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The Population Dynamic Challenge to Cuban Socialism 古巴社会主义面临的人口动态挑战
Pub Date : 2014-04-01 DOI: 10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.6.1.0025
Judith Hernández, G. Foladori
1. the demographic transition in CubaThe theory of Demographic Transition explains those demographic changes that are the result of economic development. According to this theory, there are different stages to demographic transition, measured fundamentally - although in no way exclusively - by birth and morbidity rates.The Latin American and Caribbean Demographic Centre (Centro Latino Americano de Demografia (CELADE) 1992) created a model adjusted to the population conditions of Latin America retaken by Chackiel (2004). The model took into account the population growth based on birth and morbidity rates, the age structure and the relation of dependency between those who are not working and the economically active population (EAP). In this study, Cuba was grouped with Argentina, Chile and Uruguay among those countries experiencing an advanced phase of increased demographic transition.Several years ago, Cuba experienced a population drop, caused by its demographic regime1 and emigration. The Annual Natural Growth Rate (ANGR) has fallen significantly. While in 1960, it was 25 per 1,000 which corresponded to a developing country with a considerable youth population and high birth rates, in 2006, the rate was less than 3 per 1,000, which is comparable to a developed country with an aged population. In less than two generations, demo- graphically speaking, Cuba has gone from an underdeveloped country with a young population to a developed country with an old population.Cuba has experienced an early and total demographic transition similar to that of developed countries. However, unlike the developed countries, Cuba has not arrived at that point as a result of industrialisation. The Cuban development model, oriented toward satisfying needs rather than the market, has undergone - in demographic terms - a similar transition to that of advanced capitalist countries, but via a different path. This in itself poses a challenge to development: Can a country sustain an increasingly aged population without a simultaneous advance in labour productivity that counterbalances the increasing weight of a part of the inactive population on the shoulders of the active workforce?2. the Population dynamic in CubaThe total population of Cuba in 1990 was a little more than 10 million inhabitants (10,662,148). Ten years later, in 2010, it barely passed 11 million (11,241,161), an increase of 5.4 per cent, which is considered a slow rate of growth. Since 2004, it has experienced a deep stagnation in the population with periods of absolute decline in the periods 2006-2008 and 2010. In 2009, the population grew by 652 compared to 2008, and 2011 reported an increase of 6,764. However, while the population appears to be in recovery, preliminary data from the Population and Housing Census (PHC) (2012) (ONE 2012) shows a drastic decrease of the population by 83,991 according to the calculation of the statistical system, the population was 11,132,934 in total.To analyse the performa
1. 人口转型理论中的人口转型解释了经济发展导致的人口变化。根据这一理论,人口转变有不同的阶段,基本上- -虽然绝不是完全- -以出生率和发病率来衡量。拉丁美洲和加勒比人口中心(Centro Latino Americano de Demografia (CELADE) 1992)创建了一个模型,该模型根据Chackiel(2004)重新采用的拉丁美洲人口状况进行了调整。该模型考虑了以出生率和发病率为基础的人口增长、年龄结构以及非工作人口与经济活动人口之间的依赖关系。在这项研究中,古巴同阿根廷、智利和乌拉圭一起被列为人口过渡已进入高级阶段的国家。几年前,由于其人口制度和移民,古巴经历了人口下降。年自然增长率(ANGR)明显下降。1960年,每千人中有25人死亡,这与青年人口众多、出生率高的发展中国家相对应;2006年,每千人中有不到3人死亡,这与人口老龄化的发达国家相对应。在不到两代人的时间里,古巴从一个人口年轻的不发达国家变成了一个人口老龄化的发达国家。古巴经历了与发达国家类似的早期和全面的人口过渡。然而,与发达国家不同,古巴并没有因为工业化而达到这一点。古巴的发展模式以满足需求为导向,而不是以市场为导向,从人口统计学的角度来看,它经历了与发达资本主义国家类似的转变,但途径不同。这本身就对发展构成了挑战:一个国家能否在没有劳动生产率同步提高的情况下维持日益老龄化的人口,从而抵消部分不活跃人口对活跃劳动力日益增加的负担?古巴人口动态:1990年古巴总人口略多于1 000万居民(10,662,148)。十年后的2010年,这一数字勉强超过1100万(11,241,161),增长了5.4%,被认为是一个缓慢的增长速度。自2004年以来,它经历了人口的深度停滞,在2006-2008年和2010年期间出现了绝对下降。2009年,人口比2008年增加了652人,2011年增加了6764人。然而,虽然人口似乎在恢复,但根据人口和住房普查(PHC) (2012) (ONE 2012)的初步数据,根据统计系统的计算,人口急剧减少了83991人,总人口为11132934人。用自然增长率(ANGR)来分析种群在出发点前的表现。图1显示了该速率的行为。首先要注意的是垂直柱的趋势,它显示了ANGR的演变。1991年,人口比例第一次下降到每1 000名居民9.5人。请注意,2008年、2009年和2011年的复苏(每千居民3.2人、3.8人、4.1人)并不意味着增长趋势正在恢复,而是存在振荡式的低增长。实线,即出生率,是ANGR下降的主要原因。出生率急剧下降的原因是什么?为了解释这一点,有必要引入全球生育率(GFR)的概念,即每个妇女平均生育子女的数目,一般在2个以上,在某些情况下高于3个。例如,1959年古巴革命胜利时,古巴每个妇女平均生育3个孩子。…
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引用次数: 4
Democracy Still in Motion: The 2013 Election Results in Cuba 民主仍在运动:2013年古巴选举结果
Pub Date : 2014-04-01 DOI: 10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.6.1.0087
A. August
IntroductionThe elections to the Cuban Parliament, or the National Assembly of People's Power (ANPP), took place on February 3, 2013. The voting trends, tendencies and weaknesses in the electoral system identified in my recent book-length study of elections from 1993-2008 have been confirmed by the 2013 voting results (August, 2013).1 This kind of detailed endeavour, although virtually unique, is worthwhile, especially in light of the disinformation and misinformation disseminated by supporters of 'regime change' in Cuba across the spectrum from the so-called 'left' to the right, who replace facts, figures and a balanced analysis with cliches and ignorance.One of the most important voting results to take into account is the 'united' or slate vote (voto unido). This refers to the voting system used in national and provincial elections, in which citizens can vote for the entire slate of candidates in their municipality, as opposed to exercising a selective vote for one or more, but not all, of the candidates in multi-seat municipal constituencies (August, 2013: 174-78; Table 7.9).2 In the elections from 1993 to 2008, the government, the parliament presidency, the party, the mass organizations and the press appealed very strongly to citizens to vote for the whole slate, for the voto unido. However, the proportion voting for the slate vote declined from 95.06 per cent in 1993 to 90.90 per cent in 2008. Ipso facto, the selective vote increased substantially from 1993 to 1998 - more than doubling (August, 2013: Table 7.9).the voto unido in 2013With regard to this trend, at the time and as part of my fieldwork in 2007-2009, several specialists from the academic world were interviewed and their views collected. For example, University of Havana political scientist Emilio Duharte Diaz points to weaknesses in the composition of the candidacies commissions responsible for drawing up lists of candidates to be nominated and offers some suggestions for improvement. Specifically concerning the voting pattern cited above, slate versus selective vote, he considers the election trend as a reflection of the 'critical revolutionary vote', meaning that the citizens are not going beyond the boundaries of the Revolution and the Cuban political system, but rather expressing their discontent with some important aspects of it, with the goal of improving it. If the candidacies commissions are not expanded and further perfected, Duharte Diaz points out, when it comes time to vote, citizens will feel that they are caught up in an 'electoral straitjacket'. (August, 2013: 171-73, 180). Another political system specialist, Jesus Garcia Brigos, reveals a concrete example of how the candidacies commissions, if not improved, can lead to negative consequences (August, 2013: 173). As for Rafael Hernandez, editor of the critical review Temas, he calls for a change in procedure for the candidacies commissions as well as its composition; otherwise, people will consider that the list of
古巴议会选举于2013年2月3日举行,即全国人民权力大会(ANPP)。在我最近对1993-2008年选举进行的长篇研究中发现的投票趋势、趋势和选举制度中的弱点已经被2013年的投票结果所证实(2013年8月)这种细致的努力,虽然实际上是独一无二的,但是值得的,特别是考虑到古巴“政权更迭”支持者散布的虚假信息和错误信息,从所谓的“左翼”到右翼,他们用陈词滥调和无知取代事实、数据和平衡的分析。需要考虑的最重要的投票结果之一是“联合投票”或石板投票(voto unido)。这是指在全国和省级选举中使用的投票制度,在这种制度中,公民可以投票给他们所在城市的全部候选人,而不是在多席位的市政选区中对一个或多个候选人进行选择性投票(August, 2013: 174-78;表7.9)。2在1993年至2008年的选举中,政府、议会主席、政党、群众组织和媒体都强烈呼吁公民投票给整个名单,投票给选举组织。然而,投票的比例从1993年的95.06%下降到2008年的90.90%。事实上,选择性投票从1993年到1998年大幅增加,增加了一倍多(2013年8月:表7.9)。关于这一趋势,当时以及作为我2007-2009年实地工作的一部分,我采访了学术界的几位专家,并收集了他们的观点。例如,哈瓦那大学政治学家埃米利奥·杜哈特·迪亚兹指出,负责拟定提名候选人名单的候选人委员会在组成方面存在弱点,并提出一些改进建议。就上述投票模式而言,即直接投票与选择性投票,他认为选举趋势反映了“关键性革命投票”,意即公民并未超越革命与古巴政治制度的界限,而是表达对某些重要方面的不满,目标是改善制度。杜哈特·迪亚兹指出,如果候选人委员会不扩大和进一步完善,到投票的时候,公民会觉得他们被“选举束缚”了。[j] .农业科学学报,2013:1771 - 73,180。另一位政治制度专家Jesus Garcia Brigos揭示了一个具体的例子,说明如果不改进候选委员会,可能会导致负面后果(August, 2013: 173)。至于批评评论《Temas》的编辑拉斐尔·埃尔南德斯,他呼吁改变候选人委员会的程序及其组成;否则,人们会认为提名者名单经过了筛选过程(proco de filtraje) (August, 2013: 162,173)。哈瓦那大学法学教授Martha Prieto Valdez也呼吁大幅扩大提名程序和公民权利(2013年8月:173)。2013年,官方政策也发生了重大转变。自举行古巴议会选举以来,上述各机构第一次完全没有要求进行名单投票,即投票赞成。因此,投票趋势和政治专家表达的担忧在2013年得到了证实:要求进行名单投票的呼吁被放弃,闸门完全打开。自1993年以来,公民投票的比例一直在下降,从2008年的90.90%暴跌至2013年2月的81.29%。相反,选择性投票从2008年的9.10%增加到2013年的18.07%(格拉玛国际报,2013年2月8日)。“关键的革命投票”和打破选举束缚的愿望在2013年得到了进一步的断言。...
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引用次数: 5
Socially responsible enterprise in Cuba: a positive role model for Corporate Social Responsibility?’ 古巴的社会责任企业:企业社会责任的积极榜样?”
Pub Date : 2014-04-01 DOI: 10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.6.1.0055
D. Baden, S. Wilkinson
This article examines the unique institutional environment of socialist Cuba, where currently a process of controlled marketization and expansion of private enterprise is taking place. The article investigates business behaviour in Cuba with particular reference to implicit assumptions relating to socially responsible enterprise, or Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) as the term is understood in Western Liberal Democracies. It draws upon a series of interviews with business practitioners and business commentators (both Cuban and non-Cuban residents on the island). The interviews focused on the participants’ awareness of business ethics and socially responsible enterprise, and the cultural differences in assumptions and expectations relating to the concept of CSR between the Cuban and non-Cuban interviewees. We find that Cuba at this early stage of tentative marketization presents a positive role model of socially responsible enterprise. Both the highly regulated State economy and the embedded norms and values of social equity that have emerged as a consequence of Cuba’s socialist revolution facilitate business social responsibility. The relevance of this research to current debates in relation to CSR is discussed and it is argued that capitalist economies may similarly benefit from tighter regulatory control and by cultivating more pro-social business norms that prioritise ethical over economic concerns.
本文考察了社会主义古巴独特的制度环境,古巴目前正在进行有控制的市场化和私营企业扩张进程。本文调查了古巴的商业行为,特别参考了与社会责任企业或西方自由民主国家所理解的企业社会责任(CSR)有关的隐含假设。它利用了对商业从业者和商业评论员(岛上的古巴和非古巴居民)的一系列采访。访谈的重点是参与者对商业道德和对社会负责的企业的认识,以及古巴和非古巴受访者在有关企业社会责任概念的假设和期望方面的文化差异。我们发现,古巴在这个试探性市场化的早期阶段是一个对社会负责的企业的积极榜样。由于古巴的社会主义革命而产生的高度管制的国家经济和根深蒂固的社会公平准则和价值观都促进了企业的社会责任。本文讨论了本研究与当前有关企业社会责任的辩论的相关性,并认为资本主义经济可能同样受益于更严格的监管控制,并通过培养更亲社会的商业规范,将道德问题置于经济问题之上。
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引用次数: 7
Cuban Migration to the United States and the Educational Self-Selection Problem 古巴移民美国与教育自我选择问题
Pub Date : 2014-04-01 DOI: 10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.6.1.0041
Aleida Cobas Valdés, A. F. Sainz
(ProQuest: ... denotes formulae omitted.)IntroductionUntil the early twentieth century, Cuba was considered a country of immigrants. Cuban people have been shaped by three major migration flows: European (mainly Spanish), African and Chinese, the most important being the Spanish power, involving around one and a half million people (Perez de la Riva 2000). In the second half of the nineteenth century, one-third of the Cuban population was born outside the island.From 1850 to 1899, 900,000 immigrants entered Cuba, primarily Spanish immigrants, representing 90 per cent of European immigration: mainly men working in the sugar and tobacco industry (Perez de la Riva 2000). In 1899, 10.97 per cent of the Cuban population was born abroad, 81 per cent of which were male (Demographic Yearbook of Cuba 1961 [1965]). From 1902 to 1932, 1.25 million immigrants entered Cuba, of which 800,000 were Spanish.After 1926, immigration declined until becoming insignificant in 1930. The global crisis of 1929 and the subsequent collapse of the sugar industry in the early years of the 1930s resulted in the loss of the immigration country status that characterised Cuba up until then (Aja Diaz 2002). In 1953, the proportion of people born abroad dropped to 3.95 per cent (Demographic Yearbook of Cuba 2010).Cuba's external migration rate, defined as the ratio of the difference in the number of immigrants and emigrants with respect to average population, per 1,000 population has been negative for several decades. In the last 30 years, it reached its lowest level in 1980 and 1994. In 1980, the figure reached 14.6 per 1,000 and in 1994 4.4 per 1,000 (Demographic Yearbook of Cuba 2010), coinciding with two major waves of migration from Cuba to the US, the first known as the Puente Maritimo del Mariel and the second as the Crisis de los Balseros.US has been for Cuba, and for other Latin American countries, the main destination of migration. The US Census for 2010 revealed that 50.5 million people (16.36% of the entire population) in the US are Hispanics, and this number rose from 35.3 million in 2000 to 50.5 million in 2010 (US Census Bureau 2010). Of these Hispanics, 1.12 million were born in Cuba, representing 3 per cent of foreigners living in the US (Motel and Patten 2012).Based on this data, the aim of this article is to analyse the characteristics, mainly educational, of Cubans who have emigrated to the US and compare them with those of Cubans who have remained in Cuba. In this way, we intend to address the self-selection problem among Cuban emigrants to the US in terms of educational levels and analyse the importance of educational levels on the probability of Cuban migration.The self-selection problem means that rational agents optimise their decision to participate in different markets, work, education, migration, etc. (Hotz 2011), and therefore, the migrants choose markets that offer more attractive expectations. Roy's (1951) model was the first to address this problem,
(ProQuest:……表示省略公式。)直到20世纪初,古巴一直被认为是一个移民国家。古巴人受到三种主要移民流动的影响:欧洲人(主要是西班牙人)、非洲人和中国人,其中最重要的是西班牙人的力量,涉及大约150万人(Perez de la Riva 2000)。19世纪下半叶,三分之一的古巴人口出生在古巴以外。从1850年至1899年,90万移民进入古巴,主要是西班牙移民,占欧洲移民的90%:主要是在制糖和烟草工业工作的男子(Perez de la Riva, 2000年)。1899年,10.97%的古巴人口在国外出生,其中81%为男性(1961年[1965年]古巴人口年鉴)。从1902年到1932年,有125万移民进入古巴,其中80万是西班牙人。1926年以后,移民开始减少,直到1930年才变得微不足道。1929年的全球危机以及随后20世纪30年代初制糖业的崩溃,导致古巴丧失了移民国家的地位,而这种地位一直是古巴的特点(Aja Diaz 2002)。1953年,在国外出生的人口比例降至3.95%(2010年《古巴人口年鉴》)。几十年来,古巴的对外移徙率,即每1 000人中移民和移徙者人数之差与平均人口之比,一直是负数。在过去的30年中,它在1980年和1994年达到了最低水平。1980年,这一数字达到每千人14.6人,1994年达到每千人4.4人(2010年古巴人口年鉴),与古巴向美国的两次主要移民浪潮相吻合,第一次被称为Puente Maritimo del Mariel,第二次被称为危机de los Balseros。美国一直是古巴和其他拉美国家移民的主要目的地。2010年美国人口普查显示,美国有5050万人是西班牙裔,占总人口的16.36%,这一数字从2000年的3530万上升到2010年的5050万(美国人口普查局2010年)。在这些西班牙裔美国人中,有112万人出生在古巴,占居住在美国的外国人的3% (Motel and Patten, 2012)。基于这些数据,本文的目的是分析移民到美国的古巴人的特征,主要是教育,并将其与留在古巴的古巴人进行比较。通过这种方式,我们打算在教育水平方面解决古巴移民到美国的自我选择问题,并分析教育水平对古巴移民可能性的重要性。自我选择问题意味着理性代理人优化他们参与不同市场、工作、教育、移民等的决策(Hotz 2011),因此,移民选择提供更有吸引力的预期的市场。罗伊(Roy, 1951)的模型是第一个解决这个问题的模型,它分析了在给定的市场中,个人如何根据自己的技能,优化自己归属于一个群体或另一个群体的决策。自我选择不仅取决于个人的不可观察特征,如能力、动机、美国的亲戚或朋友(Borjas 1987)或经济资源(Chiquiar and Hanson 2005),而且主要取决于可观察特征,如教育。如果移民和教育之间存在正相关关系,即更多受过教育的人移民,我们就可以谈论人力资本外逃的存在。如果高技能劳动力的迁移是永久性的,这一过程会导致移民接收国的增长潜力增加,并可能对原籍国造成损失(Albo和Ordaz Diaz 2011)。自Borjas(1991)以来,古巴移民的自我选择问题一直没有在包括古巴在内的不同国家移民到美国的背景下得到解决。...
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引用次数: 5
Older Persons and the Cuban Reform Process 老年人与古巴改革进程
Pub Date : 2014-04-01 DOI: 10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.6.1.0009
D. Strug
IntroductionCubans are living longer, which, combined with a low birth rate, has reduced the proportion of the population in the workforce. This adversely affects the economy, which is one reason government has introduced major structural reforms that are transforming the economic life of the country (Sanchez Egozcue 2012). The reforms involve a mixed economy, a reconfiguration of the social contract, a gradual reduction of massive social benefits based on subsidies and a movement away from excessive paternalism, idealism and egalitarianism by means of official guidelines (Draft Economic and Social Policy Guidelines for the Party and the Revolution 2010).This article presents data from a qualitative study of 35 older Cubans (persons 60+ years of age) who were asked their views about the reform process and its impact on their lives. This process has important implications for the country's fast growing and vulnerable older population many of whom are disproportion- ately affected by the hardships of life, receive pensions on which they cannot live, reside in overcrowded homes and suffer shortages in food and transport (Strug 2009). Older persons receive social protection in the form of food subsidies, health-care and social assistance.The question of how older persons view the reform process emerged from a qualitative study I conducted in January 2012 and January 2013 with 35 older individuals in Havana. This article presents data from that investigation. The study questions were the following: (1) How do older persons view the reforms? and (2) What impact, if any, are they having on their lives? I wondered whether older persons might be opposed to the reform process, because it involves a reduction in social benefits and has raised the retirement age. The Appendix discusses the methods used in this investigation, the study sample and the need for future research.backgroundEconomic problems and the reform processCuba's economic problems and the attempt by its leaders to address them have received widespread attention (Chase 2011; Mesa-Lago and Vidal-Alejandro 2010; Pujol 2011). These problems include a deteriorating trade imbalance and foreign debt, low productivity and stagnation in growth of the population, reflected in the growing ageing sector (Farber 2011).Cuba's leaders state they can no longer sustain the high costs for some of the expensive services it gives to the overall population, including health-care and social services. They have reduced somewhat the share of social services in total expenditures. According to one expert on the Cuban economy, Carmelo Mesa-Lago, social expenditures as a percentage of the state budget fell from 55.3 per cent to 53.1 per cent between 2007 and 2010, and as a percentage of GDP they peaked at 36.4 per cent in 2009 and fell to 34 per cent in 2010 (Mesa-Lago and Perez-Lopez 2013: 140). The reform process involves a reconfiguration of the social contract to reduce these expenditures (Sanchez Egozcue 2012).Th
古巴人的寿命更长,加上低出生率,减少了劳动力人口的比例。这对经济产生了不利影响,这也是政府引入重大结构性改革的原因之一,这些改革正在改变该国的经济生活(Sanchez Egozcue 2012)。改革涉及混合经济,社会契约的重新配置,基于补贴的大规模社会福利的逐步减少,以及通过官方指导方针(2010年党和革命经济和社会政策指导方针草案)摆脱过度的家长式作风,理想主义和平等主义。本文提供了对35名古巴老年人(60岁以上)进行定性研究的数据,这些人被问及他们对改革进程及其对他们生活的影响的看法。这一进程对该国快速增长和脆弱的老年人口具有重要影响,其中许多人受到生活困难的不成比例的影响,领取无法生活的养老金,居住在拥挤的房屋中,并遭受食品和交通短缺(Strug 2009)。老年人以食品补贴、保健和社会援助的形式得到社会保护。我在2012年1月和2013年1月对哈瓦那的35名老年人进行了定性研究,得出了老年人如何看待改革进程的问题。这篇文章展示了来自那次调查的数据。研究问题如下:(1)老年人如何看待改革?(2)如果有的话,它们对他们的生活有什么影响?我想知道老年人是否会反对改革进程,因为它涉及减少社会福利和提高退休年龄。附录讨论了本次调查使用的方法、研究样本以及未来研究的需要。经济问题和改革进程古巴的经济问题及其领导人解决这些问题的尝试受到了广泛关注(Chase 2011;梅萨-拉戈和维达尔-亚历杭德罗2010;Pujol 2011)。这些问题包括不断恶化的贸易不平衡和外债,低生产率和人口增长停滞,反映在日益增长的老龄化部门(Farber 2011)。古巴领导人说,他们再也无法承受古巴向全体人民提供的某些昂贵服务的高昂费用,包括保健和社会服务。它们在一定程度上减少了社会服务在总支出中的份额。据研究古巴经济的专家卡梅罗•梅萨-拉戈(Carmelo Mesa-Lago)称,2007年至2010年间,社会支出占国家预算的比例从55.3%降至53.1%,2009年达到36.4%的峰值,2010年降至34%(梅萨-拉戈和佩雷斯-洛佩兹2013年:140)。改革过程涉及社会契约的重新配置,以减少这些支出(Sanchez Egozcue 2012)。古巴共产党起草了经济和政策指导方针,呼吁逐步取消古巴人使用的配给书或自由书(2010年党和革命经济和社会政策指导方针草案)。政府最近将通过配给簿发放的鸡蛋数量减半(哈瓦那时报网站2013)。它关闭了许多由国家补贴的工人自助餐厅。它计划到2014年将卫生部门和国家劳动力的预算规模减少35%,以减少支出(《拉丁美洲先驱论坛报》,2012年)。国家向40多万个人(cuentapropistas)发放了开办小企业的营业执照,以减少国家就业规模。古巴宣布了税法,以创造收入,使其能够继续为养老金、社会援助和其他项目提供资金(Rainsford 2012)。2012年实施的改革允许公民无需申请许可证即可出国旅行(Garcia, 2013年),扩大信贷便利,允许使用个人抵押品获得贷款,允许国有企业向工人提供奖励,并批准了一项合作社法。…
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引用次数: 2
The Recent Transformations in the Cuban Economy 古巴经济最近的转变
Pub Date : 2013-07-01 DOI: 10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.5.2.0102
J. Rodríguez
AbstractThis article traces the origins and reasons for the 'Lineamientos de la Politica Economica y Social del Partido y la Revolucion' (Guidelines for Economic and Social Policy of the Party and the Revolution) adopted by the sixth Communist Party of Cuba Congress held in April 2011. It explains how this broad economic plan envisages a transformation of the Cuban economy utilising market mechanisms that are aimed at preserving socialism, in contrast to the former socialist countries where the reforms that were undertaken changed the system, rather than adapting it. The article uses economic data to discuss the progress made in the adoption of the principles contained in the Guidelines, analyses the problems that remain to be solved and offers some predictions as to the course of future developments. It concludes that the new reforms will allow Cuba to move gradually towards a sustainable socialist society without abandoning the principles of solidarity that characterise it, and which will compare favourably to the alternative that neoliberalism offers today.Keywords: Guidelines, economy, socialism, developmentIntroductionThe adoption of a new economic policy, as contained in the 2011 'Lineamientos de la Politica Economica y Social del Partido y la Revolucion' (Guidelines for Economic and Social Policy of the Party and the Revolution), has initiated a period of profound change in the Cuban economy (PCC 2011). This strategy represents a contemporary response, based on the accumulated experience derived from Cuba's socialist model, first adopted in 1961, to fundamental problems facing the development of the country. This is in contrast to the former socialist countries where the reforms that were undertaken changed the system, rather than adapting it as in Cuba.Recognition of the need for such changes was outlined in the speech by President Raul Castro on 26 July 2007, when he made the case for a deep examination of Cuba's economic situation, pointing out, 'There is no issue concerning national development and the conditions of life of the people that has not been responsibly dealt with and whose solution is not being worked on'. Nonetheless he went on to warn, 'I must stress however that there will be no spectacular solutions. Time is needed and above all for serious and consistent work' (Castro 2007).The Trajectory of Revolutionary DevelopmentSeeing the current economic transformation as part of a continuous process in Cuba's socialist development, it is important to recognise that during the first 30 years of the Revolution, economic policy went through various stages. There were periods when priority was given to political mobilisation, and others when special attention was paid to the use of mechanisms of economic stimulation, but whatever strategy was employed, a significant volume of external financing was indispensable to achieving the development objectives set. However, it has been argued that Cuba might have been able to rely less on ex
摘要本文追溯了2011年4月召开的古巴共产党第六次代表大会通过的《古巴党和革命的经济和社会政策指导方针》的由来和原因。它解释了这一广泛的经济计划如何设想利用旨在维护社会主义的市场机制对古巴经济进行改革,而前社会主义国家所进行的改革只是改变了制度,而不是加以调整。本文利用经济数据讨论了在采纳《准则》所载原则方面取得的进展,分析了有待解决的问题,并对未来的发展进程作出了一些预测。报告的结论是,新的改革将使古巴在不放弃作为其特征的团结原则的情况下逐步走向可持续的社会主义社会,这将比新自由主义今天提供的选择更有利。2011年“党和革命的经济和社会政策指导方针”(Lineamientos de la Politica Economica y Social del Partido y la Revolution)中所载的新经济政策的采用,开启了古巴经济深刻变革的时期(PCC 2011)。这一战略是根据1961年首次采用的古巴社会主义模式所积累的经验,对国家发展面临的基本问题作出的当代反应。这与前社会主义国家形成对比,在那里进行的改革改变了制度,而不是像古巴那样对其进行调整。劳尔·卡斯特罗主席在2007年7月26日的讲话中概述了这种变革的必要性,当时他提出了对古巴经济状况进行深入检查的理由,并指出,“没有一个关于国家发展和人民生活条件的问题没有得到负责任的处理,没有一个问题没有得到解决。”尽管如此,他继续警告说:“我必须强调,不会有什么引人注目的解决方案。时间是需要的,最重要的是认真和持续的工作”(卡斯特罗2007)。当前的经济转型是古巴社会主义发展持续进程的一部分,必须认识到,在革命的头30年里,经济政策经历了不同的阶段。有些时期优先考虑政治动员,有些时期则特别注意使用经济刺激机制,但无论采用何种战略,要实现所确定的发展目标,都必须有大量的外部资金。然而,有人认为,如果古巴制定了更有效的内部积累战略,它也许能够较少地依赖社会主义经济的外援(Gonzalez 1993)。此外,在革命的头几年,国内储蓄和投资的能力被高估,导致不切实际的增长预测;例如,1961年在全国生产会议(Primera Reunion Nacional de Produccion)上做出的估计(Rodriguez 1990: 82-89)。当该国显然没有能力在短期内产生资源来刺激国内增长,同时满足迫切的社会需要时,对外国融资的需要就变得特别重要。这种情况反映了一个不发达国家的社会主义的困境:被迫在集中资源用于经济增长和优先考虑社会进步之间作出选择,作为长期可持续发展的先决条件之一。然而,即使有充足的资源,所面临的障碍的性质、规模和范围也会使快速改进几乎不可能(Rodriguez 1983,1990)。…
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引用次数: 5
Cuban Civil Society during and beyond the Special Period 特别时期期间和之后的古巴公民社会
Pub Date : 2013-07-01 DOI: 10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.5.2.0168
Velia Cecilia Bobes
AbstractThis article analyses the 'rebirth of civil society' in Cuba as a consequence of the 'Special Period' and the changes that have occurred in the last 25 years. It examines the evolution of civil society and the constitution of the discursive field in which it has been defined, to explain how and to what limit the different discourses legitimise and enable the understanding of the plurality of actors as well as their potential for action and influence in the political processes. The analysis is divided into two stages: the founding phase (the 1990s) that begins with the arrival of the Special Period; and the consolidation stage, which starts with the new century, in particular since 2007 with the 'updating model' that has begun to push deeper changes. This periodisation, in stages that are associated with different state strategies, seeks a comparison to assess the impacts of each of the challenges and proposals facing civil society.Keywords: Cuba, civil society, actors, discourses, Special Period, reformsIntroductionThe 'rebirth of Cuban civil society' is irrevocably tied to the economic crisis of the 1990s. The 'Special Period in Times of Peace' marked the beginning of a series of changes in the economic model to guarantee the survival of socialism in extremely difficult conditions. With these economic transformations, the 'mobilised society' (of the 'mass organisations', the CDR, the FMC, etc.) showed the first signs of pluralisation and heterogeneity; associations emerged based on non-state solidarity networks; some social areas started to slip away from state control and a discursive field about civil society began to surface. Faced with a (discrete) withdrawal of the state and the fracture of the all-encompassing symbolic universe, although the border between the social (civil) and the state remained fuzzy, 'civil society' began to appear as a set of social actors, more diverse and pluralistic than that described by the former vision of the 'revolutionary people'.During the last 25 years, the reforms have undergone various rhythms, dynamics and fluctuations associated with the diverse political and economic circumstances (as much in the associative sphere of civil society as in its discursive field). The aim of this work is to analyse the evolution of both spheres of Cuban civil society, from its '(re-)appearance' to the present day, and explain how and to what extent the different discourses allow us to grasp, assimilate and legitimise the plurality of actors in the current scenario, in order to evaluate their potential to act and influence political processes.The analysis is divided into two broad stages: the foundational phase (the 1990s) which begins with the onset of the crisis and the economic reform of 1992-95, and the consolidation phase, which started with the new century (particularly from the last five years), the transfer of power to Raul Castro and the 'updating of the model' which has begun to push deeper changes. This d
摘要本文分析了古巴在“特殊时期”和过去25年发生的变化所带来的“公民社会的重生”。它考察了公民社会的演变和定义公民社会的话语领域的构成,以解释如何以及在什么程度上限制了不同的话语合法化,并使人们能够理解行动者的多元性以及他们在政治进程中的行动和影响潜力。分析分为两个阶段:始于特殊时期到来的创始阶段(20世纪90年代);整合阶段,从新世纪开始,特别是从2007年开始,“更新模式”开始推动更深层次的变化。这一分期与不同的国家战略相关联,旨在通过比较来评估公民社会面临的每一项挑战和建议的影响。关键词:古巴,公民社会,行动者,话语,特殊时期,改革引言“古巴公民社会的重生”与20世纪90年代的经济危机密不可分。“和平时期的特殊时期”标志着一系列经济模式变革的开始,以保证社会主义在极端困难的条件下生存。随着这些经济转型,“动员社会”(“群众组织”,CDR, FMC等)首次显示出多元化和异质性的迹象;建立在非国家团结网络基础上的协会应运而生;一些社会领域开始脱离国家控制,一个关于公民社会的话语场域开始浮出水面。面对国家的(离散的)退出和包罗万象的象征宇宙的断裂,尽管社会(公民)和国家之间的边界仍然模糊,“公民社会”开始作为一组社会行动者出现,比以前“革命人民”的愿景所描述的更加多样化和多元化。在过去25年中,改革经历了与各种政治和经济环境相关的各种节奏、动态和波动(在民间社会的交往领域和话语领域都是如此)。这项工作的目的是分析古巴民间社会的两个领域从“(重新)出现”到今天的演变,并解释不同的话语如何以及在多大程度上使我们能够在当前情况下掌握、吸收和合法化行动者的多样性,以便评估他们的行动和影响政治进程的潜力。分析分为两大阶段:基础阶段(20世纪90年代)开始于危机的爆发和1992-95年的经济改革,巩固阶段开始于新世纪(特别是过去五年),向劳尔·卡斯特罗移交权力和“更新模式”,开始推动更深层次的变革。这种划分——根据不同国家的战略分阶段进行——旨在比较这两个时间点,以评估每种情况和建议对公民社会的具体影响。特殊时期:新角色虽然1990年代的危机主要是从经济角度分析的(脱离、失去市场和融资、GDP急剧下降、食品、金融和能源限制),但苏联的解体和“真正的社会主义”经济互助委员会(COMECOM)的消失也涉及到一场范式危机,质疑古巴政治制度合法性的基础。同样,经济改革的调整扭转了国内生产总值下降的趋势和一些增长指标的恢复,作为一个“意想不到的后果”,社会行动者的多样化进程和民间社会的重生:古巴经济向外部世界开放(混合和外国资本投资)和自营职业带来了新的经济主体,而拥有外币的合法化带来了汇款和双重货币,引起了消费水平的变化和不平等的增加。…
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引用次数: 11
The 'Cuban Spring' Fallacy: The Current Incarnation of a Persistent Narrative “古巴之春”谬论:持续叙事的当前化身
Pub Date : 2013-07-01 DOI: 10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.5.2.0140
Lana L. Wylie, Lisa M. Glidden
AbstractThis paper explores the role of communications technology in the U.S.-Cuban relationship. It argues that the idea that anti-government dissidents will use the Internet, cell phones, and social media to foment a popular uprising on the island, modelled after the 'Arab Spring' is flawed because it fails to take into account the uniqueness of the Cuban situation. The paper then explores how it has become possible for this idea to have gained such traction in certain discourses in the United States. In doing so, the paper considers the history of paternalism and imperial hubris that has dominated U.S. policy toward Cuba, with an emphasis on the relationship during the Castro era. The paper demonstrates that current U.S. policy rests on fallacious assumptions about Cuba, the Cuban state and the relationship between the Cuban state and the Cuban people. The belief in a 'Cuban Spring' and in the idea that the United States could engender revolution in Cuba via communications technology is part of this larger narrative.Keywords: Arab Spring, Cuban Spring, communications, technology, social mediaIntroductionWhen Republican primary candidate, Newt Gingrich, called for the United States to provoke a 'Cuban Spring' in January 2012 he was echoing a popular idea that technology, especially social media, could ignite revolution. This idea was popularised by the revolutions in Tunisia, Libya and Egypt in the spring of 2011 and somewhat earlier by the use of digital media in the protests in Iran after the 2009 election, known as the 'Green Revolution'. Appeals for the United States to help start similar uprisings in Cuba, now dubbed a 'Cuban Spring', have been heard ever since. This paper will explore the role of communications technology in the U.S.-Cuban relationship. In particular, it argues that the idea that anti-government dissidents will use the Internet, cell phones, and social media to foment a popular uprising on the island, modelled after the 'Arab Spring' is flawed for a number of reasons. This belief rests on a popular though problematic link between technology and revolution that has since been shown to have been overblown even in the 'Arab Spring' cases. Although this idea makes for interesting headlines it rests on a number of problematic assumptions about Cuba and does not take into account the uniqueness of the Cuban situation, in particular the state of communications technology in Cuba, the presence of civil society, the strength of the opposition movement, and political opinion on the island.The paper then explores how it has become possible for this idea to have gained such traction in certain discourses in the United States. In doing so, we consider the history of paternalism and imperial hubris that has dominated U.S. policy toward Cuba, with an emphasis on the relationship during the Castro era. Since the earliest days of the Cuban Revolution, American policy has been guided by the conviction that the Cuban state is near collapse
摘要本文探讨了通信技术在美古关系中的作用。它认为,反政府异见人士将利用互联网、手机和社交媒体在岛上煽动民众起义,模仿“阿拉伯之春”的想法是有缺陷的,因为它没有考虑到古巴情况的独特性。然后,本文探讨了这一观点如何在美国的某些话语中获得如此大的吸引力。在此过程中,本文考虑了主导美国对古巴政策的家长式作风和帝国傲慢的历史,重点是卡斯特罗时代的关系。本文表明,美国目前的政策建立在对古巴、古巴国家以及古巴国家与古巴人民之间关系的错误假设之上。对“古巴之春”的信念,以及美国可以通过通讯技术在古巴引发革命的想法,是这一更大叙事的一部分。2012年1月,当共和党初选候选人纽特·金里奇(Newt Gingrich)呼吁美国挑起一场“古巴之春”时,他呼应了一种流行的观点,即技术,尤其是社交媒体,可以点燃革命。2011年春天突尼斯、利比亚和埃及的革命,以及稍早一些的2009年伊朗大选后,被称为“绿色革命”的数字媒体抗议活动,使这一观点得到普及。从那以后,一直有人呼吁美国帮助在古巴发动类似的起义,现在被称为“古巴之春”。本文将探讨通信技术在美古关系中的作用。特别是,它认为反政府异见人士将利用互联网、手机和社交媒体在岛上煽动一场效仿“阿拉伯之春”的民众起义的想法是有缺陷的,原因有很多。这种信念建立在技术和革命之间普遍存在的、但存在问题的联系之上,这种联系后来被证明甚至在“阿拉伯之春”事件中也被夸大了。虽然这个想法成为有趣的头条新闻,但它是基于对古巴的一些有问题的假设,并没有考虑到古巴情况的独特性,特别是古巴的通讯技术状况,公民社会的存在,反对派运动的力量,以及岛上的政治意见。然后,本文探讨了这一观点如何在美国的某些话语中获得如此大的吸引力。在此过程中,我们考虑了主导美国对古巴政策的家长式作风和帝国傲慢的历史,重点是卡斯特罗时代的关系。自古巴革命初期以来,美国的政策一直是基于这样一种信念:古巴国家即将崩溃,古巴人民准备反抗他们的政府。本文表明,美国当前的政策基于对古巴、古巴国家以及古巴国家与古巴人民之间关系的类似假设。对“古巴之春”的信念,以及美国可以通过通讯技术在古巴引发革命的想法,是这一更大叙事的一部分。“古巴之春”的论述即使在阿拉伯之春事件本身失去光彩之后,“古巴之春”的概念在美国仍然是一个反复出现的主题。2012年春天,“古巴之春”的概念成为共和党初选话语的一部分。纽特·金里奇在CNN辩论中告诉佛罗里达人,我认为巴拉克·奥巴马担心阿拉伯之春,他担心突尼斯、利比亚、埃及、叙利亚,他不能让自己向南看,想象古巴之春,这很令人惊讶。…
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引用次数: 6
Beyond Essence: Performing Gender and Sexuality in Ena Lucía Portela's Cien Botellas En Una Pared 超越本质:在Ena Lucía Portela的《Cien Botellas En Una Pared》中表演性别和性
Pub Date : 2013-07-01 DOI: 10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.5.2.0184
Karen S. Christian
AbstractSet against a backdrop of the chaotic, crumbling Cuban capital and the multiple crises of the Special Period, Ena Lucia Portela's 2002 novel Cien botellas en una pared portrays both consequences of economic collapse and the breakdown of traditional paradigms of gender and sexuality. In the text, the connection between biological sex and gender performance appears to be arbitrary; virtually all of the female characters are lesbians, while the male characters are either gay or emasculated heterosexuals. This essay argues that Portela's novel problematises the (hetero)sexist norms that have persisted in Cuban society, dismantling patriarchy in favour of a fluid, amorphous social structure in which power itself becomes ephemeral. While the image of La Habana presented in Cien botellas en una pared is far from utopian, the text nonetheless questions rigid hierarchies of gender and sexuality to a degree that is trailblazing in Cuban fiction of the Periodo especial.Keywords: Special Period, Cuban fiction, gender, sexuality, heterosexism, powerThe second half of the twentieth century in Cuba was marked by political, social, and economic transformations with wide-ranging consequences. The first of these transformations was initiated by the 1959 Revolution; the second, by the 1989 collapse of Cuba's principal trading partner, the Soviet Union. In one of his official proclamations, Fidel Castro named this crisis El periodo especial en tiempo de paz. The devastating implications of the Special Period for the Cuban economy - and the Cuban people - have been the subject of volumes of writing since the early 1990s. These publications, both scholarly and creative, include a significant body of literature devoted to the deterioration of Havana. Odette Casamayor Cisneros' 2004 essay on 'las ruinas habaneras' is exemplary of this focus on the decaying capital and the transformation of its social structure as a result of the crisis. Casamayor Cisneros asserts that in novels of the Periodo especial, the image of the city in ruins serves as a reflection of the social and ethical changes that began to permeate Cuban society (73). Likewise, in an essay on fiction produced by Cuban women writers during and immediately after the Periodo especial, Maria del Mar Lopez-Cabrales (2007) highlights the recurring portrayal of 'una Habana decadente y deprimente' and of characters 'que tratan de subsistir a diario con el estomago vacio... y buscando a diario con una jaba cualquier cosa para conseguir la alimentacion basica' (181).While such widespread shortages affected virtually all Cubans during the Periodo especial, Cuban women arguably bore the brunt of the catastrophic economic adjustments occurring in the 1990s. Economic restructuring caused many professional women to be redirected into part-time, temporary, low-paying service sector occupations with limited opportunities for mobility, and in general 'many of the gains women made in the labor force as a result of the
【摘要】埃娜·露西娅·波特拉2002年出版的小说《女人和女人》以混乱、崩溃的古巴首都和特殊时期的多重危机为背景,描绘了经济崩溃的后果和传统性别和性范式的崩溃。在文中,生理性别和性别表现之间的联系似乎是武断的;几乎所有的女性角色都是女同性恋,而男性角色要么是同性恋,要么是被阉割的异性恋者。本文认为,波特拉的小说对古巴社会中持续存在的(异性恋)性别歧视规范提出了问题,拆除了父权制,支持一种流动的、无定形的社会结构,在这种结构中,权力本身变得短暂。虽然《Cien botellas en una pared》中呈现的哈瓦那的形象远非乌托邦式的,但文中对性别和性的严格等级制度提出了质疑,这种质疑在古巴特别时期的小说中是开创性的。关键词:特殊时期,古巴小说,性别,性,异性恋,权力20世纪下半叶,古巴的政治,社会和经济变革具有广泛的影响。第一次变革是由1959年的革命发起的;第二次是1989年古巴的主要贸易伙伴苏联解体。在他的一份官方声明中,菲德尔·卡斯特罗将这场危机命名为El periodo special en tiempo de paz。自1990年代初以来,特别时期对古巴经济和古巴人民的破坏性影响一直是大量著作的主题。这些学术性和创造性的出版物包括大量专门讨论哈瓦那恶化的文献。Odette Casamayor Cisneros在2004年发表的关于“las ruinas habaneras”的文章是这种关注衰败的资本和危机导致的社会结构转变的典范。Casamayor Cisneros断言,特别是在Periodo时期的小说中,城市废墟的形象反映了开始渗透古巴社会的社会和伦理变化(73)。同样,Maria del Mar Lopez-Cabrales(2007)在一篇关于古巴女作家在特别时期和之后创作的小说的文章中,强调了“哈瓦那的颓废和贫困”以及“que tratan de生计和diario el estomago vacio”的角色反复出现的描写。(181)“我有一份关于家庭生活和基本生活的备忘录”。虽然这种普遍的短缺在特别时期影响到几乎所有古巴人,但古巴妇女可以说在1990年代发生的灾难性经济调整中首当其冲。经济结构调整导致许多职业妇女被重新引导到兼职、临时、低薪的服务部门工作,流动机会有限,总的来说,“妇女在革命中获得的许多收益已经严重受到侵蚀”(Toro-Morn et al. 2002: 33)。此外,在革命后的几十年里,古巴妇女加入劳动大军的人数增加,在多大程度上与社会态度和社会结构的转变同时发生,这是有争议的。1975年,《家庭法》生效,取代了革命前关于婚姻、离婚、收养和赡养费的法律;其中包括规定男女在婚姻、家务和抚养子女方面应发挥平等作用的条款。此外,该准则指出,在家庭中,男女应相互支持对方追求教育和工作。然而,研究人员已经证明,这样的革命政府命令不足以在家庭中实现真正的性别平等。正如历史学家约翰娜·莫亚·法布雷加斯(2010)在《古巴妇女的革命经验:男权文化和国家性别意识形态,1950-1976》中所肯定的那样,《家庭法》没有得到执行计划的支持,“(使)古巴的男权社会结构基本上没有改变。”…
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引用次数: 1
A Lot Done but Much More to Do: An Assessment of the Cuban Economic Transformation So Far 做了很多,但还有很多要做:对迄今为止古巴经济转型的评估
Pub Date : 2013-07-01 DOI: 10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.5.2.0117
C. J. T. Cordoví, S. Wilkinson
AbstractThe aim of this paper is to provide a brief summary of the last two years of the process of transformation in Cuba from a primarily economic perspective. It consists of five parts: an introduction, which makes it clear that the changes are not merely economic; a first section that deals with the urgent needs of economic development; a second section that seeks to highlight how the process has been gaining in depth and scope and now focuses more on how to define the paths of development than on survival; a third section that evaluates the results in two perspectives, from the dynamics of the process of change and from the country's economic performance in recent years (although with restrictions due to data availability); and conclusions.Keywords: economy, Guidelines, results, performanceIntroductionTwo years after the Lineamientos (Guidelines) were approved as the programmatic document of the changes being made in Cuba it is time to take stock, however brief, of their meaning and what has been achieved.The transformation undertaken has undoubted precedents that cannot be ignored, but it responds to a reality that is qualitatively different from that which pertained during previous processes, just as it has references to the international situation, but neither are they exactly the same.The scope of the changes (which the Guidelines have caused) is holistic and has not only led to changes in the economy, but is accompanied by the deepest, and possibly the most questioned, institutional changes that have occurred in the country since the mid-1970s. In fact, these transformations challenge the Cuba of the present and introduce logical questions about Cuba's future. They are not only associated with a form of economic operation, but also the political and ideological superstructure that must promote and legitimise it.They are totally legitimate in the sense that the country that is becoming transformed sustains a society built from a socialism (that of the 1970s and 80s) that replicated patterns generated in Europe and that, after 30 years, failed to generate the means to eliminate the structural deformations of underdevelopment. This society is now moving towards a different socialism, one that is Cuban, to be built upon national conditions that are very different from the European, without a theoretical framework, that closely fits those conditions, and it is doing so at a time when an unquestionable generational transition is taking place. All this implies a paradigm shifteven though in essence what is being attempted is to keep alive the socialist ideal.To draw the contours of this new socialist ideal is not a simple task, and to define the details of its operation is perhaps a difficult goal to achieve due to the very dynamic nature of the changes to be made.After two years of implementation, it is time to review the progress and the way forward in the coming years. The work below is intended to contribute to that purpose.1 From the Conf
摘要本文的目的是从主要的经济角度对古巴过去两年的转型过程进行简要总结。它由五个部分组成:引言,明确指出这些变化不仅仅是经济上的;第一部分论述经济发展的迫切需要;第二部分旨在强调这一进程如何在深度和范围上不断扩大,现在更多地侧重于如何确定发展道路而不是生存;第三部分从两个角度评估结果,从变化过程的动态和国家近年来的经济表现(尽管由于数据的可用性而受到限制);和结论。在《指导方针》作为古巴正在进行的变革的纲领性文件获得批准两年后,现在是时候评估其意义和所取得的成就了,尽管它很简短。所进行的改革无疑有不容忽视的先例,但它所反映的现实在性质上不同于以前进程中所存在的现实,正如它涉及国际局势一样,但两者都不完全相同。(《指导方针》所引起的)变化的范围是全面的,不仅导致了经济的变化,而且伴随着自1970年代中期以来该国发生的最深刻的、可能是最受质疑的体制变化。事实上,这些转变挑战了古巴的现状,并对古巴的未来提出了合乎逻辑的问题。它们不仅与一种经济运作形式有关,而且与必须促进和使其合法化的政治和意识形态上层建筑有关。从某种意义上说,它们是完全合理的,因为这个正在转型的国家维持着一个建立在社会主义基础上的社会(20世纪70年代和80年代的社会主义),这种社会主义复制了欧洲产生的模式,30年后,未能产生消除不发达的结构性变形的手段。这个社会现在正在走向一种不同的社会主义,一种古巴的社会主义,它将建立在与欧洲非常不同的国家条件之上,没有一个与这些条件密切相符的理论框架,而且它是在一个毫无疑问的世代过渡正在发生的时候这样做的。所有这些都意味着一种范式的转变,尽管从本质上讲,人们试图保持社会主义理想的活力。描绘这种新的社会主义理想的轮廓并不是一项简单的任务,而且由于所要进行的变革的动态性质,确定其运作的细节可能是一项难以实现的目标。在实施了两年之后,现在是审查进展情况和未来几年前进方向的时候了。下面的工作就是为了达到这个目的从不利外部环境的对抗到古巴社会主义的新概念正如1990年开始的开放进程一样,当前更新进程的触发因素与外部制约因素有关。事实上,我们今天熟知的“古巴经济模式的更新”的直接结果是一个过程,从2007年中期开始,作为其起源对抗不利的外部环境:自2005年以来经济的局限性是显而易见的:为了解决财政赤字在金融账户的收支平衡,拒绝外国银行转移和高债务期限,这意味着一个巨大压力在处理经济问题。(指导方针,2011)2007年启动的过程已经经历了几个阶段,从针对紧急问题(将闲置土地投入生产,调整进口以满足支付危机等). ...
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引用次数: 2
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The International Journal of Cuban Studies
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