julia E. Wright","doi":"10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.8.2.0296","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.8.2.0296","url":null,"abstract":"IntroductionIt was in about 1992 that I first became interested in Cuba from a professional perspective; rumour had it that Cuba was 'going organic' owing to the collapse of the Soviet Union. I was working in international agricultural development and had from the outset aligned with organic farming approaches. If a whole nation were practising organic farming, this would clearly have major implications for the rest of the world's farming and food systems and especially in terms of food security, sustainable agriculture and human health. If this was not happening in Cuba, then begged the question 'Why not?' From that point of first interest, and notwithstanding the supposed interest of the global agricultural sector in sustainability, it took 6 years to secure the funding to undertake doctoral research in Cuba, finally receiving support through the EU Marie Curie Training and Mobility of Researchers Awards.2 My overall research objective was to evaluate the implications for both the agricultural sector and the food system, of the impact of a widespread reduction in the petroleum-based inputs that Cuban agriculture was dependent on, drawing from the Cuban experience.3This article aims to describe the methodological challenges encountered in attempting to undertake research in Cuba, and the often serendipitous ways in which these challenges were overcome. Along the way, I encountered the struggles of numerous Cuban researchers who were attempting to continue their work during the resource-poor Special Period. Some Cuban colleagues have informally, and politely, contested my interpretation of the 'snapshot' of the farming and food systems that I documented, and each of them has a different perspective of 'the real situation'. Nevertheless, the book that emerged as an adaptation of my doctoral thesis4 has become a seminal text not only for students but also for civil society groups working for change toward more sustainable systems that are less dependent on fossil fuels.Methodological Considerations of a Cautious Doctoral StudentAny attempt to evaluate the farming and food system over a whole country is ambitious, especially when the country is relatively secluded and reticent, as was the case for this research. Notwithstanding the extensive research planning that took place, the final research design developed as an emergent product of the research process, rather than through rigid adherence to a fixed framework. In particular, it was governed in practice by the opportunities encountered in the field, which in turn affected not only the methodology but also the development of the analytical framework, which in turn was influenced by the author's background in applied development research and her university research department's focus on Innovation, Communication and Knowledge Systems (at Wageningen University).Much secondary information was unavailable to the author pre-field, given the 2 to 5 year time lag of publications coming out of Cuba, and ","PeriodicalId":254309,"journal":{"name":"The International Journal of Cuban Studies","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123922102","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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