Al Campbell ed., Cuban Economists on the Cuban Economy (University Press of Florida, 2013) hb 337pp. ISBN 9780813044231 and Alberto Gabriele ed., The Cuban Economy after the VI Party Congress (New York: Nova, 2013) hb 158pp. ISBN 9781622 574490Reviewed by Stephen WilkinsonThese two volumes on the Cuban economy complement one another most serendipitously in that the first, edited by Al Campbell, emeritus professor of economics from the University of Utah, concentrates on an analysis of the Cuban economy up to the adoption of the so-called Lineamientos or Guidelines for updating the Cuban model in 2011, and the second, edited by Alberto Gabriele of the United Nations in Geneva, is a briefer but more forward looking examination of the changes to the economy after the Party Congress in which the Guidelines were formally adopted. Armed with both these books, a scholar will be able to comprehensively evaluate the current state of the Cuban economy, understand the problems and challenges it faces and assess its prospects for overcoming them.The books agree fundamentally in one key aspect that is extremely important as far as this journal is concerned and that has to do with the way in which the Cuban economy, as with much else in the study of the island, is the victim of misinformation and disinformation. Both serve to redress, as Campbell explains, the bias in the study of the island's economy due to it having been made chiefly by analysts looking from the outside in and often with ideologically tinted glasses. In the case of Cuban Economists on the Cuban Economy this is an explicit aim, as the title suggests, because, with the exception of its editor, the volume is entirely composed of Cuban contributions, while The Cuban Economy after the VI Party Congress contains contributions from Cubans that are complemented by others from economists, such as Gabriele himself, who have sympathy with, rather than antagonism towards, the ideals of the socialist project.Indeed, another factor upon which both editors agree is the exceptionality of the Cuban model and the political, historical and therefore economic circumstances under which it has been forced to exist, and how this means that not only has its development been distorted by factors beyond the leadership's control, but also that a true understanding of the development that it has achieved cannot be attained without a holistic approach that takes all of these conjunctures into account. Refreshingly therefore, both volumes foreground an approach that is conscious of the complexity of the Cuban model. Both editors criticise typical western scholarship on the Cuban economy as being, at best, naive and often disingenuously shallow.These then are well-intentioned studies that aim to inform accurately and offer criticism constructively, and in doing so neither shirks from telling things how they are. Coincidentally, this edition of the journal contains articles by a key contributor to each book. Jose Luis Rodr
{"title":"Cuban Economists on the Cuban Economy","authors":"S. Wilkinson","doi":"10.2307/j.ctvx070m4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvx070m4","url":null,"abstract":"Al Campbell ed., Cuban Economists on the Cuban Economy (University Press of Florida, 2013) hb 337pp. ISBN 9780813044231 and Alberto Gabriele ed., The Cuban Economy after the VI Party Congress (New York: Nova, 2013) hb 158pp. ISBN 9781622 574490Reviewed by Stephen WilkinsonThese two volumes on the Cuban economy complement one another most serendipitously in that the first, edited by Al Campbell, emeritus professor of economics from the University of Utah, concentrates on an analysis of the Cuban economy up to the adoption of the so-called Lineamientos or Guidelines for updating the Cuban model in 2011, and the second, edited by Alberto Gabriele of the United Nations in Geneva, is a briefer but more forward looking examination of the changes to the economy after the Party Congress in which the Guidelines were formally adopted. Armed with both these books, a scholar will be able to comprehensively evaluate the current state of the Cuban economy, understand the problems and challenges it faces and assess its prospects for overcoming them.The books agree fundamentally in one key aspect that is extremely important as far as this journal is concerned and that has to do with the way in which the Cuban economy, as with much else in the study of the island, is the victim of misinformation and disinformation. Both serve to redress, as Campbell explains, the bias in the study of the island's economy due to it having been made chiefly by analysts looking from the outside in and often with ideologically tinted glasses. In the case of Cuban Economists on the Cuban Economy this is an explicit aim, as the title suggests, because, with the exception of its editor, the volume is entirely composed of Cuban contributions, while The Cuban Economy after the VI Party Congress contains contributions from Cubans that are complemented by others from economists, such as Gabriele himself, who have sympathy with, rather than antagonism towards, the ideals of the socialist project.Indeed, another factor upon which both editors agree is the exceptionality of the Cuban model and the political, historical and therefore economic circumstances under which it has been forced to exist, and how this means that not only has its development been distorted by factors beyond the leadership's control, but also that a true understanding of the development that it has achieved cannot be attained without a holistic approach that takes all of these conjunctures into account. Refreshingly therefore, both volumes foreground an approach that is conscious of the complexity of the Cuban model. Both editors criticise typical western scholarship on the Cuban economy as being, at best, naive and often disingenuously shallow.These then are well-intentioned studies that aim to inform accurately and offer criticism constructively, and in doing so neither shirks from telling things how they are. Coincidentally, this edition of the journal contains articles by a key contributor to each book. Jose Luis Rodr","PeriodicalId":254309,"journal":{"name":"The International Journal of Cuban Studies","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132048311","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-04-01DOI: 10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.5.1.0006
Robert L. Huish, Sarah A. Blue
For this issue of the International Journal of Cuban Studies we have selected three articles that explore dimensions of Cuba's unique approach to the international development landscape. The term 'Cuban internationalism' encompasses the country's broad approach to dynamic global relations that intersect economic trade, bilateral diplomacy, and social development. The authors in this issue are all careful to avoid the terminology of diplomacy, outreach or aid as the sole defining characteristics of Cuba's international relations. To us, this signifies an important recognition in the Cuban studies literature about how Cuba connects to the world. It is a mix between securing the nation's own interests, while providing valuable cooperation abroad. It follows the idea of softpower, as the ability to hold international influence through constructive engagement rather than military prowess. Cooperation is not purely philanthropic as the internationalisation of health and other sectors such as sport, agriculture and education, has noticeable benefits to the Cuban economy. At the same time Cuba's outreach to countries like Timor-Leste comes with minimal economic gain. Cuban internationalism encompasses this complex, and at times seemingly contradictory, mix of economic gain, opportunism, outreach, philanthropy, aid, solidarity and cooperation. It is perhaps one of the most uniquely integrated approaches to foreign relations in the world.The Cuban government has employed a highly distinctive approach to international relations that removes raw market-based incentive structures and incorporates progressive social development. Few nations have dedicated offices to integrate programmes in these related fields into conjoined foreign policy and development ministries. In many countries, especially in the global North, Foreign Affairs is kept quite separate from national health services. Diplomats communicate officially between heads of state, promoting their nation's political and economic interests abroad. Health workers may volunteer their time for international outreach throughout the year, but for a nation to actively employ its own medical experts for the service of others is quite rare indeed. Technical and professional training in the global North primarily occurs within the realm of post-secondary education, and often through a mix of public and private sector interests. In Cuba, the government handles it all. Some nations, like the Philippines or India, have a history of developing highly trained human resources for export, and often the personnel leave the country in the hopes of remitting their earnings home. Rarely does the country's government directly manage the pay scale and savings scheme of offshore workers. Yet in Cuba the state has a hand in all of these areas. What's more, the international initiatives are often very well coordinated through bilateral cooperation between Cuba and the host government. The articles presented here illustrate Cu
{"title":"Understanding the Place of Cuban Internationalism","authors":"Robert L. Huish, Sarah A. Blue","doi":"10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.5.1.0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.5.1.0006","url":null,"abstract":"For this issue of the International Journal of Cuban Studies we have selected three articles that explore dimensions of Cuba's unique approach to the international development landscape. The term 'Cuban internationalism' encompasses the country's broad approach to dynamic global relations that intersect economic trade, bilateral diplomacy, and social development. The authors in this issue are all careful to avoid the terminology of diplomacy, outreach or aid as the sole defining characteristics of Cuba's international relations. To us, this signifies an important recognition in the Cuban studies literature about how Cuba connects to the world. It is a mix between securing the nation's own interests, while providing valuable cooperation abroad. It follows the idea of softpower, as the ability to hold international influence through constructive engagement rather than military prowess. Cooperation is not purely philanthropic as the internationalisation of health and other sectors such as sport, agriculture and education, has noticeable benefits to the Cuban economy. At the same time Cuba's outreach to countries like Timor-Leste comes with minimal economic gain. Cuban internationalism encompasses this complex, and at times seemingly contradictory, mix of economic gain, opportunism, outreach, philanthropy, aid, solidarity and cooperation. It is perhaps one of the most uniquely integrated approaches to foreign relations in the world.The Cuban government has employed a highly distinctive approach to international relations that removes raw market-based incentive structures and incorporates progressive social development. Few nations have dedicated offices to integrate programmes in these related fields into conjoined foreign policy and development ministries. In many countries, especially in the global North, Foreign Affairs is kept quite separate from national health services. Diplomats communicate officially between heads of state, promoting their nation's political and economic interests abroad. Health workers may volunteer their time for international outreach throughout the year, but for a nation to actively employ its own medical experts for the service of others is quite rare indeed. Technical and professional training in the global North primarily occurs within the realm of post-secondary education, and often through a mix of public and private sector interests. In Cuba, the government handles it all. Some nations, like the Philippines or India, have a history of developing highly trained human resources for export, and often the personnel leave the country in the hopes of remitting their earnings home. Rarely does the country's government directly manage the pay scale and savings scheme of offshore workers. Yet in Cuba the state has a hand in all of these areas. What's more, the international initiatives are often very well coordinated through bilateral cooperation between Cuba and the host government. The articles presented here illustrate Cu","PeriodicalId":254309,"journal":{"name":"The International Journal of Cuban Studies","volume":"38 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116978548","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-04-01DOI: 10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.5.1.0061
S. Metz
Leonardo Padura Fuentes (born in Havana in 1955) is the best known and most widely read contemporary Cuban author. He has published eight novels, two volumes of short stories and seven works of non-fiction. He has also written scripts for documentaries and recently for a series of short films about Havana directed by different cinematographers. His work has been translated into at least eight languages, and he has won a number of important prizes including the Dashiell Hammett prize for the best detective novel from the international division of Writers of Crime Fiction (1996) and the Italian Premio Letterario Francesco Gelmi di Caporiacco (2010). His achievement was officially recognised in Cuba in December 2012 when the Cuban Ministry of Culture awarded him the National Prize for Literature, the country's highest literary honour.Padura always wanted to be a journalist. He studied philology and Latin American literature at the University of Havana. His voice as a writer developed as he practised 'literary journalism' in regular columns in one of the national newspapers based on interviews with intellectuals and national cultural figures. Padura is best known for a series of detective novels whose main character, Mario Conde, struggles with his job as a policeman as he yearns to realise his dream of being a writer. Each book develops 'the Count's' relationships with friends from his Havana youth as well as with his wide network of neighbours, associates and professional contacts as he investigates a crime committed in the Cuban capital during the difficult 'Special Period in the Time of Peace' of the 1990s.In each case, Conde encounters characters from various sectors of their society, and each narrative explores an aspect of Cuban social reality. Padura combines a journalist's attention to accurate documenting of the historical period with a novelist's exploration of the motivation of his characters. His vocabulary is subtle, and his dexterity with the Spanish language demonstrates that his talent has been cultivated with extensive training and years of practice. The Mario Conde novels are deftly translated into English by Peter Bush and published in the UK by Bitter Lemon Press. These are available in the US through booksellers and on the Internet.In 1998 Padura visited Coyoacan in Mexico City, including the house in which Leon Trotsky lived for several years before he was murdered in 1940. After dedicating two years to the study of that crime, he began writing. The resulting novel, El hombre que amaba a los perros was first published by Spain in 2009 by Editorial Tusquets in Barcelona, his primary publisher. In 2010 Ediciones Union, the publishing arm of UNEAC, the Union of Artists and Writers of Cuba, put out the Cuban edition. Four thousand copies were printed. About 2,000 of those were reserved for members of that prestigious organisation. The book was presented to the public at the 2011 Book Fair in Havana. In 2012 Padura was awarded the N
莱昂纳多·帕杜拉·富恩特斯(1955年生于哈瓦那)是古巴当代最著名、读者最多的作家。他出版了八部小说,两卷短篇小说和七部非虚构作品。他还为纪录片写剧本,最近还为一系列由不同摄影师执导的关于哈瓦那的短片写剧本。他的作品被翻译成至少8种语言,并获得了许多重要奖项,包括犯罪小说作家国际分部最佳侦探小说达希尔·哈米特奖(1996年)和意大利Premio Letterario Francesco Gelmi di Caporiacco奖(2010年)。2012年12月,他的成就在古巴得到了官方认可,古巴文化部授予他国家文学奖,这是古巴文学的最高荣誉。帕杜拉一直想成为一名记者。他在哈瓦那大学学习语言学和拉丁美洲文学。他在一家全国性报纸的定期专栏中,根据对知识分子和民族文化人物的采访,练习“文学新闻”,从而形成了自己作为作家的声音。帕杜拉最为人所知的是一系列侦探小说,其主人公马里奥·康德(Mario Conde)在渴望实现成为作家的梦想的同时,也在与警察的工作作斗争。每本书都描写了“伯爵”在调查20世纪90年代艰难的“和平时期的特殊时期”发生在古巴首都的一起犯罪事件时,他与哈瓦那青年时代的朋友们,以及他与邻居、同事和专业人士的广泛关系。在每一个案例中,康德都遇到了来自社会各个阶层的人物,每一个叙事都探索了古巴社会现实的一个方面。帕杜拉将记者对历史时期准确记录的关注与小说家对人物动机的探索结合起来。他的词汇量是微妙的,他对西班牙语的熟练表明他的天赋是经过广泛的训练和多年的实践培养的。马里奥·康德的小说由彼得·布什巧妙地翻译成英文,并由苦柠檬出版社在英国出版。这些书在美国可以通过书商和互联网买到。1998年,帕杜拉访问了墨西哥城的科约阿坎,包括列昂·托洛茨基在1940年被谋杀前住了几年的房子。在花了两年时间研究这一罪行后,他开始写作。2009年,他的主要出版商、巴塞罗那的编辑塔斯克茨出版社(Editorial Tusquets)首次在西班牙出版了他的小说《爱的人》(El hombre que amaba a los perros)。2010年,古巴艺术家和作家联盟(UNEAC)的出版部门Ediciones Union推出了古巴版。印刷了4000份。其中大约2000个名额留给了这个享有盛誉的组织的成员。这本书在2011年哈瓦那书展上向公众展示。2012年,帕杜拉被授予国家文学奖。《爱狗的人》很快将在美国(Farrar, Straus and Giroux, Macmillan的分公司)和英国(Bitter Lemon Press)出版英文版。帕杜拉雄心勃勃的事业已经吸引了广泛的国际关注。小说中的三个中心人物都喜欢狗:伊万,打开书的古巴作家;托洛茨基,故事开始时流亡的俄国革命家;以及1978年死于古巴的暗杀托洛茨基的拉蒙·麦卡德尔。正是麦卡德尔占据了作者和读者的大部分注意力,他就是标题中明确提到的那个人。称这本书为小说为作者提供了推测和创作以及记录的空间。斯大林掌权后,托洛茨基在苏联内部被流放,后来又被流放。梅卡德尔的生活在一定程度上是可以研究的,并留下了推测的余地。伊凡是一个虚构的人物。…
{"title":"Leonardo Padura Fuentes: Cuba's Man of Letters","authors":"S. Metz","doi":"10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.5.1.0061","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.5.1.0061","url":null,"abstract":"Leonardo Padura Fuentes (born in Havana in 1955) is the best known and most widely read contemporary Cuban author. He has published eight novels, two volumes of short stories and seven works of non-fiction. He has also written scripts for documentaries and recently for a series of short films about Havana directed by different cinematographers. His work has been translated into at least eight languages, and he has won a number of important prizes including the Dashiell Hammett prize for the best detective novel from the international division of Writers of Crime Fiction (1996) and the Italian Premio Letterario Francesco Gelmi di Caporiacco (2010). His achievement was officially recognised in Cuba in December 2012 when the Cuban Ministry of Culture awarded him the National Prize for Literature, the country's highest literary honour.Padura always wanted to be a journalist. He studied philology and Latin American literature at the University of Havana. His voice as a writer developed as he practised 'literary journalism' in regular columns in one of the national newspapers based on interviews with intellectuals and national cultural figures. Padura is best known for a series of detective novels whose main character, Mario Conde, struggles with his job as a policeman as he yearns to realise his dream of being a writer. Each book develops 'the Count's' relationships with friends from his Havana youth as well as with his wide network of neighbours, associates and professional contacts as he investigates a crime committed in the Cuban capital during the difficult 'Special Period in the Time of Peace' of the 1990s.In each case, Conde encounters characters from various sectors of their society, and each narrative explores an aspect of Cuban social reality. Padura combines a journalist's attention to accurate documenting of the historical period with a novelist's exploration of the motivation of his characters. His vocabulary is subtle, and his dexterity with the Spanish language demonstrates that his talent has been cultivated with extensive training and years of practice. The Mario Conde novels are deftly translated into English by Peter Bush and published in the UK by Bitter Lemon Press. These are available in the US through booksellers and on the Internet.In 1998 Padura visited Coyoacan in Mexico City, including the house in which Leon Trotsky lived for several years before he was murdered in 1940. After dedicating two years to the study of that crime, he began writing. The resulting novel, El hombre que amaba a los perros was first published by Spain in 2009 by Editorial Tusquets in Barcelona, his primary publisher. In 2010 Ediciones Union, the publishing arm of UNEAC, the Union of Artists and Writers of Cuba, put out the Cuban edition. Four thousand copies were printed. About 2,000 of those were reserved for members of that prestigious organisation. The book was presented to the public at the 2011 Book Fair in Havana. In 2012 Padura was awarded the N","PeriodicalId":254309,"journal":{"name":"The International Journal of Cuban Studies","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114400794","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Manuel Barcia, The Great African Slave Revolt of 1825: Cuba and the Fight for Freedom in Matanzas (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2012) hb 272pp. ISBN: 9780807143322Reviewed by Jeffrey R. Kerr-RitchieBetween January and June 1825, slaves on coffee plantations in the Coliseo region of Matanzas, Cuba, planned an uprising. At midnight on 15 June, rebels gathered at two plantations. The uprising began at the El Sabanazo estate under the leadership of Lorenzo Lucumi and Federico Carabali. Over the next several hours, the insurgents moved from plantation to plantation, killing whites, gathering arms, liberating slaves, and imbibing. At noon, they reached a tavern where they were faced-down by armed white residents and soldiers from Matanzas. The twelve-hour revolt cost the lives of forty rebels and ten whites. Over the next few weeks, the surviving insurgents were hunted down. Lorenzo was killed on 26 June, Federico on 27 June. Over the next few months, several new plots were unearthed; while groups of prisoners were executed for participating in the uprising. A total of 180 slave rebels were eventually implicated in the 1825 revolt. They included various West African ethnicities including the Carabalis, Gangas, Mandingas, and Lucumis.According to Manuel Barcia the 1825 slave revolt had two notable features. First, the uprising was extremely violent. He attributes this violence to the slaves' greater freedom of movement and their desire to succeed by killing as many whites as possible. He also suggests that such violence challenges the common view that life on coffee plantations was less harsh than in the sugar zone. The second aspect concerns the uprising's African dimensions. The post-revolt inquiry documented numerous descriptions of warlike clothing, respect for women, drumming, dancing, jumping, and the ruthless murder of victims. This connotes links to African warrior traditions that were implemented during the revolt.The 1825 slave revolt has not drawn much scholarly attention. It disappeared from public documents after 1844. Not until 1986 did a local historian in Matanzas write about it. Although some scholars have referenced it, they have invariably misunderstood the revolt's significance. Laird Bergad doubts the existence of a broader plot; while Gloria Garcia sees it as closing a cycle of slave resistance. Barcia challenges the silence by providing the first major examination of the 1825 slave revolt. He also points to its importance by situating it within a broader tradition of slave revolts in nineteenth century Cuba. Most scholars insist on the Creole nature of these revolts as exemplified by the Aponte conspiracy of 1812 and the La Escalera conspiracy of 1843-44. In contrast, Barcia insists on the African dimensions of the 1825 revolt in terms of leadership, a Pan-African ethnic solidarity, and the employment of West African war strategies. Indeed, he argues provocatively that this event represented an 'extension' of Wes
{"title":"The Great African Slave Revolt of 1825: Cuba and the Fight for Freedom in Matanzas","authors":"J. Kerr-Ritchie","doi":"10.5860/choice.50-2823","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.50-2823","url":null,"abstract":"Manuel Barcia, The Great African Slave Revolt of 1825: Cuba and the Fight for Freedom in Matanzas (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2012) hb 272pp. ISBN: 9780807143322Reviewed by Jeffrey R. Kerr-RitchieBetween January and June 1825, slaves on coffee plantations in the Coliseo region of Matanzas, Cuba, planned an uprising. At midnight on 15 June, rebels gathered at two plantations. The uprising began at the El Sabanazo estate under the leadership of Lorenzo Lucumi and Federico Carabali. Over the next several hours, the insurgents moved from plantation to plantation, killing whites, gathering arms, liberating slaves, and imbibing. At noon, they reached a tavern where they were faced-down by armed white residents and soldiers from Matanzas. The twelve-hour revolt cost the lives of forty rebels and ten whites. Over the next few weeks, the surviving insurgents were hunted down. Lorenzo was killed on 26 June, Federico on 27 June. Over the next few months, several new plots were unearthed; while groups of prisoners were executed for participating in the uprising. A total of 180 slave rebels were eventually implicated in the 1825 revolt. They included various West African ethnicities including the Carabalis, Gangas, Mandingas, and Lucumis.According to Manuel Barcia the 1825 slave revolt had two notable features. First, the uprising was extremely violent. He attributes this violence to the slaves' greater freedom of movement and their desire to succeed by killing as many whites as possible. He also suggests that such violence challenges the common view that life on coffee plantations was less harsh than in the sugar zone. The second aspect concerns the uprising's African dimensions. The post-revolt inquiry documented numerous descriptions of warlike clothing, respect for women, drumming, dancing, jumping, and the ruthless murder of victims. This connotes links to African warrior traditions that were implemented during the revolt.The 1825 slave revolt has not drawn much scholarly attention. It disappeared from public documents after 1844. Not until 1986 did a local historian in Matanzas write about it. Although some scholars have referenced it, they have invariably misunderstood the revolt's significance. Laird Bergad doubts the existence of a broader plot; while Gloria Garcia sees it as closing a cycle of slave resistance. Barcia challenges the silence by providing the first major examination of the 1825 slave revolt. He also points to its importance by situating it within a broader tradition of slave revolts in nineteenth century Cuba. Most scholars insist on the Creole nature of these revolts as exemplified by the Aponte conspiracy of 1812 and the La Escalera conspiracy of 1843-44. In contrast, Barcia insists on the African dimensions of the 1825 revolt in terms of leadership, a Pan-African ethnic solidarity, and the employment of West African war strategies. Indeed, he argues provocatively that this event represented an 'extension' of Wes","PeriodicalId":254309,"journal":{"name":"The International Journal of Cuban Studies","volume":"154 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123743136","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-01-03DOI: 10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.5.1.0026
Robert L. Huish, T. Carter, S. Darnell
The Cuban government creates and seeks opportunities to engage in collaboration, diplomacy, commerce, and trade in order to pursue its own concepts of progressive international development, which involves garnering much needed hard currency and political benefits for its national interests. Such strategies include the organisation and deployment of sport and physical activity programmes. Based on our analysis of, and interactions with, Cuba’s Ministry of Sport – the Instituto Nacional de Deportes, Educacion Fisica y Recreacion (INDER) – we suggest that INDER pursues both sport development and sport for development – at home and abroad – while simultaneously seeking economic benefits through its for-profit enterprise division named Cubadeportes. The implications of this comprehensive and sometimes contradictory approach are considered, in terms of politics, policy, internationalism and the place of sport therein.
{"title":"The (soft) power of sport: The comprehensive and contradictory strategies of Cuba's sport-based internationalism","authors":"Robert L. Huish, T. Carter, S. Darnell","doi":"10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.5.1.0026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.5.1.0026","url":null,"abstract":"The Cuban government creates and seeks opportunities to engage in collaboration, diplomacy, commerce, and trade in order to pursue its own concepts of progressive international development, which involves garnering much needed hard currency and political benefits for its national interests. Such strategies include the organisation and deployment of sport and physical activity programmes. Based on our analysis of, and interactions with, Cuba’s Ministry of Sport – the Instituto Nacional de Deportes, Educacion Fisica y Recreacion (INDER) – we suggest that INDER pursues both sport development and sport for development – at home and abroad – while simultaneously seeking economic benefits through its for-profit enterprise division named Cubadeportes. The implications of this comprehensive and sometimes contradictory approach are considered, in terms of politics, policy, internationalism and the place of sport therein.","PeriodicalId":254309,"journal":{"name":"The International Journal of Cuban Studies","volume":"41 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-01-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127423116","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.13169/intejcubastud.12.2.0300
Linger
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