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Cuban Economists on the Cuban Economy 古巴经济学家谈古巴经济
Pub Date : 2013-07-01 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctvx070m4
S. Wilkinson
Al Campbell ed., Cuban Economists on the Cuban Economy (University Press of Florida, 2013) hb 337pp. ISBN 9780813044231 and Alberto Gabriele ed., The Cuban Economy after the VI Party Congress (New York: Nova, 2013) hb 158pp. ISBN 9781622 574490Reviewed by Stephen WilkinsonThese two volumes on the Cuban economy complement one another most serendipitously in that the first, edited by Al Campbell, emeritus professor of economics from the University of Utah, concentrates on an analysis of the Cuban economy up to the adoption of the so-called Lineamientos or Guidelines for updating the Cuban model in 2011, and the second, edited by Alberto Gabriele of the United Nations in Geneva, is a briefer but more forward looking examination of the changes to the economy after the Party Congress in which the Guidelines were formally adopted. Armed with both these books, a scholar will be able to comprehensively evaluate the current state of the Cuban economy, understand the problems and challenges it faces and assess its prospects for overcoming them.The books agree fundamentally in one key aspect that is extremely important as far as this journal is concerned and that has to do with the way in which the Cuban economy, as with much else in the study of the island, is the victim of misinformation and disinformation. Both serve to redress, as Campbell explains, the bias in the study of the island's economy due to it having been made chiefly by analysts looking from the outside in and often with ideologically tinted glasses. In the case of Cuban Economists on the Cuban Economy this is an explicit aim, as the title suggests, because, with the exception of its editor, the volume is entirely composed of Cuban contributions, while The Cuban Economy after the VI Party Congress contains contributions from Cubans that are complemented by others from economists, such as Gabriele himself, who have sympathy with, rather than antagonism towards, the ideals of the socialist project.Indeed, another factor upon which both editors agree is the exceptionality of the Cuban model and the political, historical and therefore economic circumstances under which it has been forced to exist, and how this means that not only has its development been distorted by factors beyond the leadership's control, but also that a true understanding of the development that it has achieved cannot be attained without a holistic approach that takes all of these conjunctures into account. Refreshingly therefore, both volumes foreground an approach that is conscious of the complexity of the Cuban model. Both editors criticise typical western scholarship on the Cuban economy as being, at best, naive and often disingenuously shallow.These then are well-intentioned studies that aim to inform accurately and offer criticism constructively, and in doing so neither shirks from telling things how they are. Coincidentally, this edition of the journal contains articles by a key contributor to each book. Jose Luis Rodr
艾尔坎贝尔编,古巴经济学家对古巴经济(佛罗里达大学出版社,2013年)hb 337页。ISBN 9780813044231和Alberto Gabriele主编,第六次党代会后的古巴经济(纽约:Nova, 2013) hb 158页。这两卷关于古巴经济的书相互补充,因为第一卷由犹他大学经济学名誉教授Al Campbell编辑,主要分析古巴经济直到2011年通过所谓的“Lineamientos”或“古巴模式更新指南”,第二卷由联合国日内瓦办事处的Alberto Gabriele编辑。是对党代会正式通过《指导方针》后经济变化的更简短但更具前瞻性的考察。有了这两本书,学者将能够全面评估古巴经济的现状,了解其面临的问题和挑战,并评估其克服这些问题和挑战的前景。两本书在一个关键方面基本一致,这一点对本刊来说极为重要,那就是古巴经济,就像对这个岛屿的许多其他研究一样,是错误信息和虚假信息的受害者。正如坎贝尔所解释的那样,两者都有助于纠正对该岛经济研究中的偏见,因为它主要是由分析师从外部向内观察,而且往往带有意识形态色彩的眼镜。就《古巴经济学家论古巴经济》而言,正如标题所示,这是一个明确的目标,因为除了编辑之外,该卷完全由古巴人的贡献组成,而第六次党代会后的《古巴经济》包含古巴人的贡献,并补充了其他经济学家的贡献,如加布里埃尔本人,他们同情而不是反对社会主义项目的理想。事实上,两位编辑都同意的另一个因素是古巴模式的特殊性,以及它被迫存在的政治、历史和经济环境,这意味着不仅古巴模式的发展被领导层无法控制的因素所扭曲,而且如果不采取综合考虑所有这些因素的办法,就无法真正理解古巴模式所取得的发展。因此,令人耳目一新的是,这两卷都突出了一种意识到古巴模式复杂性的方法。两位编辑都批评了典型的西方学者对古巴经济的研究,认为他们充其量是天真的,而且往往是虚伪的肤浅。这些都是善意的研究,旨在准确地提供信息,并提供建设性的批评,这样做既不会逃避告诉事情的真相。巧合的是,这一版的杂志包含了每本书的主要贡献者的文章。古巴前经济和计划部长何塞·路易斯·罗德里格斯(Jose Luis Rodriguez)现在是哈瓦那世界经济研究中心的顾问,他以概述社会主义经济的前五十年开始Al Campbell的版本,而Gabriele的卷则由哈瓦那大学古巴经济研究中心的胡安·特里亚纳·科尔多瓦(Juan Triana Cordovi)介绍了最近变化的政治决定因素。两人都对一些令岛外许多人感到不安的事情发表了激烈的评论。无论古巴在引入市场方面走了多远,双方都明确表示,这不应被解读为古巴打算回归资本主义的迹象。在这两份文件中,都清楚地贯穿了这两份文件,正如他们在英国所说的那样:“就像布莱克浦穿过一根岩石”——也就是说,完全一致地——古巴领导人的目标正是要拯救社会主义,而不是摧毁它。古巴正在进行经济转型,旨在实现它从苏联复制的社会主义模式未能实现的目标:在社会主义国家实现真正的发展。…
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引用次数: 3
Understanding the Place of Cuban Internationalism 了解古巴国际主义的地位
Pub Date : 2013-04-01 DOI: 10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.5.1.0006
Robert L. Huish, Sarah A. Blue
For this issue of the International Journal of Cuban Studies we have selected three articles that explore dimensions of Cuba's unique approach to the international development landscape. The term 'Cuban internationalism' encompasses the country's broad approach to dynamic global relations that intersect economic trade, bilateral diplomacy, and social development. The authors in this issue are all careful to avoid the terminology of diplomacy, outreach or aid as the sole defining characteristics of Cuba's international relations. To us, this signifies an important recognition in the Cuban studies literature about how Cuba connects to the world. It is a mix between securing the nation's own interests, while providing valuable cooperation abroad. It follows the idea of softpower, as the ability to hold international influence through constructive engagement rather than military prowess. Cooperation is not purely philanthropic as the internationalisation of health and other sectors such as sport, agriculture and education, has noticeable benefits to the Cuban economy. At the same time Cuba's outreach to countries like Timor-Leste comes with minimal economic gain. Cuban internationalism encompasses this complex, and at times seemingly contradictory, mix of economic gain, opportunism, outreach, philanthropy, aid, solidarity and cooperation. It is perhaps one of the most uniquely integrated approaches to foreign relations in the world.The Cuban government has employed a highly distinctive approach to international relations that removes raw market-based incentive structures and incorporates progressive social development. Few nations have dedicated offices to integrate programmes in these related fields into conjoined foreign policy and development ministries. In many countries, especially in the global North, Foreign Affairs is kept quite separate from national health services. Diplomats communicate officially between heads of state, promoting their nation's political and economic interests abroad. Health workers may volunteer their time for international outreach throughout the year, but for a nation to actively employ its own medical experts for the service of others is quite rare indeed. Technical and professional training in the global North primarily occurs within the realm of post-secondary education, and often through a mix of public and private sector interests. In Cuba, the government handles it all. Some nations, like the Philippines or India, have a history of developing highly trained human resources for export, and often the personnel leave the country in the hopes of remitting their earnings home. Rarely does the country's government directly manage the pay scale and savings scheme of offshore workers. Yet in Cuba the state has a hand in all of these areas. What's more, the international initiatives are often very well coordinated through bilateral cooperation between Cuba and the host government. The articles presented here illustrate Cu
在本期《国际古巴研究杂志》中,我们选择了三篇文章,探讨古巴对国际发展格局的独特做法的各个方面。“古巴国际主义”一词涵盖了古巴在经济贸易、双边外交和社会发展等动态全球关系中的广泛做法。本期的作者都小心避免使用外交、外联或援助等术语作为古巴国际关系的唯一特征。对我们来说,这标志着古巴研究文献对古巴如何与世界联系的重要认识。它既要确保国家自身利益,又要在海外提供有价值的合作。它遵循软实力的理念,即通过建设性接触而不是军事实力来保持国际影响力的能力。合作并非纯粹是慈善性质的,因为卫生和体育、农业和教育等其他部门的国际化对古巴经济有明显的好处。与此同时,古巴向东帝汶等国伸出援手,却只带来了极少的经济利益。古巴的国际主义包含了经济利益、机会主义、外联、慈善、援助、团结与合作等复杂的、有时看似矛盾的东西。这也许是世界上处理外交关系的最独特的综合方法之一。古巴政府在处理国际关系方面采取了一种非常独特的方式,取消了原始的以市场为基础的激励结构,并纳入了渐进的社会发展。很少有国家有专门的办事处将这些有关领域的方案纳入联合的外交政策部和发展部。在许多国家,特别是北半球国家,外交事务与国家保健服务是完全分开的。外交官在国家元首之间进行正式沟通,促进本国在海外的政治和经济利益。卫生工作者可以全年自愿奉献自己的时间进行国际推广,但对于一个国家来说,积极雇用自己的医疗专家为他人服务确实是相当罕见的。全球北方的技术和专业培训主要是在高等教育领域内进行的,通常是通过公共和私营部门的利益混合进行的。在古巴,政府掌管一切。一些国家,如菲律宾或印度,有为出口开发训练有素的人力资源的历史,这些人员往往离开该国,希望将他们的收入汇回国内。该国政府很少直接管理海外工人的工资水平和储蓄计划。然而在古巴,政府在所有这些领域都有干预。更重要的是,通过古巴和东道国政府之间的双边合作,国际倡议经常得到很好的协调。这里提出的文章说明了古巴通过注重体育、保健和技术合作带来的报酬,对国际发展采取的独特做法。本期特刊的所有作者都强调古巴国际主义的特殊性。虽然古巴的国际主义本身仍处于发展进程中,但它可以促进重要的对话,讨论如何在实现国内国家利益的同时,在全球南方各地促进外交和援助。现实主义政治学家认为,民族国家总是首先寻求实现自己的利益,因为存在社会构建的文化纽带,迫使个人满足本国同胞的需求,而不是国外的需求。这一假设的预期结果是,当国家方便时,它们将把援助视为国家盈余的产物,而不是以同样的道德权威来对待自己的国家利益。这种情况可能会一次又一次地发生。...
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引用次数: 3
Leonardo Padura Fuentes: Cuba's Man of Letters 莱昂纳多·帕杜拉·富恩特斯:古巴的文学家
Pub Date : 2013-04-01 DOI: 10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.5.1.0061
S. Metz
Leonardo Padura Fuentes (born in Havana in 1955) is the best known and most widely read contemporary Cuban author. He has published eight novels, two volumes of short stories and seven works of non-fiction. He has also written scripts for documentaries and recently for a series of short films about Havana directed by different cinematographers. His work has been translated into at least eight languages, and he has won a number of important prizes including the Dashiell Hammett prize for the best detective novel from the international division of Writers of Crime Fiction (1996) and the Italian Premio Letterario Francesco Gelmi di Caporiacco (2010). His achievement was officially recognised in Cuba in December 2012 when the Cuban Ministry of Culture awarded him the National Prize for Literature, the country's highest literary honour.Padura always wanted to be a journalist. He studied philology and Latin American literature at the University of Havana. His voice as a writer developed as he practised 'literary journalism' in regular columns in one of the national newspapers based on interviews with intellectuals and national cultural figures. Padura is best known for a series of detective novels whose main character, Mario Conde, struggles with his job as a policeman as he yearns to realise his dream of being a writer. Each book develops 'the Count's' relationships with friends from his Havana youth as well as with his wide network of neighbours, associates and professional contacts as he investigates a crime committed in the Cuban capital during the difficult 'Special Period in the Time of Peace' of the 1990s.In each case, Conde encounters characters from various sectors of their society, and each narrative explores an aspect of Cuban social reality. Padura combines a journalist's attention to accurate documenting of the historical period with a novelist's exploration of the motivation of his characters. His vocabulary is subtle, and his dexterity with the Spanish language demonstrates that his talent has been cultivated with extensive training and years of practice. The Mario Conde novels are deftly translated into English by Peter Bush and published in the UK by Bitter Lemon Press. These are available in the US through booksellers and on the Internet.In 1998 Padura visited Coyoacan in Mexico City, including the house in which Leon Trotsky lived for several years before he was murdered in 1940. After dedicating two years to the study of that crime, he began writing. The resulting novel, El hombre que amaba a los perros was first published by Spain in 2009 by Editorial Tusquets in Barcelona, his primary publisher. In 2010 Ediciones Union, the publishing arm of UNEAC, the Union of Artists and Writers of Cuba, put out the Cuban edition. Four thousand copies were printed. About 2,000 of those were reserved for members of that prestigious organisation. The book was presented to the public at the 2011 Book Fair in Havana. In 2012 Padura was awarded the N
莱昂纳多·帕杜拉·富恩特斯(1955年生于哈瓦那)是古巴当代最著名、读者最多的作家。他出版了八部小说,两卷短篇小说和七部非虚构作品。他还为纪录片写剧本,最近还为一系列由不同摄影师执导的关于哈瓦那的短片写剧本。他的作品被翻译成至少8种语言,并获得了许多重要奖项,包括犯罪小说作家国际分部最佳侦探小说达希尔·哈米特奖(1996年)和意大利Premio Letterario Francesco Gelmi di Caporiacco奖(2010年)。2012年12月,他的成就在古巴得到了官方认可,古巴文化部授予他国家文学奖,这是古巴文学的最高荣誉。帕杜拉一直想成为一名记者。他在哈瓦那大学学习语言学和拉丁美洲文学。他在一家全国性报纸的定期专栏中,根据对知识分子和民族文化人物的采访,练习“文学新闻”,从而形成了自己作为作家的声音。帕杜拉最为人所知的是一系列侦探小说,其主人公马里奥·康德(Mario Conde)在渴望实现成为作家的梦想的同时,也在与警察的工作作斗争。每本书都描写了“伯爵”在调查20世纪90年代艰难的“和平时期的特殊时期”发生在古巴首都的一起犯罪事件时,他与哈瓦那青年时代的朋友们,以及他与邻居、同事和专业人士的广泛关系。在每一个案例中,康德都遇到了来自社会各个阶层的人物,每一个叙事都探索了古巴社会现实的一个方面。帕杜拉将记者对历史时期准确记录的关注与小说家对人物动机的探索结合起来。他的词汇量是微妙的,他对西班牙语的熟练表明他的天赋是经过广泛的训练和多年的实践培养的。马里奥·康德的小说由彼得·布什巧妙地翻译成英文,并由苦柠檬出版社在英国出版。这些书在美国可以通过书商和互联网买到。1998年,帕杜拉访问了墨西哥城的科约阿坎,包括列昂·托洛茨基在1940年被谋杀前住了几年的房子。在花了两年时间研究这一罪行后,他开始写作。2009年,他的主要出版商、巴塞罗那的编辑塔斯克茨出版社(Editorial Tusquets)首次在西班牙出版了他的小说《爱的人》(El hombre que amaba a los perros)。2010年,古巴艺术家和作家联盟(UNEAC)的出版部门Ediciones Union推出了古巴版。印刷了4000份。其中大约2000个名额留给了这个享有盛誉的组织的成员。这本书在2011年哈瓦那书展上向公众展示。2012年,帕杜拉被授予国家文学奖。《爱狗的人》很快将在美国(Farrar, Straus and Giroux, Macmillan的分公司)和英国(Bitter Lemon Press)出版英文版。帕杜拉雄心勃勃的事业已经吸引了广泛的国际关注。小说中的三个中心人物都喜欢狗:伊万,打开书的古巴作家;托洛茨基,故事开始时流亡的俄国革命家;以及1978年死于古巴的暗杀托洛茨基的拉蒙·麦卡德尔。正是麦卡德尔占据了作者和读者的大部分注意力,他就是标题中明确提到的那个人。称这本书为小说为作者提供了推测和创作以及记录的空间。斯大林掌权后,托洛茨基在苏联内部被流放,后来又被流放。梅卡德尔的生活在一定程度上是可以研究的,并留下了推测的余地。伊凡是一个虚构的人物。…
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引用次数: 0
The Great African Slave Revolt of 1825: Cuba and the Fight for Freedom in Matanzas 1825年的非洲奴隶大起义:古巴和马坦萨斯的自由之战
Pub Date : 2013-04-01 DOI: 10.5860/choice.50-2823
J. Kerr-Ritchie
Manuel Barcia, The Great African Slave Revolt of 1825: Cuba and the Fight for Freedom in Matanzas (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2012) hb 272pp. ISBN: 9780807143322Reviewed by Jeffrey R. Kerr-RitchieBetween January and June 1825, slaves on coffee plantations in the Coliseo region of Matanzas, Cuba, planned an uprising. At midnight on 15 June, rebels gathered at two plantations. The uprising began at the El Sabanazo estate under the leadership of Lorenzo Lucumi and Federico Carabali. Over the next several hours, the insurgents moved from plantation to plantation, killing whites, gathering arms, liberating slaves, and imbibing. At noon, they reached a tavern where they were faced-down by armed white residents and soldiers from Matanzas. The twelve-hour revolt cost the lives of forty rebels and ten whites. Over the next few weeks, the surviving insurgents were hunted down. Lorenzo was killed on 26 June, Federico on 27 June. Over the next few months, several new plots were unearthed; while groups of prisoners were executed for participating in the uprising. A total of 180 slave rebels were eventually implicated in the 1825 revolt. They included various West African ethnicities including the Carabalis, Gangas, Mandingas, and Lucumis.According to Manuel Barcia the 1825 slave revolt had two notable features. First, the uprising was extremely violent. He attributes this violence to the slaves' greater freedom of movement and their desire to succeed by killing as many whites as possible. He also suggests that such violence challenges the common view that life on coffee plantations was less harsh than in the sugar zone. The second aspect concerns the uprising's African dimensions. The post-revolt inquiry documented numerous descriptions of warlike clothing, respect for women, drumming, dancing, jumping, and the ruthless murder of victims. This connotes links to African warrior traditions that were implemented during the revolt.The 1825 slave revolt has not drawn much scholarly attention. It disappeared from public documents after 1844. Not until 1986 did a local historian in Matanzas write about it. Although some scholars have referenced it, they have invariably misunderstood the revolt's significance. Laird Bergad doubts the existence of a broader plot; while Gloria Garcia sees it as closing a cycle of slave resistance. Barcia challenges the silence by providing the first major examination of the 1825 slave revolt. He also points to its importance by situating it within a broader tradition of slave revolts in nineteenth century Cuba. Most scholars insist on the Creole nature of these revolts as exemplified by the Aponte conspiracy of 1812 and the La Escalera conspiracy of 1843-44. In contrast, Barcia insists on the African dimensions of the 1825 revolt in terms of leadership, a Pan-African ethnic solidarity, and the employment of West African war strategies. Indeed, he argues provocatively that this event represented an 'extension' of Wes
曼努埃尔·巴西亚,《1825年非洲奴隶大起义:古巴和马坦萨斯的自由之战》(巴吞鲁日:路易斯安那州立大学出版社,2012)hb 272页。1825年1月至6月,古巴马坦萨斯Coliseo地区咖啡种植园的奴隶们策划了一场起义。6月15日午夜,叛乱分子聚集在两个种植园。起义开始于El Sabanazo庄园,由Lorenzo Lucumi和Federico Carabali领导。在接下来的几个小时里,叛乱分子从一个种植园转移到另一个种植园,杀害白人,收集武器,解放奴隶,并大肆饮酒。中午,他们来到了一家酒馆,在那里他们遭到了武装的白人居民和来自马坦萨斯的士兵的攻击。这场持续了12个小时的起义导致40名反叛者和10名白人丧生。在接下来的几个星期里,幸存的叛乱分子被追捕。洛伦佐于6月26日被杀,费德里科于6月27日被杀。在接下来的几个月里,又发现了几个新的阴谋;而成群的囚犯因参加起义而被处决。总共有180名奴隶叛乱者参与了1825年的起义。他们包括各种西非种族,包括卡拉巴里斯人、Gangas人、Mandingas人和Lucumis人。根据曼努埃尔·巴尔西亚的说法,1825年的奴隶起义有两个显著特征。首先,起义非常暴力。他将这种暴力行为归因于奴隶们有更大的行动自由,以及他们想通过杀死尽可能多的白人来取得成功的愿望。他还指出,这样的暴力事件挑战了人们的普遍看法,即咖啡种植园的生活没有甘蔗种植区那么严酷。第二个方面涉及起义的非洲层面。起义后的调查记录了大量关于战争服装、对妇女的尊重、击鼓、跳舞、跳跃以及对受害者的无情谋杀的描述。这与起义期间实施的非洲战士传统有关。1825年的奴隶起义并没有引起太多的学术关注。1844年后,它从公共文件中消失了。直到1986年,马坦萨斯的一位当地历史学家才写到了这一点。虽然一些学者引用了它,但他们总是误解了起义的意义。莱尔德·贝里加德怀疑是否存在更广泛的阴谋;而格洛丽亚·加西亚认为这结束了奴隶反抗的循环。Barcia通过对1825年奴隶起义的首次重大考察,挑战了沉默。他还通过将其置于19世纪古巴奴隶起义的更广泛传统中来指出其重要性。大多数学者坚持认为这些起义具有克里奥尔性质,例如1812年的阿庞特阴谋和1843-44年的埃斯卡克拉阴谋。相比之下,Barcia坚持1825年起义的非洲层面,包括领导、泛非民族团结和西非战争战略的运用。事实上,他挑衅性地指出,这一事件代表了西非战争在古巴的“延伸”(第151页)。此外,他补充说,在接下来的20年里,在西非战争的阴影下,古巴发生了大量的奴隶起义。…
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引用次数: 1
The (soft) power of sport: The comprehensive and contradictory strategies of Cuba's sport-based internationalism 体育(软)实力:古巴体育国际主义的综合与矛盾战略
Pub Date : 2013-01-03 DOI: 10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.5.1.0026
Robert L. Huish, T. Carter, S. Darnell
The Cuban government creates and seeks opportunities to engage in collaboration, diplomacy, commerce, and trade in order to pursue its own concepts of progressive international development, which involves garnering much needed hard currency and political benefits for its national interests. Such strategies include the organisation and deployment of sport and physical activity programmes. Based on our analysis of, and interactions with, Cuba’s Ministry of Sport – the Instituto Nacional de Deportes, Educacion Fisica y Recreacion (INDER) – we suggest that INDER pursues both sport development and sport for development – at home and abroad – while simultaneously seeking economic benefits through its for-profit enterprise division named Cubadeportes. The implications of this comprehensive and sometimes contradictory approach are considered, in terms of politics, policy, internationalism and the place of sport therein.
古巴政府创造并寻求参与合作、外交、商业和贸易的机会,以追求自己的渐进式国际发展概念,这包括为其国家利益获得急需的硬通货和政治利益。这些战略包括组织和实施体育和身体活动规划。根据我们对古巴体育部——国家体育、教育、财政和娱乐研究所(INDER)的分析和与之的互动,我们建议INDER在国内外同时追求体育发展和体育促进发展,同时通过其名为Cubadeportes的营利性企业部门寻求经济利益。从政治、政策、国际主义和体育在其中的地位等方面考虑了这种全面的、有时是相互矛盾的办法的影响。
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引用次数: 11
Toward a more inclusive history of the Cuban revolution of 1959 向着更包容的1959年古巴革命历史迈进
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.13169/intejcubastud.12.2.0300
Linger
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引用次数: 0
Palliative Care: A Future Challenge for the Cuban Health System 姑息治疗:古巴卫生系统未来的挑战
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.13169/intejcubastud.10.2.0230
Álvarez, Wilkinson
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引用次数: 0
Social and Solidarity Economy and the Transformation of the Cuban Economic Model 社会和团结经济以及古巴经济模式的转变
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.13169/intejcubastud.10.2.0209
Rafael Betancourt
as a consequence of the recent economic reforms, many believe that Cuban society is in reality evolving towards the deconstruction of its social and solidarity economy and that the economic players are less and less responsible towards the society and the environment. Is it true that we run the risk that greed and narrow-minded personal pursuit will supplant social values such as righteousness, generosity, compassion, cooperation, empathy and community? This article examines the concept of the social and solidarity economy (SSe) applied to the Cuban reality, beginning with a characterisation of its economic system based on the mixed or plural economy model. It concludes that a Cuban SSe is the potential union of those three spheres – public, enterprise and private – comprised of a variety of economic actors – State, associative and autonomous – that adopts the principles of responsibility towards society and the environment.
由于最近的经济改革,许多人认为古巴社会实际上正朝着解构其社会和团结经济的方向发展,经济参与者对社会和环境的责任越来越少。贪婪和狭隘的个人追求将取代正义、慷慨、同情、合作、同情和社区等社会价值观,这是真的吗?本文探讨社会与团结经济(SSe)的概念适用于古巴的现实,从描述其基于混合或多元经济模式的经济制度开始。它的结论是,古巴的SSe是公共、企业和私人这三个领域的潜在联盟,由各种经济行为者- -国家、联合和自治- -组成,并采取对社会和环境负责的原则。
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引用次数: 4
The Us–cuba Policy Shift as Viewed by the New York Times: A Critical Analysis from the Island 《纽约时报》眼中的美古政策转变:一个来自古巴的批判性分析
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.9.2.0180
Yoan Karell Acosta González
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引用次数: 0
The Cuban Political System: Current Status and Possible Reforms for an Integral and Democratic Participative Transformation 古巴政治制度:现状和可能的改革,以实现整体和民主参与的转型
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.13169/INTEJCUBASTUD.10.2.0175
Emilio Antonio, Duharte Díaz
The present article tries to offer a contribution to the integral analysis of the possible reforms in Cuba that surpass the economic sphere, strengthen the widest democratic participation and the national political consensus. This is done through a critical examination of the most recent and main debates and political events in Cuba until the middle of 2018 and the prospects of change. It is argued that the updating of the Cuban model of socialist development must continue to deepen the economic development but must be accompanied more intensely by important reforms of political, cultural, social and ideological development, which guarantee the integrality of the processes of revolutionary transformation of Cuban society. The article makes a broad proposal of possible political reforms in the country, beginning with the already initiated popular consultation for the elaboration of a new socialist Constitution. The conclusion establishes as a key premise of political development the necessity of a popular participation that is increasingly broad, active, direct, systematic, creative, real and effective in making the most important decisions in the country.
本文试图为全面分析古巴可能进行的超越经济领域的改革、加强最广泛的民主参与和全国政治协商一致意见作出贡献。这是通过对2018年中期之前古巴最近和主要辩论和政治事件以及变革前景的批判性审查来完成的。有人认为,古巴社会主义发展模式的更新必须继续深化经济发展,但必须更强烈地伴随着政治、文化、社会和意识形态发展的重要改革,以保证古巴社会革命转型进程的完整性。该条对该国可能进行的政治改革提出了广泛的建议,首先是已经开始的拟订新的社会主义宪法的全民协商。结论确立了政治发展的一个关键前提,即人民参与的必要性,这种参与在作出该国最重要的决定方面日益广泛、积极、直接、系统、有创造性、真实和有效。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
The International Journal of Cuban Studies
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