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La Salud Pública En Cuba: Años 2005–2014 古巴的公共卫生:2005 - 2014年
Pub Date : 2016-07-01 DOI: 10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.8.2.0217
E. B. Chaple
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引用次数: 0
(Post)-Soviet Diaspora in Cuba (后)苏联侨民在古巴
Pub Date : 2016-07-01 DOI: 10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.8.2.0263
J. C. Cabrera, María Regina Cano Orúe, D. Samsónov
IntroductionThe transdisciplinary field of post-Soviet studies emerged in 1992 as a sort of 'adaptive gesture' intended to assimilate the former USSR and the areas previously exposed to its geopolitical influence to a post-colonial status.1 Geopolitically speaking, before 1990 such areas obviously included Cuba.2While political and economic relations between Cuba and the USSR (as well as between Cuba and Russia: before 1917 and after 1991) have inspired numerous publications (although not normally branded - at least in the Cuban Archipelago - as part of the post-Soviet studies field), the number of media projects3 and research papers -especially in Cuba4 - about the Soviet and postSoviet5 cultural impact on the Cuban society is much smaller. For most Cubans who stayed in the country after the 1990s debacle, the geographically distant Soviet influence on Cuba had been lived as something nigh and visible in many spheres of professional activities, academia and everyday life, including literature, cinema, drama, sciences, visual arts, TV and the domestic market. Also, the post-Soviet condition in Cuba is emphatically linked to the (later re-interpreted as commonplace) experiences of Cubans who travelled or temporarily lived in the USSR (and other countries under its geopolitical influence) during the 30-year period of political closeness. Cuban geography itself - both at macro (polity/ country/nation/Archipelago) and micro (neighbourhoods, workplaces, landscapes) levels - provided settings in which Cubans shared social-space proximities with some 'Soviet' or 'Russian' ('Ukrainian', etc.) person(s) - or their children - who years ago came to live here. Nonetheless, the persistence in Cuba of a large diaspora of Soviet origin is still one of the less publicised aspects of the Cuban post-Soviet condition. This appears rather surprising, as the (post)-Soviet diaspora has stable family, kinship, friendship and professional links with Cubans, particularly those (ca. half a million) who studied in the USSR in 196191, many of whom keep key roles in the country's technical, military, entrepreneurial, intellectual, administrative and professional milieus.Our current aim is systematizing the basic facts about the (post)-Soviet diaspora in Cuba, as part of a broader area of post-Soviet studies, nowadays emerging in Cuba. Firstly, we want to make public the very existence of the diaspora as a relevant element of the Cuban reality: despite its numeric strength, the (post)-Soviet diaspora is barely mentioned in Cuban and foreign research, reference and media materials devoted to the ethnic composition of the present-day Cuban people. Although analysing the very causes of this 'invisibility issue' per se merits a separate paper, we start with some considerations on this topic. Next, we establish terminological conventions, provide some basic - statistical and socio-historical - information gathered in our research, and discuss some relevant fieldwork findings, cent
后苏联研究的跨学科领域出现于1992年,作为一种“适应性姿态”,旨在将前苏联和以前受其地缘政治影响的地区同化为后殖民状态从地缘政治上讲,1990年以前这些地区显然包括古巴。2古巴与苏联(以及古巴与俄罗斯)之间的政治和经济关系:在1917年之前和1991年之后)有大量的出版物(尽管通常不被标记为后苏联研究领域的一部分,至少在古巴群岛),关于苏联和后苏联文化对古巴社会影响的媒体项目和研究论文的数量要少得多,特别是在古巴。对于1990年代崩溃后留在古巴的大多数古巴人来说,苏联对古巴地理上遥远的影响在许多专业活动、学术界和日常生活领域,包括文学、电影、戏剧、科学、视觉艺术、电视和国内市场,都是近在咫尺、可见的。此外,古巴后苏联时期的情况与古巴人在苏联(以及受其地缘政治影响的其他国家)旅行或暂时居住的30年政治亲密时期的经历(后来被重新解释为老生滥调)密切相关。古巴地理本身——无论是宏观的(政体/国家/民族/群岛)还是微观的(社区、工作场所、景观)——都为古巴人提供了与多年前来到这里生活的一些“苏联”或“俄罗斯”(“乌克兰”等)人或他们的子女共享社会空间的环境。尽管如此,大量苏联血统的侨民仍在古巴持续存在,这仍然是古巴后苏联时期鲜为人知的情况之一。这似乎相当令人惊讶,因为(后)苏联侨民与古巴人有着稳定的家庭、亲属关系、友谊和专业联系,特别是那些在196191年在苏联学习的人(约50万),他们中的许多人在该国的技术、军事、企业、知识、行政和专业环境中担任关键角色。我们目前的目标是将古巴(后)苏联侨民的基本事实系统化,作为古巴目前出现的更广泛的后苏联研究领域的一部分。首先,我们想公开散居侨民的存在,作为古巴现实的相关因素:尽管人数众多,但(后)苏联散居侨民在古巴和外国研究、参考和媒体材料中几乎没有提到当今古巴人民的种族构成。虽然分析这种“隐形问题”的原因本身值得另写一篇论文,但我们还是从这个主题的一些考虑开始。接下来,我们建立术语惯例,提供在我们的研究中收集的一些基本的统计和社会历史信息,并讨论一些相关的实地调查结果,以散居侨民的主体性为中心。我们的主要目标是阐明古巴(后)苏联侨民的核心人口、性别、民族志、历史、文化和政治方面。我们的方法是基于深入访谈,生活史,参与观察和人口普查数据的分析。无形的散居?作为一组相对较新进入古巴“阿加科”的种族,6(后)苏联文化和人口组成部分在当前古巴想象中“享受”一种“双重”可见性的解释学:一方面,如果35代以上的人认为古巴与苏联的密切关系是常识,那么散居的人往往(有点)“归化”是(后)苏联时代古巴景观的一个可预见的组成部分7(由于如此正常,它被认为不需要任何特别的关注,无论是社会政治机构,还是知识分子/文化/媒体演员);另一方面,在某种意义上,它仍然被认为是“外来的”,因此在“古巴国籍的种族根源”的标准集中通常不会提到它(网址:. ...)
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引用次数: 3
Fidel Castro, Hero of the Disinherited 菲德尔·卡斯特罗,被剥夺继承权的英雄
Pub Date : 2016-07-01 DOI: 10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.8.2.0151
Salim Lamrani, L. Oberg
IntroductionA controversial figure in the West where he is strongly criticised, Fidel Castro is however revered by the peoples of Latin America and the Third World. They consider him a symbol of resistance to oppression and a defender of the aspirations of the countries of the south that struggle for independence, sovereignty and self-determination. A legendary rebel during his own lifetime, he has entered the pantheon of the great liberators of the Americas. The prestige of the former guerrilla of the Sierra Maestra has overflown the continental borders of Cuba to become the archetype of twentieth century anti-imperialism and a vector of a universal message of empowerment.What is it that explains this discrepancy between the negative Western media image of Fidel and the enthusiasm he generates in Latin America and the Third World? Is it not to be expected that his commitment to the poor and his fight for the preservation of Cuban and Latin American identity might be perceived by the peoples of the south as a universal struggle? Did his commitment to Latin American integration through the creation of ALBA in 2004 not reflect the efforts of Simon Bolivar and Jose Marti to unite a continent in solidarity in order to build the 'Patria Grande'?Three aspects characterise the figure of Fidel Castro. First of all, he is the architect of national sovereignty, the person who restored dignity to the people of the island by realising the dream of the Apostle and National Hero Jose Marti for an independent Cuba. Secondly, he is a social reformer who has taken up the cause of the humble and the humiliated. Finally, he is an internationalist who extends a generous hand to needy people everywhere and places solidarity and integration at the centre of Cuba's foreign policy.The Architect of National SovereigntyThe triumph of the Cuban Revolution on January 1, 1959, led to the most important social transformation in the history of Latin America. By overturning the existing order and the established structures, Fidel Castro challenged the power of the Batista oligarchy and the power of money. By dedicating national resources to the people, he placed human beings at the centre of the new social project.The principal conquest of the Cuban Revolution remains independence and sovereignty, something desired by the Cuban people since the nineteenth century and for which Marti had sacrificed his life in 1895. By ending more than six decades of US domination of the island, Fidel Castro has given back to Cubans the dignity they had lost during Washington's intervention in the Cuban war of independence in 1898 and the military occupation that had transformed the island into nothing more than a mere protectorate. President John F. Kennedy was not wrong when he said, 'Fidel Castro is part of Bolivar's legacy. We should offer a warm welcome to the fiery young rebel in his triumph.'1To grasp the symbolic importance of Fidel Castro in Cuba's history, it is necessary to go back to
菲德尔·卡斯特罗在西方是一个备受争议的人物,他受到强烈的批评,然而他却受到拉丁美洲和第三世界人民的尊敬。他们认为他是反抗压迫的象征,是争取独立、主权和自决的南方国家愿望的捍卫者。在他自己的一生中,他是一个传奇的反叛者,他已经进入了美洲伟大解放者的万神殿。马埃斯特拉山的前游击队员的威望已经超越了古巴的大陆边界,成为二十世纪反帝国主义的原型和赋予权力的普遍信息的载体。西方媒体对菲德尔的负面形象与他在拉丁美洲和第三世界产生的热情之间的差异是如何解释的?难道他对穷人的承诺和他为维护古巴和拉丁美洲的特性而进行的斗争不可能被南方人民视为一场普遍的斗争吗?他在2004年通过建立美洲玻利瓦尔联盟(ALBA)致力于拉丁美洲一体化,难道没有反映出西蒙·玻利瓦尔(Simon Bolivar)和何塞·马蒂(Jose Marti)为建立“大祖国”而团结起来的努力吗?菲德尔·卡斯特罗的形象有三个特点。首先,他是国家主权的建筑师,通过实现使徒和民族英雄何塞·马蒂关于独立古巴的梦想,恢复了该岛人民的尊严。其次,他是一位社会改革家,他为卑微和受屈辱的人开展了事业。最后,他是一名国际主义者,向世界各地有需要的人伸出慷慨之手,并将团结和一体化置于古巴外交政策的中心。国家主权的缔造者1959年1月1日古巴革命的胜利,导致了拉丁美洲历史上最重要的社会变革。菲德尔·卡斯特罗通过推翻现有秩序和既定结构,挑战了巴蒂斯塔寡头的权力和金钱的权力。通过将国家资源奉献给人民,他将人置于新社会计划的中心。古巴革命的主要目标仍然是独立和主权,这是古巴人民自19世纪以来所渴望的,也是马蒂在1895年为之牺牲的。通过结束美国对古巴60多年的统治,菲德尔•卡斯特罗(Fidel Castro)让古巴人重获了他们在1898年美国干预古巴独立战争期间失去的尊严,美国的军事占领使古巴沦为一个纯粹的受保护国。约翰•肯尼迪(John F. Kennedy)总统说,菲德尔•卡斯特罗是玻利瓦尔政治遗产的一部分,这话没错。我们应该热烈欢迎这位热情的年轻反叛者的胜利。要理解菲德尔·卡斯特罗(Fidel Castro)在古巴历史上的象征意义,有必要追溯到19世纪初,当时这个岛屿开始激起人们对拥有“强大而雄心勃勃的邻国”的渴望。事实上,古巴是美国最古老的外交政策困扰之一。1805年,托马斯·杰斐逊(Thomas Jefferson)谈到了该岛的重要性,他指出,“拥有该岛对于保卫路易斯安那州和佛罗里达州是必要的,因为它是通往墨西哥湾的关键。”对美国来说,征服是很容易的1823年,美国国务卿、未来的总统约翰·昆西·亚当斯(John Quincy Adams)提到了古巴吞并的问题,并提出了著名的“成熟果实”理论:“古巴被武力从与西班牙的不自然联系中分离出来,无法独立生存,必然需要围绕北美联盟,而且只围绕它。”因此,在19世纪,美国曾六次试图从西班牙手中购买古巴。在1868年至1878年的第一次独立战争期间,古巴叛乱分子因内部严重分裂而被西班牙军队击败。…
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引用次数: 1
Is there Church History in Revolutionary Cuba?: Accessing and Analysing Cuban Catholic Sources 革命的古巴有教会历史吗?:查阅和分析古巴天主教资料
Pub Date : 2016-07-01 DOI: 10.13169/intejcubastud.8.2.0309
Petra Kuivala
Introduction: Cuban Catholic History as We Know ItWhen talking about church history in Cuba, one usually refers to the history of the Catholic Church. When Pope Francis visited Cuba in September 2015, he proclaimed Cuba to be an intrinsically Catholic country - Catholic by history and by heart. In the twenty-first century, the Catholic Church remains the most organised and widespread Christian denomination in Cuba. The most recent statistics by the Central Office of Church Statistics of the Catholic Church from December 2013 estimate that 60.5 per cent of the Cuban population are Catholic.1 While the non-Catholic Christian denominations, namely the protestants churches and the pentecostal movement, remain rather scattered and small in size, the most significant religious tradition confronting Catholicism is santeria, even when merging with popular practices of Catholicism. However, even if Cuba is Catholic by history, the contemporary Catholic history seems to be hard to reach when narrating history in Cuba and even harder to research with access to sources of history. Although Catholicism of the colonial period is both documented and researched, the contemporary history of Cuban Catholicism, dating to the revolution of 1959 and everything since is still a largely unstudied landscape - both on the island and in the international field of Cuban studies.For the Cuban public, only a few, although well-known and extensive works examine the history of Catholicism in Cuba. Regarding the colonial period, on the street markets and in book stores of Havana one may purchase publications for example by Cuban historians such as Eduardo Torres-Cuevas2 and Rigoberto Segreo Ricardo,3 introducing centuries of church history in Cuba. Within the Catholic Church in Cuba, a publication entitled Historia de la Iglesia Catolica en Cuba by Ramon Suarez Polcari (2003), the current chancellor of the Archdiocese of Havana, seems to be considered one of the contemporary key pieces for the history of the modern Catholic Church in Cuba. Polcari's work, extensive although scarcely available in Cuba, introduces in great detail the key instances, people and events of institutional Catholicism in Cuba from Columbus to Castro, but not any further than the eve of the revolution. Two of the few pieces on the Catholic Church in the revolution sold in Cuba are the well-known and well-read conversations of Fidel Castro and Frei Betto (1985), Fidel y la Religion. Conversaciones con Frei Betto, and a research by Aurelio Alonso Tejada (1999), Iglesia y politica en Cuba revolucionaria. The most recent publication concerning the contemporary Catholic Church in Cuba is the interviewbased biography of Mons. Carlos Manuel de Cespedes (Baez and De la Hoz 2015). In the book Monsenor Carlos Manuel se confiesa, the prominent Cuban Catholic figure discusses both his personal history and the history of the church in the revolution with Cuban journalists Luis Baez and Pedro De la Hoz.In internationa
导言:我们所知道的古巴天主教历史当谈到古巴的教会历史时,人们通常指的是天主教会的历史。2015年9月,教皇方济各访问古巴时,宣布古巴是一个本质上的天主教国家——从历史和内心来说都是天主教。在二十一世纪,天主教会仍然是古巴最有组织和最广泛的基督教教派。天主教会教会统计中心办公室2013年12月的最新统计数据估计,古巴人口中有60.5%是天主教徒。1虽然非天主教基督教教派,即新教教会和五旬节派运动,仍然相当分散,规模很小,但天主教面临的最重要的宗教传统是santeria,即使与天主教的流行习俗融合在一起。然而,即使古巴在历史上是天主教国家,在讲述古巴的历史时,当代天主教的历史似乎很难触及,而在接触历史资料的情况下,研究天主教的历史就更难了。虽然殖民时期的天主教都有文献记录和研究,但古巴天主教的当代历史,从1959年革命开始至今,无论是在古巴还是在国际古巴研究领域,基本上都是一个未被研究的领域。对于古巴公众来说,只有少数几本著作,虽然是著名的和广泛的著作,研究了古巴天主教的历史。关于殖民时期,在哈瓦那的街头市场和书店里,人们可以买到诸如爱德华多·托雷斯-奎瓦斯和里戈贝托·塞格雷奥·里卡多等古巴历史学家的出版物,介绍古巴几个世纪的教会历史。在古巴天主教会内部,一本名为《古巴天主教历史》(Historia de la Iglesia Catolica en Cuba)的出版物似乎被认为是古巴现代天主教会历史的当代关键作品之一,作者是哈瓦那总教区现任主教拉蒙·苏亚雷斯·波尔卡里(Ramon Suarez Polcari, 2003)。波尔卡里的著作涉及面很广,虽然在古巴很难找到,但他非常详细地介绍了古巴天主教制度的关键实例、人物和事件,从哥伦布到卡斯特罗,但没有超过革命前夕。在古巴出售的关于革命中天主教会的为数不多的几篇文章中,有两篇是菲德尔·卡斯特罗和弗雷·贝托(1985)的著名和广为阅读的对话,《菲德尔与宗教》。与Frei Betto的对话,以及Aurelio Alonso Tejada(1999)的一项研究,古巴革命政治中的伊格莱西亚。关于古巴当代天主教会的最新出版物是蒙斯的访谈传记。Carlos Manuel de Cespedes (Baez and de la Hoz 2015)。在《Monsenor Carlos Manuel se confiesa》一书中,这位著名的古巴天主教徒与古巴记者Luis Baez和Pedro De la Hoz讨论了他的个人历史和教会在革命中的历史。在关于当代古巴的国际学术研究中,天主教会在许多广受赞誉的著作中得到讨论,但通常作为一个更大实体的单一主题。只有少数学术专著,如《神与党之间》。约翰·m·柯克(1989)的《古巴革命中的宗教与政治》作为一个独立的主题阐述了天主教会在革命中的历史。追溯到分析古巴革命的早期阶段,莱斯利·德瓦特(1963)在他的专著《古巴》中是第一批分析古巴天主教会地位的学者之一。教会与危机。古巴革命中的基督教和政治。除了这几部广泛的著作外,天主教会、天主教和基督教被分析为仅仅是革命和古巴社会的各个方面。例如,社会学家西尔维娅·佩德拉萨在她的著作《古巴革命和出埃及记中的政治不满》(2005)中谈到了天主教。尽管关于这一主题的专著出版的数量仍然很少,但还是有一些文章专门关注这一主题。...
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引用次数: 0
Vicinity Matters: Cuba's Reforms in Comparative Perspective 周边问题:比较视角下的古巴改革
Pub Date : 2016-07-01 DOI: 10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.8.2.0169
R. Pérez
IntroductionIt is well known that from the second half of the 19th century, the United States, then an emerging industrial power, became the economic metropolis of Cuba. This relationship grew much stronger after the US intervention in 1898, which was followed by the formation of a broad legal basis since the founding of the Republic that strengthened the economic ties and spread them to the political, military and cultural fields.1 The sharp break after 1959 eliminated in a few years what had been a long-standing close relationship. However, this relationship had been very asymmetric and in many cases limited the real possibilities of an indigenous Cuban economic development, due to the privileges large US corporations enjoyed in the Cuban domestic market. Now a moment of cautious rapprochement has arrived between two states that once shared a deep relationship which was interrupted abruptly and who have remained distant for over half a century. In addition, this is taking place in the midst of the most extensive transformation of the Cuban economic model in half a century. This crucial moment is giving rise to a vast literature that explores the synergies that could result from the Cuban reform, the peculiarities of the Cuban case and the expected lifting of economic sanctions from the United States.In that vein, this work contains three interrelated objectives. Firstly, it analyses the formation of the Cuban economic model as the result of the interaction between the US blockade and the common characteristics of the Soviet-style central planning model.2 It then tries to establish parallels and differences between Cuba and Vietnam and China, two countries that have also opted for gradual adjustments in their models, taking into account a peculiar domestic context and geopolitics. Finally, it examines the potential effects on Cuba's recent rapprochement with the United States, mainly in relation to Cuba's economic reform. The article is divided into five sections. After the introduction, the effect of the US embargo of the island and its interaction with the weaknesses of the Cuban economic model is analysed. In the third section, the current process of economic reform is examined through the comparative study of the experiences of China and Vietnam. Next, details of the current Cuban reform and the expected impact of the normalisation of ties with the United States are discussed. Finally, some thoughts are proposed that draw together the central logic of the argument.The Formation of the Cuban Economic Model in Light of US SanctionsThe US embargo has been the subject of much controversy both inside and outside Cuba. Within the Northern power, there were always voices that opposed these measures from various positions, and these currents have strengthened significantly since the mid-1990s. Hardly any sovereign state defends these sanctions, and even fewer do anything to adhere to them (Leogrande 2015). In the case of Latin America, they have bec
众所周知,从19世纪下半叶开始,当时的新兴工业大国美国成为古巴的经济大都市。这种关系在1898年美国干预后变得更加牢固,随后共和国成立以来形成了广泛的法律基础,加强了经济联系,并将其扩展到政治,军事和文化领域1959年之后的急剧破裂在几年内消除了长期以来的密切关系。然而,由于美国大公司在古巴国内市场享有特权,这种关系非常不对称,在许多情况下限制了古巴本土经济发展的真正可能性。如今,两个国家之间谨慎的和解时刻已经到来,这两个国家曾经有着深厚的关系,但后来突然中断,半个多世纪以来一直保持着疏远。此外,这是在半个世纪以来古巴经济模式进行最广泛变革的过程中发生的。这一关键时刻产生了大量文献,探讨古巴改革可能产生的协同效应、古巴情况的特殊性以及美国预期解除经济制裁。在这方面,这项工作包含三个相互关联的目标。首先,分析了古巴经济模式的形成是美国封锁与苏联式中央计划经济模式共同特点相互作用的结果然后,它试图建立古巴、越南和中国之间的相似之处和差异,这两个国家也选择了逐步调整自己的模式,考虑到特殊的国内环境和地缘政治。最后,它审查了对古巴最近与美国和解的潜在影响,主要是与古巴的经济改革有关。本文共分为五个部分。在介绍之后,分析了美国对该岛禁运的影响及其与古巴经济模式弱点的相互作用。第三部分,通过对中越两国经济改革经验的比较研究,考察了当前的经济改革进程。接下来,讨论当前古巴改革的细节和与美国关系正常化的预期影响。最后,提出了一些想法,将论点的中心逻辑汇集在一起。从美国制裁看古巴经济模式的形成美国的禁运政策在古巴国内外引起了很大的争议。在北方势力内部,一直有来自不同立场的反对这些措施的声音,自20世纪90年代中期以来,这些声音明显增强。几乎没有任何主权国家为这些制裁辩护,更不用说采取任何行动来遵守这些制裁了(Leogrande 2015)。就拉丁美洲而言,它们已成为误解和困扰本已陷入困境的美国对拉美政策的永久根源。这些分歧威胁到2015年在巴拿马举行的美洲峰会,这是一个协商论坛,被认为是美国外交在该地区最伟大的成就之一。然而,似乎不可否认的是,古巴人民通过其对经济的不良影响付出了最高的代价,这在许多情况下扩大了其本身的中央计划模式的缺陷在这一点上,值得注意的是,禁运是如何同古巴模式的缺点相互作用的,因为古巴模式正在经历半个世纪以来最大的变革,制裁制度现在看来注定要早而不是晚消失。关于中央计划经济(cpe)的文献提到了一些非常有趣的具体特征,考虑到20世纪采用这种模式的国家的多样性。…
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引用次数: 3
Cuban Internationalism and Contemporary Humanitarianism: History, Comparison and Perspectives 古巴国际主义与当代人道主义:历史、比较与展望
Pub Date : 2016-07-01 DOI: 10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.8.2.0200
M. Grenon
The Cold War period was marked by a constant competition between two superpowers, Soviet Union and United States, to elevate their global influence. This rivalry manifested at different levels: ideological, military, development, etc. The turn of the 1990s marked significant changes at the international level introduced by the collapse of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and the establishment of a new world order under the aegis of the United States. Russia and the majority of Eastern European countries adopted capitalist economy and multiparty system, but some other, as Cuba, remained socialist. However, the Caribbean island experienced difficult times as the disintegration of the Eastern market and the tightening of the American embargo have led Cuba to lose two-thirds of its gross national product (GNP). To overcome the crises, the Cuban government introduced a phase of reorganization known as the 'Special Period in time of peace' (El periodo especial en tiempo de paz) that has necessitated important sacrifices from the population. Nevertheless, the social pillars established after the 1959 Revolution, the health cares and the education system were preserved. Also, in the end of the decade, Cuba initiates a new era of its internationalist policy that aims to share those social achievements with other countries. Indeed, the Henry Reeve Brigade was created to provide medical cooperation in post-disaster context. Few social scientists have studied this internationalist practice, but the general tendencies that emerged in the humanitarianism field since the end of the Cold War are well documented. The objective of this article is to analyse the Cuban humanitarian practices, values and framework in comparison with the tendency that appears in the 1990s. Since, for obvious reasons, it was not possible to directly integrate an emergency brigade in a disaster situation, the characterisation of the Cuban action is based on testimonies of internationalist volunteers and a review of scientific literature. In order to characterise the Cuban practice, I carried out 20 interviews in Havana (Cuba), Montreal (Canada) and Escuintla (Guatemala) between July 2011 and August 2013 with Cuban doctors that took part in missions dating back to 1998. The physicians I interviewed have served in the Henry Reeve Brigade but some of them also participated in other medical missions. The selection of participants was opportunistic which means that I constituted my network with the people I met and that accepted to share their experiences. This research strategy, like any other, has advantages and disadvantages, but it has allowed me to outline the general tendency of Cuban humanitarianism to be deepening with further research.The Historical Construction of Cuban internationalismDuring my interviews with Cuban doctors, most of them explained the actual internationalist policy of their country by the fact that Cuba 'was born' because of the internationalist enga
冷战时期的特点是两个超级大国——苏联和美国——为了提升自己的全球影响力而不断竞争。这种对抗表现在意识形态、军事、发展等不同层面。1990年代的转折标志着苏维埃社会主义共和国联盟(苏联)的崩溃和在美国支持下建立的新的世界秩序所带来的国际一级的重大变化。俄罗斯和大多数东欧国家采取了资本主义经济和多党制,但其他一些国家,如古巴,仍然是社会主义。然而,这个加勒比岛屿经历了困难时期,因为东方市场的解体和美国封锁的收紧导致古巴损失了其国民生产总值(国民总产值)的三分之二。为了克服危机,古巴政府引入了一个被称为“和平时期特殊时期”(El periodo especial en tiempo de paz)的重组阶段,这需要人民做出重大牺牲。然而,1959年革命后建立的社会支柱、医疗保健和教育系统得以保留。此外,在十年结束时,古巴开始了其国际主义政策的新时代,其目的是与其他国家分享这些社会成就。事实上,亨利·里夫旅的设立是为了在灾后提供医疗合作。很少有社会科学家研究这种国际主义实践,但冷战结束以来在人道主义领域出现的一般趋势有很好的记录。本文的目的是分析古巴的人道主义做法、价值观和框架,并与1990年代出现的趋势进行比较。由于显而易见的原因,在灾难情况下不可能直接合并一支紧急部队,所以对古巴行动的描述是根据国际主义志愿人员的证词和对科学文献的审查。为了描述古巴的做法,2011年7月至2013年8月期间,我在哈瓦那(古巴)、蒙特利尔(加拿大)和埃斯昆特拉(危地马拉)与参加1998年以来特派团的古巴医生进行了20次访谈。我采访的医生曾在亨利·里夫旅服役,但他们中的一些人也参加了其他医疗任务。参与者的选择是机会主义的,这意味着我与我遇到的人建立了我的网络,并接受了分享他们的经验。与其他研究策略一样,这种研究策略有利有弊,但它使我能够勾勒出古巴人道主义随着进一步研究而不断深化的总体趋势。古巴国际主义的历史建构在我与古巴医生的访谈中,他们中的大多数人解释了他们国家的实际国际主义政策,因为古巴是由于来自不同国家的士兵的国际主义参与而“诞生”的。事实上,古巴人民为了从西班牙手中赢得独立(1492-1899),进行了30多年的斗争,并得到了许多外国人的支持,包括多米尼加人(莫德斯托·迪亚兹、路易斯·马尔卡诺、马克西莫·戈麦斯)、美国人(亨利·里夫)、加拿大人(威廉·瑞安)和波兰人(卡洛斯·罗洛夫)。西班牙结束对古巴的殖民统治之后,美国开始对古巴进行军事占领(1899-1902),这被称为古巴“新殖民”的开端。在1959年革命之前,美国在古巴总统的顺从下保持了在哈瓦那的政治影响和经济利益。事实上,大部分资源和经济部门- -种植园、银行、铁路- -都由北美公司控制,《普拉特修正案》允许美国干预国内事务。正如Fagen(1969)指出的那样,关于二十世纪上半叶古巴局势的现有社会经济统计数据表明,与拉丁美洲和加勒比其他国家相比,该岛处于有利地位。...
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引用次数: 0
Anglo-Cuban Diplomacy: The Economic and Political Links with Brit Ain (1945-60) 英古外交:与英国的经济和政治联系(1945-60)
Pub Date : 2016-04-01 DOI: 10.13169/intejcubastud.8.1.0056
Servando Valdés Sánchez
IntroductionThe relationship between the UK and Cuba is rarely seen through Cuban eyes. True, Jorge Ibarra Guitart has studied the failed negotiations for an Anglo-Cuban treaty in 1905 using documents from both the Cuban and British archives, but nothing of substance has been done on later periods that comprehensively includes a Cuban point of view.1 Robert Morley and Andrew Holt consider the relationship between Britain and Cuba principally in the context of Anglo-US relations as the North Americans attempt to impose their trade embargo on their European allies after the triumph of the Cuban Revolution.2 More detailed analysis of particular events has been done by Chris Hull (arms sales 1958-59 and buses 1963-64) as well as by Mark Phythian and Jonathan Jardine (fighter aircraft 1959) but again in the context of Anglo-US relations.3 Meanwhile, Stephen Wilkinson's 'Just How Special Is "Special": Britain, Cuba, and US Relations 1958-2008 an Overview' does what it says on the tin.4 Chris Hull's excellent book British Diplomacy and US Hegemony in Cuba, 1898-1964 is somewhat broader in its approach than the title implies but relies almost entirely on British diplomatic sources.5There would seem a place, therefore, for a study of diplomatic relations between Britain and Cuba that privileges the Cuban viewpoint. This article will base itself on an examination of Cuban and British diplomatic archives, both being readily available in the Archivo Nacional in Havana and the British National Archive in Kew. For the UK had its own relationship with Cuba, separate from any relationship with the US. They may have been political allies in the Cold War, but they were commercial rivals when it came to trade relations. The British firm Leyland beat the US-owned General Motors to supply buses to Havana on three separate occasions, mainly due to the credit arrangements offered by the British government.The British government had been a strong supporter of the Batista regime, supplying fighter aircraft to the dictatorship even after the US government had instituted an arms embargo. The speed with which the British acclimatised themselves to the new revolutionary situation in 1959, despite their distaste for Fidel Castro, highlights the contradictions between commerce and politics inherent in diplomatic activity. By comparing the ambassadorial correspondence of both Cuba and the UK, a more rounded picture of the diplomatic process emerges.Historical BackgroundAt the beginning of the twentieth century, the economic and political subordination which the US established over Cuba caused a readjustment of the traditional commercial links with Europe. Thereafter, the previous European commercial partners were placed in a subordinate position by the preferences which the 'Treaties of Commercial Reciprocity' accorded to US products entering the Cuban market between 1902 and 1945.6However, from the 1920s, the economic crisis and US protectionism for their sugar market led the
英国和古巴的关系很少从古巴人的角度来看。的确,Jorge Ibarra Guitart利用来自古巴和英国档案的文件研究了1905年英古条约谈判的失败,但在后来的时期没有做任何实质性的工作,全面包括古巴的观点罗伯特·莫雷和安德鲁·霍尔特主要在英美关系的背景下考虑英国和古巴之间的关系,因为北美人在古巴革命胜利后试图对其欧洲盟友实施贸易禁运。2克里斯·赫尔(1958-59年的武器销售和1963-64年的公共汽车)以及马克·菲希安和乔纳森·贾丁(1959年的战斗机)对特定事件进行了更详细的分析,但也是在英美关系的背景下进行的与此同时,斯蒂芬·威尔金森(Stephen Wilkinson)的《到底有多特别才“特别”:1958-2008年英国、古巴和美国关系综述》也如其所言克里斯·赫尔(Chris Hull)的优秀著作《英国外交和美国在古巴的霸权,1898-1964》(British Diplomacy and US Hegemony in Cuba, 1898-1964)的研究方法比书名所暗示的要宽泛一些,但几乎完全依赖于英国的外交资料。因此,研究英国和古巴之间的外交关系似乎是有一席之地的,而这种研究是以古巴的观点为基础的。本文将根据对古巴和英国外交档案的审查,这两份档案都在哈瓦那的国家档案馆和位于邱园的英国国家档案馆随时可用。因为英国与古巴有自己的关系,不同于与美国的任何关系。在冷战时期,他们可能是政治盟友,但在贸易关系方面,他们是商业对手。英国莱兰公司三次击败美国通用汽车公司,向哈瓦那提供公共汽车,主要是由于英国政府提供的信贷安排。英国政府一直是巴蒂斯塔政权的坚定支持者,即使在美国政府实施武器禁运之后,英国仍向这个独裁政权提供战斗机。1959年,英国人迅速适应了新的革命形势,尽管他们厌恶菲德尔·卡斯特罗,这突显了外交活动中固有的商业与政治之间的矛盾。通过比较古巴和英国的大使信函,可以更全面地了解外交进程。20世纪初,美国对古巴的经济和政治从属关系引起了与欧洲传统商业联系的重新调整。此后,由于《商业互惠条约》在1902年至1945年期间给予进入古巴市场的美国产品的优惠待遇,以前的欧洲商业伙伴处于从属地位。经济危机和美国对其食糖市场的保护主义导致古巴政府将其商业政策转向限制产量,以试图稳定食糖价格7,同时寻求商业条约,以恢复失去的外国市场并获得新的市场。古巴外交在与西班牙、法国、葡萄牙、英国和许多拉美国家的条约谈判中发挥了决定性作用。1937年,这些谈判取得了自古巴共和国成立以来的第一个具体成果,当时与英国讨论了一项协议。9次年,在条约尚未签署的情况下,国家贸易委员会代表尼古拉斯·佩雷斯·斯特布尔(Nicolas Perez Stable)准备了一份报告,他在报告中宣布,由于英国是仅次于美国的最大进口国,它应该获得比竞争对手更广泛的优势,首先,条约应该得到批准。这一观点得到了商务部和农业部官员的认同。…
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引用次数: 10
Party membership, social ties and upward mobility in Cuba 古巴的党员资格、社会关系和向上流动
Pub Date : 2016-04-01 DOI: 10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.8.1.0028
S. Romanó
In the 1990s, the collapse of the USSR and the consequent dissolution of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (COMECON) trading bloc contributed to the sudden shrinkage of Cuba's international trade (both in volume and in value terms), and thus Cuban economy itself. The crisis, exacerbated by the US government's blockade and the internal inefficiency of centralised Cuban economic system, hit rock bottom in 1993 and ended up damaging the social conditions of the population. The figures of the crisis are eloquent. During the first 4 years following 1989, there was a contraction of the GDP of about 35 per cent (Mesa-Lago 2007: 1), a 70 per cent decrease of imported foodstuffs, a 79.6 per cent contraction of exports (Gonzalez-Corzo 2007: 316), a 39 per cent decrease in private spending and the extinction of the state-run parallel market in which Cuban workers could buy non-rationed goods at subsidised prices (mainly, food and industrial products; Togores and Garcia 2004: 247). The Cuban government maintained the workers' nominal salaries, but nevertheless the purchasing power of wages decreased significantly. The rapid deterioration of social conditions prompted the government to implement a set of market-oriented reforms. From 1993 to the early 2000s, the Cuban government welcomed foreign direct investment, prioritised the reconstruction of the international tourism sector and the development of telecommunications services and mining, for example, nickel (Dominguez 2004: 31; Perez-Villanueva 2004). To this end, it enforced policies aimed at attracting foreign direct investment. At the same time, the Cuban government legalised new forms of selfemployment in order to boost production and incorporate a part of the growing informal economy into the formal economy (Ritter and Henken 2014: 80).Thus, as a result of the crisis and reforms, Cuban socio-economic structures have changed. Services and primary sectors have grown, while the secondary sectors have decayed (Espina-Prieto and Togores-Gonzalez 2012), but above all new, so-called 'emerging sectors' have appeared. In the literature on Cuba, the term 'emerging sectors' is used to refer to that part of the Cuban economy that distinguishes it from the so-called traditional sectors for being 'composed of jobs linked to foreign currency gains and remunerative benefits'1 (Barberia 2008: 21). Emerging sectors are mainly composed of mixed and Cuban companies which developed in relation to the tourism industry and/or the domestic markets for goods in hard currency; some firms also emerged in the export of high valueadded products (e.g., the pharmaceutical industry). The common aspect of enterprises belonging to this emerging sector is that they sell their output in hard currency (either to other firms, to the population, or abroad) and they purchase their material inputs (imported or domestically produced) or borrow funds from banks also in hard currency; only the wages are paid in Cuban pesos (with some
1990年代,苏联的解体和随后的经济互助委员会(COMECON)贸易集团的解散使古巴的国际贸易(在数量和价值方面)以及古巴经济本身突然萎缩。由于美国政府的封锁和古巴中央集权经济制度的内部效率低下,这场危机在1993年达到最低点,最终损害了人民的社会条件。这场危机的数据很有说服力。在1989年之后的头四年里,国内生产总值收缩了约35% (Mesa-Lago 2007: 1),进口食品减少了70%,出口减少了79.6% (Gonzalez-Corzo 2007: 316),私人支出减少了39%,古巴工人可以以补贴价格购买非定量商品(主要是食品和工业产品)的国营平行市场消失了;Togores and Garcia 2004: 247)。古巴政府维持工人的名义工资,但工资的购买力明显下降。社会状况的迅速恶化促使政府实施了一系列以市场为导向的改革。从1993年到21世纪初,古巴政府欢迎外国直接投资,优先重建国际旅游业和发展电信服务和矿业,例如镍(Dominguez 2004: 31;Perez-Villanueva 2004)。为此目的,它执行旨在吸引外国直接投资的政策。与此同时,古巴政府将新形式的自营职业合法化,以促进生产,并将不断增长的非正规经济的一部分纳入正规经济(Ritter和Henken 2014: 80)。因此,由于危机和改革,古巴的社会经济结构发生了变化。服务业和第一产业增长了,而第二产业却衰退了(Espina-Prieto and Togores-Gonzalez 2012),但最重要的是,所谓的“新兴产业”已经出现。在有关古巴的文献中,“新兴部门”一词是用来指古巴经济中与所谓传统部门区别开来的那部分,因为它“由与外汇收益和有报酬的福利相关的工作组成”1 (Barberia 2008: 21)。新兴部门主要由与旅游业和(或)硬通货商品国内市场有关的混合公司和古巴公司组成;一些公司也出现在高附加值产品的出口领域(如制药行业)。属于这一新兴部门的企业的共同特点是,它们以硬通货(向其他公司、向人口或向国外)出售其产出,并以硬通货购买其材料投入(进口或国内生产)或从银行借入资金;只有工资用古巴比索支付(还有一些奖金用可兑换货币支付)。在这方面,有必要强调指出,混合企业不能直接雇用和支付自己的古巴工人的工资,而必须通过国家就业机构与古巴工人签订合同。2在这种情况下,收入不平等开始扩大(Ranis和Kosak, 2004;Mesa-Lago 2004)和社会重新分层的过程发生了(Espina-Prieto 2004)。在古巴进行的关于不平等的研究表明,在古巴劳动力市场上,新兴部门提供的工作报酬更高(Espina-Prieto 2004、2005、2008、2010;Espina-Prieto和Togores-Gonzalez 2012;扎巴拉2010;Henken 2002, 2008;Corrales 2004)以及最理想的工作(Espina-Prieto和Togores-Gonzalez 2012: 277)。心理与社会调查中心(CIPS3, 2009)的一项研究指出,古巴人将在新兴部门获得工作与向上流动的途径联系在一起(同上)。因此,在本文中,当我提到新兴行业的职业时,我将交替使用高薪和理想这两个术语,更具体地说,这是为了表明在属于新兴行业的企业中受雇的工人的特权条件。…
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引用次数: 1
Remembering Cuba's Past / Discovering Its Future: Giving Voice to Memory in Uva De Aragón's the Memory of Silence 回忆古巴的过去/发现它的未来:在Uva De Aragón的沉默记忆中发出记忆的声音
Pub Date : 2016-04-01 DOI: 10.13169/intejcubastud.8.1.0097
J. Barnett
The theme of memory tied to family - or memory through family - has a strong presence in the Latin American literature. Cien anos de soledad, in which the memory of five generations of the Buendia family is recorded and chronicled, perhaps serves as the most commonly cited example. Ironically, the very same medium - the familial chronicle - ultimately results in its own un-doing. As Jose Arcadio reads about his own act of reading the family's memoirs, or rather as he becomes aware of his own act of remembering, the novel reaches an insurmountable obstacle of infinity. He remembers remembering. He discovers discovery. In general, there are also a number of authors among the American exile diaspora who focus on an imagined community and the memory of, and through, family. For example, works by Julia Alvarez, Cristina Garcia and Edwidge Danticat often entail a dynamic relationship among memory, family and political circumstance. More specifically, the political authoritarianism of Trujillo (in Alvarez), Fidel Castro (in Garcia) and Duvalier (in Danticat) has altered the dynamic. The dominating political voice has attempted to create a vacuum, a silenced subaltern. More than merely recovering memory, then, literature in these particular instances serves to uncover silence and to re-endow the character(s) with a voice. As Gloria Andalzua (1987) writes, 'I will have my voice: Indian, Spanish, white. I will have my serpent's tongue - my woman's voice, my sexual voice, my poet's voice. I will overcome the tradition of silence' (81). Andalzua does not posit that her voice has been forgotten; it has never been heard. In a similar vein, Uva de Aragon's The Memory of Silence (2014; Memoria del silencio 2002) reflects upon recent Cuban history, in particular the separation of family brought about by the Cuban Revolution. By giving voice to her characters, she attempts to recover Cuba's past and contemplate what may become of future familial relationships.The Memory of Silence explores the divergences and commonalities in the lives of two sisters separated at the outset of the Cuban Revolution. In 1959, at the age of 18, the twin sisters Lauri and Menchu share a common past, but their lives abruptly take on seemingly irreconcilable differences as Menchu remains in Havana and Lauri leaves with her groom for Miami. The physical separation and resultant emotional split between the two lead to a mutual sense of betrayal and rejection. They both feel abandoned and cut off from communicating with the other. For the next 40 years, both lead distinct lives in terms of their daily concrete realities yet, often unknowingly, they share common milestones, attitudes, values and intimate secrets. Throughout the text, the reader is a witness to and comes to understand the various circumstances that give rise to a range of emotions: nostalgia, regret, disillusionment, bitterness, confusion and - above all - a longing for the other. In short, each sister wants to come to know
在拉丁美洲文学中,与家庭联系在一起的记忆或通过家庭进行的记忆这一主题非常普遍。最常被引用的例子,也许是记录和编年史布恩蒂亚家族五代人的记忆。具有讽刺意味的是,同样的媒介——家族编年史——最终导致了它自己的毁灭。霍·阿卡蒂奥读到他自己读了霍·阿卡蒂奥家族的回忆录,或者更确切地说,当他意识到自己在回忆的时候,小说达到了一个不可逾越的无限障碍。他记得记得。他发现了发现。总的来说,在美国流亡海外的作家中,也有一些人专注于一个想象的社区,以及通过家庭的记忆。例如,Julia Alvarez, Cristina Garcia和Edwidge Danticat的作品往往包含了记忆,家庭和政治环境之间的动态关系。更具体地说,特鲁希略(在阿尔瓦雷斯)、菲德尔·卡斯特罗(在加西亚)和杜瓦利埃(在丹蒂卡)的政治威权主义改变了这种动态。占主导地位的政治声音试图创造一个真空,一个沉默的次等人。因此,在这些特殊的例子中,文学不仅仅是恢复记忆,而是揭开沉默,重新赋予人物以声音。正如Gloria Andalzua(1987)所写的那样,“我会有我的声音:印度人,西班牙人,白人。”我要有蛇的舌头,女人的声音,性的声音,诗人的声音。我将克服沉默的传统”(81)。安达尔苏亚并不认为她的声音已经被遗忘了;从来没有人听说过。与此类似,乌瓦·德·阿拉贡的《沉默的记忆》(2014;《沉默的记忆》(2002年)反映了古巴最近的历史,特别是古巴革命造成的家庭分离。通过对人物的描述,她试图还原古巴的过去,并思考未来的家庭关系可能会变成什么样子。《沉默的记忆》探讨了在古巴革命开始时被分开的两姐妹生活中的差异和共同点。1959年,18岁的双胞胎姐妹劳里和门楚有着共同的过去,但她们的生活突然出现了看似不可调和的差异,门楚留在哈瓦那,劳里和她的新郎离开去了迈阿密。身体上的分离和由此产生的情感上的分裂导致双方都有被背叛和被拒绝的感觉。他们都觉得被抛弃了,与对方的交流被切断了。在接下来的40年里,两人在日常具体现实中过着截然不同的生活,但往往在不知不觉中,他们有着共同的里程碑、态度、价值观和亲密的秘密。在整篇文章中,读者见证并逐渐理解了产生一系列情感的各种情况:怀旧、遗憾、幻灭、痛苦、困惑,以及最重要的——对他人的渴望。简而言之,每个姐妹都想了解对方,了解她的另一半,从而在现实中了解她自己。为了做到这一点,双方都试图为对方的记忆发出声音,这是一段四十年来无人提及、无人分享的记忆,从某种意义上说,这段记忆没有存在过。但通过打破记忆的沉默,阿拉贡对古巴最近的过去进行了寓言式的总结。她不是把这对双胞胎主角想象成独立的角色,而是把他们想象成一个更大整体的一个单独部分,他们被佛罗里达海峡分隔开来,这条海峡就像一道水生的铁幕:我望向地平线,似乎有某种障碍把我最喜欢的东西一分为二。在那边,我的哥哥和姐姐,我的叔叔和阿姨,我甚至不认识的表兄妹,还有很多朋友……回到这里,我的母亲,拉扎罗,我的女儿,佩德里丁,我埋葬的死者,乡村,我的城市,我的国家……大海上那道分隔我们的线如此伤人。(199)门楚语成为古巴岛国的象征,劳里语则代表所有与古巴侨民有关的东西;但随着小说的展开,读者将每个故事视为更大叙事的补充部分。…
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引用次数: 0
Cuban Medical Internationalism: The Ebola Campaign of 2014-15 古巴医疗国际主义:2014-15年埃博拉运动
Pub Date : 2016-04-01 DOI: 10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.8.1.0009
J. Kirk, C. Walker
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引用次数: 4
期刊
The International Journal of Cuban Studies
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