Pub Date : 2016-07-01DOI: 10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.8.2.0217
E. B. Chaple
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Pub Date : 2016-07-01DOI: 10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.8.2.0263
J. C. Cabrera, María Regina Cano Orúe, D. Samsónov
IntroductionThe transdisciplinary field of post-Soviet studies emerged in 1992 as a sort of 'adaptive gesture' intended to assimilate the former USSR and the areas previously exposed to its geopolitical influence to a post-colonial status.1 Geopolitically speaking, before 1990 such areas obviously included Cuba.2While political and economic relations between Cuba and the USSR (as well as between Cuba and Russia: before 1917 and after 1991) have inspired numerous publications (although not normally branded - at least in the Cuban Archipelago - as part of the post-Soviet studies field), the number of media projects3 and research papers -especially in Cuba4 - about the Soviet and postSoviet5 cultural impact on the Cuban society is much smaller. For most Cubans who stayed in the country after the 1990s debacle, the geographically distant Soviet influence on Cuba had been lived as something nigh and visible in many spheres of professional activities, academia and everyday life, including literature, cinema, drama, sciences, visual arts, TV and the domestic market. Also, the post-Soviet condition in Cuba is emphatically linked to the (later re-interpreted as commonplace) experiences of Cubans who travelled or temporarily lived in the USSR (and other countries under its geopolitical influence) during the 30-year period of political closeness. Cuban geography itself - both at macro (polity/ country/nation/Archipelago) and micro (neighbourhoods, workplaces, landscapes) levels - provided settings in which Cubans shared social-space proximities with some 'Soviet' or 'Russian' ('Ukrainian', etc.) person(s) - or their children - who years ago came to live here. Nonetheless, the persistence in Cuba of a large diaspora of Soviet origin is still one of the less publicised aspects of the Cuban post-Soviet condition. This appears rather surprising, as the (post)-Soviet diaspora has stable family, kinship, friendship and professional links with Cubans, particularly those (ca. half a million) who studied in the USSR in 196191, many of whom keep key roles in the country's technical, military, entrepreneurial, intellectual, administrative and professional milieus.Our current aim is systematizing the basic facts about the (post)-Soviet diaspora in Cuba, as part of a broader area of post-Soviet studies, nowadays emerging in Cuba. Firstly, we want to make public the very existence of the diaspora as a relevant element of the Cuban reality: despite its numeric strength, the (post)-Soviet diaspora is barely mentioned in Cuban and foreign research, reference and media materials devoted to the ethnic composition of the present-day Cuban people. Although analysing the very causes of this 'invisibility issue' per se merits a separate paper, we start with some considerations on this topic. Next, we establish terminological conventions, provide some basic - statistical and socio-historical - information gathered in our research, and discuss some relevant fieldwork findings, cent
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Pub Date : 2016-07-01DOI: 10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.8.2.0151
Salim Lamrani, L. Oberg
IntroductionA controversial figure in the West where he is strongly criticised, Fidel Castro is however revered by the peoples of Latin America and the Third World. They consider him a symbol of resistance to oppression and a defender of the aspirations of the countries of the south that struggle for independence, sovereignty and self-determination. A legendary rebel during his own lifetime, he has entered the pantheon of the great liberators of the Americas. The prestige of the former guerrilla of the Sierra Maestra has overflown the continental borders of Cuba to become the archetype of twentieth century anti-imperialism and a vector of a universal message of empowerment.What is it that explains this discrepancy between the negative Western media image of Fidel and the enthusiasm he generates in Latin America and the Third World? Is it not to be expected that his commitment to the poor and his fight for the preservation of Cuban and Latin American identity might be perceived by the peoples of the south as a universal struggle? Did his commitment to Latin American integration through the creation of ALBA in 2004 not reflect the efforts of Simon Bolivar and Jose Marti to unite a continent in solidarity in order to build the 'Patria Grande'?Three aspects characterise the figure of Fidel Castro. First of all, he is the architect of national sovereignty, the person who restored dignity to the people of the island by realising the dream of the Apostle and National Hero Jose Marti for an independent Cuba. Secondly, he is a social reformer who has taken up the cause of the humble and the humiliated. Finally, he is an internationalist who extends a generous hand to needy people everywhere and places solidarity and integration at the centre of Cuba's foreign policy.The Architect of National SovereigntyThe triumph of the Cuban Revolution on January 1, 1959, led to the most important social transformation in the history of Latin America. By overturning the existing order and the established structures, Fidel Castro challenged the power of the Batista oligarchy and the power of money. By dedicating national resources to the people, he placed human beings at the centre of the new social project.The principal conquest of the Cuban Revolution remains independence and sovereignty, something desired by the Cuban people since the nineteenth century and for which Marti had sacrificed his life in 1895. By ending more than six decades of US domination of the island, Fidel Castro has given back to Cubans the dignity they had lost during Washington's intervention in the Cuban war of independence in 1898 and the military occupation that had transformed the island into nothing more than a mere protectorate. President John F. Kennedy was not wrong when he said, 'Fidel Castro is part of Bolivar's legacy. We should offer a warm welcome to the fiery young rebel in his triumph.'1To grasp the symbolic importance of Fidel Castro in Cuba's history, it is necessary to go back to
菲德尔·卡斯特罗在西方是一个备受争议的人物,他受到强烈的批评,然而他却受到拉丁美洲和第三世界人民的尊敬。他们认为他是反抗压迫的象征,是争取独立、主权和自决的南方国家愿望的捍卫者。在他自己的一生中,他是一个传奇的反叛者,他已经进入了美洲伟大解放者的万神殿。马埃斯特拉山的前游击队员的威望已经超越了古巴的大陆边界,成为二十世纪反帝国主义的原型和赋予权力的普遍信息的载体。西方媒体对菲德尔的负面形象与他在拉丁美洲和第三世界产生的热情之间的差异是如何解释的?难道他对穷人的承诺和他为维护古巴和拉丁美洲的特性而进行的斗争不可能被南方人民视为一场普遍的斗争吗?他在2004年通过建立美洲玻利瓦尔联盟(ALBA)致力于拉丁美洲一体化,难道没有反映出西蒙·玻利瓦尔(Simon Bolivar)和何塞·马蒂(Jose Marti)为建立“大祖国”而团结起来的努力吗?菲德尔·卡斯特罗的形象有三个特点。首先,他是国家主权的建筑师,通过实现使徒和民族英雄何塞·马蒂关于独立古巴的梦想,恢复了该岛人民的尊严。其次,他是一位社会改革家,他为卑微和受屈辱的人开展了事业。最后,他是一名国际主义者,向世界各地有需要的人伸出慷慨之手,并将团结和一体化置于古巴外交政策的中心。国家主权的缔造者1959年1月1日古巴革命的胜利,导致了拉丁美洲历史上最重要的社会变革。菲德尔·卡斯特罗通过推翻现有秩序和既定结构,挑战了巴蒂斯塔寡头的权力和金钱的权力。通过将国家资源奉献给人民,他将人置于新社会计划的中心。古巴革命的主要目标仍然是独立和主权,这是古巴人民自19世纪以来所渴望的,也是马蒂在1895年为之牺牲的。通过结束美国对古巴60多年的统治,菲德尔•卡斯特罗(Fidel Castro)让古巴人重获了他们在1898年美国干预古巴独立战争期间失去的尊严,美国的军事占领使古巴沦为一个纯粹的受保护国。约翰•肯尼迪(John F. Kennedy)总统说,菲德尔•卡斯特罗是玻利瓦尔政治遗产的一部分,这话没错。我们应该热烈欢迎这位热情的年轻反叛者的胜利。要理解菲德尔·卡斯特罗(Fidel Castro)在古巴历史上的象征意义,有必要追溯到19世纪初,当时这个岛屿开始激起人们对拥有“强大而雄心勃勃的邻国”的渴望。事实上,古巴是美国最古老的外交政策困扰之一。1805年,托马斯·杰斐逊(Thomas Jefferson)谈到了该岛的重要性,他指出,“拥有该岛对于保卫路易斯安那州和佛罗里达州是必要的,因为它是通往墨西哥湾的关键。”对美国来说,征服是很容易的1823年,美国国务卿、未来的总统约翰·昆西·亚当斯(John Quincy Adams)提到了古巴吞并的问题,并提出了著名的“成熟果实”理论:“古巴被武力从与西班牙的不自然联系中分离出来,无法独立生存,必然需要围绕北美联盟,而且只围绕它。”因此,在19世纪,美国曾六次试图从西班牙手中购买古巴。在1868年至1878年的第一次独立战争期间,古巴叛乱分子因内部严重分裂而被西班牙军队击败。…
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Pub Date : 2016-07-01DOI: 10.13169/intejcubastud.8.2.0309
Petra Kuivala
Introduction: Cuban Catholic History as We Know ItWhen talking about church history in Cuba, one usually refers to the history of the Catholic Church. When Pope Francis visited Cuba in September 2015, he proclaimed Cuba to be an intrinsically Catholic country - Catholic by history and by heart. In the twenty-first century, the Catholic Church remains the most organised and widespread Christian denomination in Cuba. The most recent statistics by the Central Office of Church Statistics of the Catholic Church from December 2013 estimate that 60.5 per cent of the Cuban population are Catholic.1 While the non-Catholic Christian denominations, namely the protestants churches and the pentecostal movement, remain rather scattered and small in size, the most significant religious tradition confronting Catholicism is santeria, even when merging with popular practices of Catholicism. However, even if Cuba is Catholic by history, the contemporary Catholic history seems to be hard to reach when narrating history in Cuba and even harder to research with access to sources of history. Although Catholicism of the colonial period is both documented and researched, the contemporary history of Cuban Catholicism, dating to the revolution of 1959 and everything since is still a largely unstudied landscape - both on the island and in the international field of Cuban studies.For the Cuban public, only a few, although well-known and extensive works examine the history of Catholicism in Cuba. Regarding the colonial period, on the street markets and in book stores of Havana one may purchase publications for example by Cuban historians such as Eduardo Torres-Cuevas2 and Rigoberto Segreo Ricardo,3 introducing centuries of church history in Cuba. Within the Catholic Church in Cuba, a publication entitled Historia de la Iglesia Catolica en Cuba by Ramon Suarez Polcari (2003), the current chancellor of the Archdiocese of Havana, seems to be considered one of the contemporary key pieces for the history of the modern Catholic Church in Cuba. Polcari's work, extensive although scarcely available in Cuba, introduces in great detail the key instances, people and events of institutional Catholicism in Cuba from Columbus to Castro, but not any further than the eve of the revolution. Two of the few pieces on the Catholic Church in the revolution sold in Cuba are the well-known and well-read conversations of Fidel Castro and Frei Betto (1985), Fidel y la Religion. Conversaciones con Frei Betto, and a research by Aurelio Alonso Tejada (1999), Iglesia y politica en Cuba revolucionaria. The most recent publication concerning the contemporary Catholic Church in Cuba is the interviewbased biography of Mons. Carlos Manuel de Cespedes (Baez and De la Hoz 2015). In the book Monsenor Carlos Manuel se confiesa, the prominent Cuban Catholic figure discusses both his personal history and the history of the church in the revolution with Cuban journalists Luis Baez and Pedro De la Hoz.In internationa
导言:我们所知道的古巴天主教历史当谈到古巴的教会历史时,人们通常指的是天主教会的历史。2015年9月,教皇方济各访问古巴时,宣布古巴是一个本质上的天主教国家——从历史和内心来说都是天主教。在二十一世纪,天主教会仍然是古巴最有组织和最广泛的基督教教派。天主教会教会统计中心办公室2013年12月的最新统计数据估计,古巴人口中有60.5%是天主教徒。1虽然非天主教基督教教派,即新教教会和五旬节派运动,仍然相当分散,规模很小,但天主教面临的最重要的宗教传统是santeria,即使与天主教的流行习俗融合在一起。然而,即使古巴在历史上是天主教国家,在讲述古巴的历史时,当代天主教的历史似乎很难触及,而在接触历史资料的情况下,研究天主教的历史就更难了。虽然殖民时期的天主教都有文献记录和研究,但古巴天主教的当代历史,从1959年革命开始至今,无论是在古巴还是在国际古巴研究领域,基本上都是一个未被研究的领域。对于古巴公众来说,只有少数几本著作,虽然是著名的和广泛的著作,研究了古巴天主教的历史。关于殖民时期,在哈瓦那的街头市场和书店里,人们可以买到诸如爱德华多·托雷斯-奎瓦斯和里戈贝托·塞格雷奥·里卡多等古巴历史学家的出版物,介绍古巴几个世纪的教会历史。在古巴天主教会内部,一本名为《古巴天主教历史》(Historia de la Iglesia Catolica en Cuba)的出版物似乎被认为是古巴现代天主教会历史的当代关键作品之一,作者是哈瓦那总教区现任主教拉蒙·苏亚雷斯·波尔卡里(Ramon Suarez Polcari, 2003)。波尔卡里的著作涉及面很广,虽然在古巴很难找到,但他非常详细地介绍了古巴天主教制度的关键实例、人物和事件,从哥伦布到卡斯特罗,但没有超过革命前夕。在古巴出售的关于革命中天主教会的为数不多的几篇文章中,有两篇是菲德尔·卡斯特罗和弗雷·贝托(1985)的著名和广为阅读的对话,《菲德尔与宗教》。与Frei Betto的对话,以及Aurelio Alonso Tejada(1999)的一项研究,古巴革命政治中的伊格莱西亚。关于古巴当代天主教会的最新出版物是蒙斯的访谈传记。Carlos Manuel de Cespedes (Baez and de la Hoz 2015)。在《Monsenor Carlos Manuel se confiesa》一书中,这位著名的古巴天主教徒与古巴记者Luis Baez和Pedro De la Hoz讨论了他的个人历史和教会在革命中的历史。在关于当代古巴的国际学术研究中,天主教会在许多广受赞誉的著作中得到讨论,但通常作为一个更大实体的单一主题。只有少数学术专著,如《神与党之间》。约翰·m·柯克(1989)的《古巴革命中的宗教与政治》作为一个独立的主题阐述了天主教会在革命中的历史。追溯到分析古巴革命的早期阶段,莱斯利·德瓦特(1963)在他的专著《古巴》中是第一批分析古巴天主教会地位的学者之一。教会与危机。古巴革命中的基督教和政治。除了这几部广泛的著作外,天主教会、天主教和基督教被分析为仅仅是革命和古巴社会的各个方面。例如,社会学家西尔维娅·佩德拉萨在她的著作《古巴革命和出埃及记中的政治不满》(2005)中谈到了天主教。尽管关于这一主题的专著出版的数量仍然很少,但还是有一些文章专门关注这一主题。...
{"title":"Is there Church History in Revolutionary Cuba?: Accessing and Analysing Cuban Catholic Sources","authors":"Petra Kuivala","doi":"10.13169/intejcubastud.8.2.0309","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13169/intejcubastud.8.2.0309","url":null,"abstract":"Introduction: Cuban Catholic History as We Know ItWhen talking about church history in Cuba, one usually refers to the history of the Catholic Church. When Pope Francis visited Cuba in September 2015, he proclaimed Cuba to be an intrinsically Catholic country - Catholic by history and by heart. In the twenty-first century, the Catholic Church remains the most organised and widespread Christian denomination in Cuba. The most recent statistics by the Central Office of Church Statistics of the Catholic Church from December 2013 estimate that 60.5 per cent of the Cuban population are Catholic.1 While the non-Catholic Christian denominations, namely the protestants churches and the pentecostal movement, remain rather scattered and small in size, the most significant religious tradition confronting Catholicism is santeria, even when merging with popular practices of Catholicism. However, even if Cuba is Catholic by history, the contemporary Catholic history seems to be hard to reach when narrating history in Cuba and even harder to research with access to sources of history. Although Catholicism of the colonial period is both documented and researched, the contemporary history of Cuban Catholicism, dating to the revolution of 1959 and everything since is still a largely unstudied landscape - both on the island and in the international field of Cuban studies.For the Cuban public, only a few, although well-known and extensive works examine the history of Catholicism in Cuba. Regarding the colonial period, on the street markets and in book stores of Havana one may purchase publications for example by Cuban historians such as Eduardo Torres-Cuevas2 and Rigoberto Segreo Ricardo,3 introducing centuries of church history in Cuba. Within the Catholic Church in Cuba, a publication entitled Historia de la Iglesia Catolica en Cuba by Ramon Suarez Polcari (2003), the current chancellor of the Archdiocese of Havana, seems to be considered one of the contemporary key pieces for the history of the modern Catholic Church in Cuba. Polcari's work, extensive although scarcely available in Cuba, introduces in great detail the key instances, people and events of institutional Catholicism in Cuba from Columbus to Castro, but not any further than the eve of the revolution. Two of the few pieces on the Catholic Church in the revolution sold in Cuba are the well-known and well-read conversations of Fidel Castro and Frei Betto (1985), Fidel y la Religion. Conversaciones con Frei Betto, and a research by Aurelio Alonso Tejada (1999), Iglesia y politica en Cuba revolucionaria. The most recent publication concerning the contemporary Catholic Church in Cuba is the interviewbased biography of Mons. Carlos Manuel de Cespedes (Baez and De la Hoz 2015). In the book Monsenor Carlos Manuel se confiesa, the prominent Cuban Catholic figure discusses both his personal history and the history of the church in the revolution with Cuban journalists Luis Baez and Pedro De la Hoz.In internationa","PeriodicalId":254309,"journal":{"name":"The International Journal of Cuban Studies","volume":"174 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122456724","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-07-01DOI: 10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.8.2.0169
R. Pérez
IntroductionIt is well known that from the second half of the 19th century, the United States, then an emerging industrial power, became the economic metropolis of Cuba. This relationship grew much stronger after the US intervention in 1898, which was followed by the formation of a broad legal basis since the founding of the Republic that strengthened the economic ties and spread them to the political, military and cultural fields.1 The sharp break after 1959 eliminated in a few years what had been a long-standing close relationship. However, this relationship had been very asymmetric and in many cases limited the real possibilities of an indigenous Cuban economic development, due to the privileges large US corporations enjoyed in the Cuban domestic market. Now a moment of cautious rapprochement has arrived between two states that once shared a deep relationship which was interrupted abruptly and who have remained distant for over half a century. In addition, this is taking place in the midst of the most extensive transformation of the Cuban economic model in half a century. This crucial moment is giving rise to a vast literature that explores the synergies that could result from the Cuban reform, the peculiarities of the Cuban case and the expected lifting of economic sanctions from the United States.In that vein, this work contains three interrelated objectives. Firstly, it analyses the formation of the Cuban economic model as the result of the interaction between the US blockade and the common characteristics of the Soviet-style central planning model.2 It then tries to establish parallels and differences between Cuba and Vietnam and China, two countries that have also opted for gradual adjustments in their models, taking into account a peculiar domestic context and geopolitics. Finally, it examines the potential effects on Cuba's recent rapprochement with the United States, mainly in relation to Cuba's economic reform. The article is divided into five sections. After the introduction, the effect of the US embargo of the island and its interaction with the weaknesses of the Cuban economic model is analysed. In the third section, the current process of economic reform is examined through the comparative study of the experiences of China and Vietnam. Next, details of the current Cuban reform and the expected impact of the normalisation of ties with the United States are discussed. Finally, some thoughts are proposed that draw together the central logic of the argument.The Formation of the Cuban Economic Model in Light of US SanctionsThe US embargo has been the subject of much controversy both inside and outside Cuba. Within the Northern power, there were always voices that opposed these measures from various positions, and these currents have strengthened significantly since the mid-1990s. Hardly any sovereign state defends these sanctions, and even fewer do anything to adhere to them (Leogrande 2015). In the case of Latin America, they have bec
{"title":"Vicinity Matters: Cuba's Reforms in Comparative Perspective","authors":"R. Pérez","doi":"10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.8.2.0169","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.8.2.0169","url":null,"abstract":"IntroductionIt is well known that from the second half of the 19th century, the United States, then an emerging industrial power, became the economic metropolis of Cuba. This relationship grew much stronger after the US intervention in 1898, which was followed by the formation of a broad legal basis since the founding of the Republic that strengthened the economic ties and spread them to the political, military and cultural fields.1 The sharp break after 1959 eliminated in a few years what had been a long-standing close relationship. However, this relationship had been very asymmetric and in many cases limited the real possibilities of an indigenous Cuban economic development, due to the privileges large US corporations enjoyed in the Cuban domestic market. Now a moment of cautious rapprochement has arrived between two states that once shared a deep relationship which was interrupted abruptly and who have remained distant for over half a century. In addition, this is taking place in the midst of the most extensive transformation of the Cuban economic model in half a century. This crucial moment is giving rise to a vast literature that explores the synergies that could result from the Cuban reform, the peculiarities of the Cuban case and the expected lifting of economic sanctions from the United States.In that vein, this work contains three interrelated objectives. Firstly, it analyses the formation of the Cuban economic model as the result of the interaction between the US blockade and the common characteristics of the Soviet-style central planning model.2 It then tries to establish parallels and differences between Cuba and Vietnam and China, two countries that have also opted for gradual adjustments in their models, taking into account a peculiar domestic context and geopolitics. Finally, it examines the potential effects on Cuba's recent rapprochement with the United States, mainly in relation to Cuba's economic reform. The article is divided into five sections. After the introduction, the effect of the US embargo of the island and its interaction with the weaknesses of the Cuban economic model is analysed. In the third section, the current process of economic reform is examined through the comparative study of the experiences of China and Vietnam. Next, details of the current Cuban reform and the expected impact of the normalisation of ties with the United States are discussed. Finally, some thoughts are proposed that draw together the central logic of the argument.The Formation of the Cuban Economic Model in Light of US SanctionsThe US embargo has been the subject of much controversy both inside and outside Cuba. Within the Northern power, there were always voices that opposed these measures from various positions, and these currents have strengthened significantly since the mid-1990s. Hardly any sovereign state defends these sanctions, and even fewer do anything to adhere to them (Leogrande 2015). In the case of Latin America, they have bec","PeriodicalId":254309,"journal":{"name":"The International Journal of Cuban Studies","volume":"469 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116399489","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-07-01DOI: 10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.8.2.0200
M. Grenon
The Cold War period was marked by a constant competition between two superpowers, Soviet Union and United States, to elevate their global influence. This rivalry manifested at different levels: ideological, military, development, etc. The turn of the 1990s marked significant changes at the international level introduced by the collapse of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and the establishment of a new world order under the aegis of the United States. Russia and the majority of Eastern European countries adopted capitalist economy and multiparty system, but some other, as Cuba, remained socialist. However, the Caribbean island experienced difficult times as the disintegration of the Eastern market and the tightening of the American embargo have led Cuba to lose two-thirds of its gross national product (GNP). To overcome the crises, the Cuban government introduced a phase of reorganization known as the 'Special Period in time of peace' (El periodo especial en tiempo de paz) that has necessitated important sacrifices from the population. Nevertheless, the social pillars established after the 1959 Revolution, the health cares and the education system were preserved. Also, in the end of the decade, Cuba initiates a new era of its internationalist policy that aims to share those social achievements with other countries. Indeed, the Henry Reeve Brigade was created to provide medical cooperation in post-disaster context. Few social scientists have studied this internationalist practice, but the general tendencies that emerged in the humanitarianism field since the end of the Cold War are well documented. The objective of this article is to analyse the Cuban humanitarian practices, values and framework in comparison with the tendency that appears in the 1990s. Since, for obvious reasons, it was not possible to directly integrate an emergency brigade in a disaster situation, the characterisation of the Cuban action is based on testimonies of internationalist volunteers and a review of scientific literature. In order to characterise the Cuban practice, I carried out 20 interviews in Havana (Cuba), Montreal (Canada) and Escuintla (Guatemala) between July 2011 and August 2013 with Cuban doctors that took part in missions dating back to 1998. The physicians I interviewed have served in the Henry Reeve Brigade but some of them also participated in other medical missions. The selection of participants was opportunistic which means that I constituted my network with the people I met and that accepted to share their experiences. This research strategy, like any other, has advantages and disadvantages, but it has allowed me to outline the general tendency of Cuban humanitarianism to be deepening with further research.The Historical Construction of Cuban internationalismDuring my interviews with Cuban doctors, most of them explained the actual internationalist policy of their country by the fact that Cuba 'was born' because of the internationalist enga
冷战时期的特点是两个超级大国——苏联和美国——为了提升自己的全球影响力而不断竞争。这种对抗表现在意识形态、军事、发展等不同层面。1990年代的转折标志着苏维埃社会主义共和国联盟(苏联)的崩溃和在美国支持下建立的新的世界秩序所带来的国际一级的重大变化。俄罗斯和大多数东欧国家采取了资本主义经济和多党制,但其他一些国家,如古巴,仍然是社会主义。然而,这个加勒比岛屿经历了困难时期,因为东方市场的解体和美国封锁的收紧导致古巴损失了其国民生产总值(国民总产值)的三分之二。为了克服危机,古巴政府引入了一个被称为“和平时期特殊时期”(El periodo especial en tiempo de paz)的重组阶段,这需要人民做出重大牺牲。然而,1959年革命后建立的社会支柱、医疗保健和教育系统得以保留。此外,在十年结束时,古巴开始了其国际主义政策的新时代,其目的是与其他国家分享这些社会成就。事实上,亨利·里夫旅的设立是为了在灾后提供医疗合作。很少有社会科学家研究这种国际主义实践,但冷战结束以来在人道主义领域出现的一般趋势有很好的记录。本文的目的是分析古巴的人道主义做法、价值观和框架,并与1990年代出现的趋势进行比较。由于显而易见的原因,在灾难情况下不可能直接合并一支紧急部队,所以对古巴行动的描述是根据国际主义志愿人员的证词和对科学文献的审查。为了描述古巴的做法,2011年7月至2013年8月期间,我在哈瓦那(古巴)、蒙特利尔(加拿大)和埃斯昆特拉(危地马拉)与参加1998年以来特派团的古巴医生进行了20次访谈。我采访的医生曾在亨利·里夫旅服役,但他们中的一些人也参加了其他医疗任务。参与者的选择是机会主义的,这意味着我与我遇到的人建立了我的网络,并接受了分享他们的经验。与其他研究策略一样,这种研究策略有利有弊,但它使我能够勾勒出古巴人道主义随着进一步研究而不断深化的总体趋势。古巴国际主义的历史建构在我与古巴医生的访谈中,他们中的大多数人解释了他们国家的实际国际主义政策,因为古巴是由于来自不同国家的士兵的国际主义参与而“诞生”的。事实上,古巴人民为了从西班牙手中赢得独立(1492-1899),进行了30多年的斗争,并得到了许多外国人的支持,包括多米尼加人(莫德斯托·迪亚兹、路易斯·马尔卡诺、马克西莫·戈麦斯)、美国人(亨利·里夫)、加拿大人(威廉·瑞安)和波兰人(卡洛斯·罗洛夫)。西班牙结束对古巴的殖民统治之后,美国开始对古巴进行军事占领(1899-1902),这被称为古巴“新殖民”的开端。在1959年革命之前,美国在古巴总统的顺从下保持了在哈瓦那的政治影响和经济利益。事实上,大部分资源和经济部门- -种植园、银行、铁路- -都由北美公司控制,《普拉特修正案》允许美国干预国内事务。正如Fagen(1969)指出的那样,关于二十世纪上半叶古巴局势的现有社会经济统计数据表明,与拉丁美洲和加勒比其他国家相比,该岛处于有利地位。...
{"title":"Cuban Internationalism and Contemporary Humanitarianism: History, Comparison and Perspectives","authors":"M. Grenon","doi":"10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.8.2.0200","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.8.2.0200","url":null,"abstract":"The Cold War period was marked by a constant competition between two superpowers, Soviet Union and United States, to elevate their global influence. This rivalry manifested at different levels: ideological, military, development, etc. The turn of the 1990s marked significant changes at the international level introduced by the collapse of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and the establishment of a new world order under the aegis of the United States. Russia and the majority of Eastern European countries adopted capitalist economy and multiparty system, but some other, as Cuba, remained socialist. However, the Caribbean island experienced difficult times as the disintegration of the Eastern market and the tightening of the American embargo have led Cuba to lose two-thirds of its gross national product (GNP). To overcome the crises, the Cuban government introduced a phase of reorganization known as the 'Special Period in time of peace' (El periodo especial en tiempo de paz) that has necessitated important sacrifices from the population. Nevertheless, the social pillars established after the 1959 Revolution, the health cares and the education system were preserved. Also, in the end of the decade, Cuba initiates a new era of its internationalist policy that aims to share those social achievements with other countries. Indeed, the Henry Reeve Brigade was created to provide medical cooperation in post-disaster context. Few social scientists have studied this internationalist practice, but the general tendencies that emerged in the humanitarianism field since the end of the Cold War are well documented. The objective of this article is to analyse the Cuban humanitarian practices, values and framework in comparison with the tendency that appears in the 1990s. Since, for obvious reasons, it was not possible to directly integrate an emergency brigade in a disaster situation, the characterisation of the Cuban action is based on testimonies of internationalist volunteers and a review of scientific literature. In order to characterise the Cuban practice, I carried out 20 interviews in Havana (Cuba), Montreal (Canada) and Escuintla (Guatemala) between July 2011 and August 2013 with Cuban doctors that took part in missions dating back to 1998. The physicians I interviewed have served in the Henry Reeve Brigade but some of them also participated in other medical missions. The selection of participants was opportunistic which means that I constituted my network with the people I met and that accepted to share their experiences. This research strategy, like any other, has advantages and disadvantages, but it has allowed me to outline the general tendency of Cuban humanitarianism to be deepening with further research.The Historical Construction of Cuban internationalismDuring my interviews with Cuban doctors, most of them explained the actual internationalist policy of their country by the fact that Cuba 'was born' because of the internationalist enga","PeriodicalId":254309,"journal":{"name":"The International Journal of Cuban Studies","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129308056","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-04-01DOI: 10.13169/intejcubastud.8.1.0056
Servando Valdés Sánchez
IntroductionThe relationship between the UK and Cuba is rarely seen through Cuban eyes. True, Jorge Ibarra Guitart has studied the failed negotiations for an Anglo-Cuban treaty in 1905 using documents from both the Cuban and British archives, but nothing of substance has been done on later periods that comprehensively includes a Cuban point of view.1 Robert Morley and Andrew Holt consider the relationship between Britain and Cuba principally in the context of Anglo-US relations as the North Americans attempt to impose their trade embargo on their European allies after the triumph of the Cuban Revolution.2 More detailed analysis of particular events has been done by Chris Hull (arms sales 1958-59 and buses 1963-64) as well as by Mark Phythian and Jonathan Jardine (fighter aircraft 1959) but again in the context of Anglo-US relations.3 Meanwhile, Stephen Wilkinson's 'Just How Special Is "Special": Britain, Cuba, and US Relations 1958-2008 an Overview' does what it says on the tin.4 Chris Hull's excellent book British Diplomacy and US Hegemony in Cuba, 1898-1964 is somewhat broader in its approach than the title implies but relies almost entirely on British diplomatic sources.5There would seem a place, therefore, for a study of diplomatic relations between Britain and Cuba that privileges the Cuban viewpoint. This article will base itself on an examination of Cuban and British diplomatic archives, both being readily available in the Archivo Nacional in Havana and the British National Archive in Kew. For the UK had its own relationship with Cuba, separate from any relationship with the US. They may have been political allies in the Cold War, but they were commercial rivals when it came to trade relations. The British firm Leyland beat the US-owned General Motors to supply buses to Havana on three separate occasions, mainly due to the credit arrangements offered by the British government.The British government had been a strong supporter of the Batista regime, supplying fighter aircraft to the dictatorship even after the US government had instituted an arms embargo. The speed with which the British acclimatised themselves to the new revolutionary situation in 1959, despite their distaste for Fidel Castro, highlights the contradictions between commerce and politics inherent in diplomatic activity. By comparing the ambassadorial correspondence of both Cuba and the UK, a more rounded picture of the diplomatic process emerges.Historical BackgroundAt the beginning of the twentieth century, the economic and political subordination which the US established over Cuba caused a readjustment of the traditional commercial links with Europe. Thereafter, the previous European commercial partners were placed in a subordinate position by the preferences which the 'Treaties of Commercial Reciprocity' accorded to US products entering the Cuban market between 1902 and 1945.6However, from the 1920s, the economic crisis and US protectionism for their sugar market led the
英国和古巴的关系很少从古巴人的角度来看。的确,Jorge Ibarra Guitart利用来自古巴和英国档案的文件研究了1905年英古条约谈判的失败,但在后来的时期没有做任何实质性的工作,全面包括古巴的观点罗伯特·莫雷和安德鲁·霍尔特主要在英美关系的背景下考虑英国和古巴之间的关系,因为北美人在古巴革命胜利后试图对其欧洲盟友实施贸易禁运。2克里斯·赫尔(1958-59年的武器销售和1963-64年的公共汽车)以及马克·菲希安和乔纳森·贾丁(1959年的战斗机)对特定事件进行了更详细的分析,但也是在英美关系的背景下进行的与此同时,斯蒂芬·威尔金森(Stephen Wilkinson)的《到底有多特别才“特别”:1958-2008年英国、古巴和美国关系综述》也如其所言克里斯·赫尔(Chris Hull)的优秀著作《英国外交和美国在古巴的霸权,1898-1964》(British Diplomacy and US Hegemony in Cuba, 1898-1964)的研究方法比书名所暗示的要宽泛一些,但几乎完全依赖于英国的外交资料。因此,研究英国和古巴之间的外交关系似乎是有一席之地的,而这种研究是以古巴的观点为基础的。本文将根据对古巴和英国外交档案的审查,这两份档案都在哈瓦那的国家档案馆和位于邱园的英国国家档案馆随时可用。因为英国与古巴有自己的关系,不同于与美国的任何关系。在冷战时期,他们可能是政治盟友,但在贸易关系方面,他们是商业对手。英国莱兰公司三次击败美国通用汽车公司,向哈瓦那提供公共汽车,主要是由于英国政府提供的信贷安排。英国政府一直是巴蒂斯塔政权的坚定支持者,即使在美国政府实施武器禁运之后,英国仍向这个独裁政权提供战斗机。1959年,英国人迅速适应了新的革命形势,尽管他们厌恶菲德尔·卡斯特罗,这突显了外交活动中固有的商业与政治之间的矛盾。通过比较古巴和英国的大使信函,可以更全面地了解外交进程。20世纪初,美国对古巴的经济和政治从属关系引起了与欧洲传统商业联系的重新调整。此后,由于《商业互惠条约》在1902年至1945年期间给予进入古巴市场的美国产品的优惠待遇,以前的欧洲商业伙伴处于从属地位。经济危机和美国对其食糖市场的保护主义导致古巴政府将其商业政策转向限制产量,以试图稳定食糖价格7,同时寻求商业条约,以恢复失去的外国市场并获得新的市场。古巴外交在与西班牙、法国、葡萄牙、英国和许多拉美国家的条约谈判中发挥了决定性作用。1937年,这些谈判取得了自古巴共和国成立以来的第一个具体成果,当时与英国讨论了一项协议。9次年,在条约尚未签署的情况下,国家贸易委员会代表尼古拉斯·佩雷斯·斯特布尔(Nicolas Perez Stable)准备了一份报告,他在报告中宣布,由于英国是仅次于美国的最大进口国,它应该获得比竞争对手更广泛的优势,首先,条约应该得到批准。这一观点得到了商务部和农业部官员的认同。…
{"title":"Anglo-Cuban Diplomacy: The Economic and Political Links with Brit Ain (1945-60)","authors":"Servando Valdés Sánchez","doi":"10.13169/intejcubastud.8.1.0056","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13169/intejcubastud.8.1.0056","url":null,"abstract":"IntroductionThe relationship between the UK and Cuba is rarely seen through Cuban eyes. True, Jorge Ibarra Guitart has studied the failed negotiations for an Anglo-Cuban treaty in 1905 using documents from both the Cuban and British archives, but nothing of substance has been done on later periods that comprehensively includes a Cuban point of view.1 Robert Morley and Andrew Holt consider the relationship between Britain and Cuba principally in the context of Anglo-US relations as the North Americans attempt to impose their trade embargo on their European allies after the triumph of the Cuban Revolution.2 More detailed analysis of particular events has been done by Chris Hull (arms sales 1958-59 and buses 1963-64) as well as by Mark Phythian and Jonathan Jardine (fighter aircraft 1959) but again in the context of Anglo-US relations.3 Meanwhile, Stephen Wilkinson's 'Just How Special Is \"Special\": Britain, Cuba, and US Relations 1958-2008 an Overview' does what it says on the tin.4 Chris Hull's excellent book British Diplomacy and US Hegemony in Cuba, 1898-1964 is somewhat broader in its approach than the title implies but relies almost entirely on British diplomatic sources.5There would seem a place, therefore, for a study of diplomatic relations between Britain and Cuba that privileges the Cuban viewpoint. This article will base itself on an examination of Cuban and British diplomatic archives, both being readily available in the Archivo Nacional in Havana and the British National Archive in Kew. For the UK had its own relationship with Cuba, separate from any relationship with the US. They may have been political allies in the Cold War, but they were commercial rivals when it came to trade relations. The British firm Leyland beat the US-owned General Motors to supply buses to Havana on three separate occasions, mainly due to the credit arrangements offered by the British government.The British government had been a strong supporter of the Batista regime, supplying fighter aircraft to the dictatorship even after the US government had instituted an arms embargo. The speed with which the British acclimatised themselves to the new revolutionary situation in 1959, despite their distaste for Fidel Castro, highlights the contradictions between commerce and politics inherent in diplomatic activity. By comparing the ambassadorial correspondence of both Cuba and the UK, a more rounded picture of the diplomatic process emerges.Historical BackgroundAt the beginning of the twentieth century, the economic and political subordination which the US established over Cuba caused a readjustment of the traditional commercial links with Europe. Thereafter, the previous European commercial partners were placed in a subordinate position by the preferences which the 'Treaties of Commercial Reciprocity' accorded to US products entering the Cuban market between 1902 and 1945.6However, from the 1920s, the economic crisis and US protectionism for their sugar market led the ","PeriodicalId":254309,"journal":{"name":"The International Journal of Cuban Studies","volume":"57 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121438374","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-04-01DOI: 10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.8.1.0028
S. Romanó
In the 1990s, the collapse of the USSR and the consequent dissolution of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (COMECON) trading bloc contributed to the sudden shrinkage of Cuba's international trade (both in volume and in value terms), and thus Cuban economy itself. The crisis, exacerbated by the US government's blockade and the internal inefficiency of centralised Cuban economic system, hit rock bottom in 1993 and ended up damaging the social conditions of the population. The figures of the crisis are eloquent. During the first 4 years following 1989, there was a contraction of the GDP of about 35 per cent (Mesa-Lago 2007: 1), a 70 per cent decrease of imported foodstuffs, a 79.6 per cent contraction of exports (Gonzalez-Corzo 2007: 316), a 39 per cent decrease in private spending and the extinction of the state-run parallel market in which Cuban workers could buy non-rationed goods at subsidised prices (mainly, food and industrial products; Togores and Garcia 2004: 247). The Cuban government maintained the workers' nominal salaries, but nevertheless the purchasing power of wages decreased significantly. The rapid deterioration of social conditions prompted the government to implement a set of market-oriented reforms. From 1993 to the early 2000s, the Cuban government welcomed foreign direct investment, prioritised the reconstruction of the international tourism sector and the development of telecommunications services and mining, for example, nickel (Dominguez 2004: 31; Perez-Villanueva 2004). To this end, it enforced policies aimed at attracting foreign direct investment. At the same time, the Cuban government legalised new forms of selfemployment in order to boost production and incorporate a part of the growing informal economy into the formal economy (Ritter and Henken 2014: 80).Thus, as a result of the crisis and reforms, Cuban socio-economic structures have changed. Services and primary sectors have grown, while the secondary sectors have decayed (Espina-Prieto and Togores-Gonzalez 2012), but above all new, so-called 'emerging sectors' have appeared. In the literature on Cuba, the term 'emerging sectors' is used to refer to that part of the Cuban economy that distinguishes it from the so-called traditional sectors for being 'composed of jobs linked to foreign currency gains and remunerative benefits'1 (Barberia 2008: 21). Emerging sectors are mainly composed of mixed and Cuban companies which developed in relation to the tourism industry and/or the domestic markets for goods in hard currency; some firms also emerged in the export of high valueadded products (e.g., the pharmaceutical industry). The common aspect of enterprises belonging to this emerging sector is that they sell their output in hard currency (either to other firms, to the population, or abroad) and they purchase their material inputs (imported or domestically produced) or borrow funds from banks also in hard currency; only the wages are paid in Cuban pesos (with some
{"title":"Party membership, social ties and upward mobility in Cuba","authors":"S. Romanó","doi":"10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.8.1.0028","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.8.1.0028","url":null,"abstract":"In the 1990s, the collapse of the USSR and the consequent dissolution of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (COMECON) trading bloc contributed to the sudden shrinkage of Cuba's international trade (both in volume and in value terms), and thus Cuban economy itself. The crisis, exacerbated by the US government's blockade and the internal inefficiency of centralised Cuban economic system, hit rock bottom in 1993 and ended up damaging the social conditions of the population. The figures of the crisis are eloquent. During the first 4 years following 1989, there was a contraction of the GDP of about 35 per cent (Mesa-Lago 2007: 1), a 70 per cent decrease of imported foodstuffs, a 79.6 per cent contraction of exports (Gonzalez-Corzo 2007: 316), a 39 per cent decrease in private spending and the extinction of the state-run parallel market in which Cuban workers could buy non-rationed goods at subsidised prices (mainly, food and industrial products; Togores and Garcia 2004: 247). The Cuban government maintained the workers' nominal salaries, but nevertheless the purchasing power of wages decreased significantly. The rapid deterioration of social conditions prompted the government to implement a set of market-oriented reforms. From 1993 to the early 2000s, the Cuban government welcomed foreign direct investment, prioritised the reconstruction of the international tourism sector and the development of telecommunications services and mining, for example, nickel (Dominguez 2004: 31; Perez-Villanueva 2004). To this end, it enforced policies aimed at attracting foreign direct investment. At the same time, the Cuban government legalised new forms of selfemployment in order to boost production and incorporate a part of the growing informal economy into the formal economy (Ritter and Henken 2014: 80).Thus, as a result of the crisis and reforms, Cuban socio-economic structures have changed. Services and primary sectors have grown, while the secondary sectors have decayed (Espina-Prieto and Togores-Gonzalez 2012), but above all new, so-called 'emerging sectors' have appeared. In the literature on Cuba, the term 'emerging sectors' is used to refer to that part of the Cuban economy that distinguishes it from the so-called traditional sectors for being 'composed of jobs linked to foreign currency gains and remunerative benefits'1 (Barberia 2008: 21). Emerging sectors are mainly composed of mixed and Cuban companies which developed in relation to the tourism industry and/or the domestic markets for goods in hard currency; some firms also emerged in the export of high valueadded products (e.g., the pharmaceutical industry). The common aspect of enterprises belonging to this emerging sector is that they sell their output in hard currency (either to other firms, to the population, or abroad) and they purchase their material inputs (imported or domestically produced) or borrow funds from banks also in hard currency; only the wages are paid in Cuban pesos (with some ","PeriodicalId":254309,"journal":{"name":"The International Journal of Cuban Studies","volume":"49 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121464530","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-04-01DOI: 10.13169/intejcubastud.8.1.0097
J. Barnett
The theme of memory tied to family - or memory through family - has a strong presence in the Latin American literature. Cien anos de soledad, in which the memory of five generations of the Buendia family is recorded and chronicled, perhaps serves as the most commonly cited example. Ironically, the very same medium - the familial chronicle - ultimately results in its own un-doing. As Jose Arcadio reads about his own act of reading the family's memoirs, or rather as he becomes aware of his own act of remembering, the novel reaches an insurmountable obstacle of infinity. He remembers remembering. He discovers discovery. In general, there are also a number of authors among the American exile diaspora who focus on an imagined community and the memory of, and through, family. For example, works by Julia Alvarez, Cristina Garcia and Edwidge Danticat often entail a dynamic relationship among memory, family and political circumstance. More specifically, the political authoritarianism of Trujillo (in Alvarez), Fidel Castro (in Garcia) and Duvalier (in Danticat) has altered the dynamic. The dominating political voice has attempted to create a vacuum, a silenced subaltern. More than merely recovering memory, then, literature in these particular instances serves to uncover silence and to re-endow the character(s) with a voice. As Gloria Andalzua (1987) writes, 'I will have my voice: Indian, Spanish, white. I will have my serpent's tongue - my woman's voice, my sexual voice, my poet's voice. I will overcome the tradition of silence' (81). Andalzua does not posit that her voice has been forgotten; it has never been heard. In a similar vein, Uva de Aragon's The Memory of Silence (2014; Memoria del silencio 2002) reflects upon recent Cuban history, in particular the separation of family brought about by the Cuban Revolution. By giving voice to her characters, she attempts to recover Cuba's past and contemplate what may become of future familial relationships.The Memory of Silence explores the divergences and commonalities in the lives of two sisters separated at the outset of the Cuban Revolution. In 1959, at the age of 18, the twin sisters Lauri and Menchu share a common past, but their lives abruptly take on seemingly irreconcilable differences as Menchu remains in Havana and Lauri leaves with her groom for Miami. The physical separation and resultant emotional split between the two lead to a mutual sense of betrayal and rejection. They both feel abandoned and cut off from communicating with the other. For the next 40 years, both lead distinct lives in terms of their daily concrete realities yet, often unknowingly, they share common milestones, attitudes, values and intimate secrets. Throughout the text, the reader is a witness to and comes to understand the various circumstances that give rise to a range of emotions: nostalgia, regret, disillusionment, bitterness, confusion and - above all - a longing for the other. In short, each sister wants to come to know
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Pub Date : 2016-04-01DOI: 10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.8.1.0009
J. Kirk, C. Walker
{"title":"Cuban Medical Internationalism: The Ebola Campaign of 2014-15","authors":"J. Kirk, C. Walker","doi":"10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.8.1.0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.8.1.0009","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":254309,"journal":{"name":"The International Journal of Cuban Studies","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121285995","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}