John Donne's satiric The Progresse of the Soule is generally tagged as a highly original though unsuccessful poem of doubtful taste. What is original in the poem is what its critics apparently think made it "unsuccessful." Don Cameron Allen isolates its originality as recondite allusions to erudite materials that came to form the mock heroic episodes in a Spenserian-like allegorized epic. He then comments, "There is in literature, so far as I know, no pattern for such a poem, which is perhaps a way of saying that it could not succeed."1 The poem is not successful as an epic, obviously, because it breaks off after fifty-two stanzas. Nonetheless the poem is a skillful one, well suited to young Donne's paradoxical mind which delighted in the witty argument of opposing ideas raised by the chaotic and illogical incidents of a fallen world. It is unfortunate, moreover, that an old but unjustified stigma of "poor taste" has attached itself like an epithet to the poem since this generalization has tended to direct modem studies into the poem's curiosities rather than into a necessary re-evaluation of its artistry. If the poem is representative of the vigorously casuistic Donne of the turn of the century, the manner of presentation is accordingly unconventional, in order that the episodes of the poem breathe life into the frozen emblems popular at the time. Presenting a libertine, naturalistic view of creation and the continuing chain of life, Donne raises heretical questions in his dialectic on the emblematic pictures. Such condensed language produces a harshness somewhat like that of his satirical verse of the 1590's. It is the purpose of this study to show that Donne's narrative is carefully wrought to give macrocosmic perspective to the poem as well as to show that each episode achieves its own balance or a balance with other episodes through structure and through witty similia interlaced with aphoristic pronouncements. The poem, then, may best be described as considerations of heretical and orthodox opinions on creation derived from emblematic pictures, quickened by Donne's strong-lined poetry. Significantly, the ambiguity of the last words of the poem reveals the creative impulse behind the narrative: "TKer's nothing simply good, nor ill alone,/ Of every quality comparison,/ The onely measure is, and judge, opinion."2 If the frame of reference is agnostic, Donne is heretically suggesting that opinion furnishes men their only
{"title":"John Donne's The Progresse of the Soule: a Re-evaluation","authors":"John A. Thomas","doi":"10.1353/RMR.1971.0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/RMR.1971.0008","url":null,"abstract":"John Donne's satiric The Progresse of the Soule is generally tagged as a highly original though unsuccessful poem of doubtful taste. What is original in the poem is what its critics apparently think made it \"unsuccessful.\" Don Cameron Allen isolates its originality as recondite allusions to erudite materials that came to form the mock heroic episodes in a Spenserian-like allegorized epic. He then comments, \"There is in literature, so far as I know, no pattern for such a poem, which is perhaps a way of saying that it could not succeed.\"1 The poem is not successful as an epic, obviously, because it breaks off after fifty-two stanzas. Nonetheless the poem is a skillful one, well suited to young Donne's paradoxical mind which delighted in the witty argument of opposing ideas raised by the chaotic and illogical incidents of a fallen world. It is unfortunate, moreover, that an old but unjustified stigma of \"poor taste\" has attached itself like an epithet to the poem since this generalization has tended to direct modem studies into the poem's curiosities rather than into a necessary re-evaluation of its artistry. If the poem is representative of the vigorously casuistic Donne of the turn of the century, the manner of presentation is accordingly unconventional, in order that the episodes of the poem breathe life into the frozen emblems popular at the time. Presenting a libertine, naturalistic view of creation and the continuing chain of life, Donne raises heretical questions in his dialectic on the emblematic pictures. Such condensed language produces a harshness somewhat like that of his satirical verse of the 1590's. It is the purpose of this study to show that Donne's narrative is carefully wrought to give macrocosmic perspective to the poem as well as to show that each episode achieves its own balance or a balance with other episodes through structure and through witty similia interlaced with aphoristic pronouncements. The poem, then, may best be described as considerations of heretical and orthodox opinions on creation derived from emblematic pictures, quickened by Donne's strong-lined poetry. Significantly, the ambiguity of the last words of the poem reveals the creative impulse behind the narrative: \"TKer's nothing simply good, nor ill alone,/ Of every quality comparison,/ The onely measure is, and judge, opinion.\"2 If the frame of reference is agnostic, Donne is heretically suggesting that opinion furnishes men their only","PeriodicalId":344945,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of the Rocky Mountain Modern Language Association","volume":"90 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1971-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131851040","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Du taoisme chez Simone Weil","authors":"Lin-yi C. Wu","doi":"10.1353/RMR.1971.0017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/RMR.1971.0017","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":344945,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of the Rocky Mountain Modern Language Association","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1971-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123944033","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Unlike the swashbuckling adventures of a Renaissance hero such as Benvenuto Cellini, the Essays of Michel de Montaigne present us with an introspective study of a Renaissance man. In the very year of Cellini's death, 1571, Montaigne retired at the age of thirty-eight from public life. His intention was twofold: first, to manage his estate at Montaigne, and secondly and more importantly, to study himself and and to write about this introspective study. It is true, of course, that Montaigne did not remain in retirement-he later served two terms as mayor of Bordeaux, and his estate was visited by both the Duc de Guise and Henri de Navarre-but, in 1571, he was determined to withdraw from society for a time in order to ponder the problem of death and the meaning of life. To this end, he had at his disposal an admirable subject for observation, namely himself. The success of his work is a proof of how well he is able to describe the thoughts that pass through his mind. That is no doubt why Donald M. Frame says: "The best book about Montaigne was written long ago, by Montaigne himself."1 This paper will focus on Chapter XXXIX of Book I of the Essays, a chapter entitled "On Solitude"; but with a writer as discursive as Montaigne, we cannot restrict ourselves to one section of the work. We shall, therefore, examine the Essays in general with the intention of determining Montaigne's meaning of solitude.
与本韦努托·切利尼(Benvenuto Cellini)等文艺复兴英雄的浮华冒险不同，米歇尔·德·蒙田(Michel de Montaigne)的《随笔》向我们展示了一个文艺复兴时期人物的内省研究。就在切利尼去世的1571年，38岁的蒙田退出了公众生活。他的意图是双重的，第一，管理他在蒙田的财产，第二，更重要的是，研究他自己，并写下他的内省研究。当然，蒙田并没有一直处于退休状态——他后来担任了两届波尔多市长，他的庄园被盖斯公爵和亨利·德·纳瓦尔拜访过——但是，在1571年，他决定退出社会一段时间，以便思考死亡问题和生命的意义。为了达到这个目的，他有一个很好的观察对象，那就是他自己。他的作品的成功证明了他能够很好地描述他脑海中掠过的想法。毫无疑问，这就是为什么唐纳德·m·弗雷姆说:“关于蒙田的最好的书是很久以前由蒙田自己写的。”1本文将重点讨论《随笔》第一卷第三十九章，这一章题为“论孤独”;但是对于像蒙田这样一个散漫的作家，我们不能把自己局限于作品的某一部分。因此，我们将从总体上考察《随笔》，目的是确定蒙田对孤独的含义。
{"title":"The Meaning of Solitude in Montaigne's Essays","authors":"Francis S. Heck","doi":"10.1353/RMR.1971.0019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/RMR.1971.0019","url":null,"abstract":"Unlike the swashbuckling adventures of a Renaissance hero such as Benvenuto Cellini, the Essays of Michel de Montaigne present us with an introspective study of a Renaissance man. In the very year of Cellini's death, 1571, Montaigne retired at the age of thirty-eight from public life. His intention was twofold: first, to manage his estate at Montaigne, and secondly and more importantly, to study himself and and to write about this introspective study. It is true, of course, that Montaigne did not remain in retirement-he later served two terms as mayor of Bordeaux, and his estate was visited by both the Duc de Guise and Henri de Navarre-but, in 1571, he was determined to withdraw from society for a time in order to ponder the problem of death and the meaning of life. To this end, he had at his disposal an admirable subject for observation, namely himself. The success of his work is a proof of how well he is able to describe the thoughts that pass through his mind. That is no doubt why Donald M. Frame says: \"The best book about Montaigne was written long ago, by Montaigne himself.\"1 This paper will focus on Chapter XXXIX of Book I of the Essays, a chapter entitled \"On Solitude\"; but with a writer as discursive as Montaigne, we cannot restrict ourselves to one section of the work. We shall, therefore, examine the Essays in general with the intention of determining Montaigne's meaning of solitude.","PeriodicalId":344945,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of the Rocky Mountain Modern Language Association","volume":"94 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1971-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123122646","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Fernando Arrabal pointedly restated and justified his predilection for baroque writing in 1969, meanwhile denouncing the undue bareness of "objectal" literature: "Profusion and austerity combine, are married admirably in the baroque, that is why I prefer it to so-called 'objectal' literature, which . . appears to me a dangerous temptation toward outmoded impoverishment in objectivity."l An irreducible core of Arrabal's plays and a root of their "austerity" is the theme of reality's totalitarian repressiveness versus theatricalized dreams of Youth in Eden. This deeply imbedded tension can be traced to the author's precocious terrors and sense of alienation formed in Franco's Spain. Born in Melilla, in former Spanish Morocco, in 1932, Arrabal moved to the mainland of Spain as a young boy. With one of his first plays (composed in Spanish) Arrabal won a scholarship enabling him to go to Paris in 1955. Since then, he has refused to go back to Spain, except for one injudicious trip in 1967, which led to two months in a Spanish prison. Written or adapted in French since 1955. Arrabal's plays have been performed widely in Germany, England, Poland, Italy, Scandinavia, South America, Australia, the United States, and elsewhere. They have been translated into more than twenty languages.2 Integrated profusion, says Arrabal, is his instinctive theatrical mode of combining phantasmagoric perceptions in new forms of drama comparable to an opera mundi:
{"title":"\"Panic Theatre\": Arrabal's Mythic Baroque","authors":"K. White","doi":"10.1353/rmr.1971.0024","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/rmr.1971.0024","url":null,"abstract":"Fernando Arrabal pointedly restated and justified his predilection for baroque writing in 1969, meanwhile denouncing the undue bareness of \"objectal\" literature: \"Profusion and austerity combine, are married admirably in the baroque, that is why I prefer it to so-called 'objectal' literature, which . . appears to me a dangerous temptation toward outmoded impoverishment in objectivity.\"l An irreducible core of Arrabal's plays and a root of their \"austerity\" is the theme of reality's totalitarian repressiveness versus theatricalized dreams of Youth in Eden. This deeply imbedded tension can be traced to the author's precocious terrors and sense of alienation formed in Franco's Spain. Born in Melilla, in former Spanish Morocco, in 1932, Arrabal moved to the mainland of Spain as a young boy. With one of his first plays (composed in Spanish) Arrabal won a scholarship enabling him to go to Paris in 1955. Since then, he has refused to go back to Spain, except for one injudicious trip in 1967, which led to two months in a Spanish prison. Written or adapted in French since 1955. Arrabal's plays have been performed widely in Germany, England, Poland, Italy, Scandinavia, South America, Australia, the United States, and elsewhere. They have been translated into more than twenty languages.2 Integrated profusion, says Arrabal, is his instinctive theatrical mode of combining phantasmagoric perceptions in new forms of drama comparable to an opera mundi:","PeriodicalId":344945,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of the Rocky Mountain Modern Language Association","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1971-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128248673","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Charles d'Orléans and the Renaissance","authors":"A. Harrison","doi":"10.1353/RMR.1971.0014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/RMR.1971.0014","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":344945,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of the Rocky Mountain Modern Language Association","volume":"46 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1971-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117332612","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The line between fact and fiction is dimly drawn in folk literature, but most legends seem to have origins, however faint and elusive, in history. There was a war at Troy; Charlemagne did leave a small force to fight a rear action at Roncevalles; and Beowulfs uncle Hygelac was killed in a fight recorded by Gregory of Tours. In England, King Arthur may have been one Artorius, a leader in resisting Saxon invasions. But Arthur was largely the property of the Norman aristocracy; the common folk had their own hero in Robin Hood. Did he also play a role in history, or is he merely the creation of popular imagination? The existing Robin Hood literature is contained in many ballads, some dating from the fifteenth century but many found in texts not older than the sixteenth or seventeenth centuries. There is also a popular epic, The Gest of Robin Hood, dating from about 1500 but compiled from older ballads. Like most ballads, this literature is highly unstable and unreliable in recording historical events, though it reveals certain historical attitudes and experiences. This unreliability has caused some scholars to conclude that Robin Hood never existed. Francis James Child, the great ballad editor of the nineteenth century, said, "Robin Hood is absolutely a creation of the ballad-muse."1 Other critics look to more exotic sources and try to establish Robin as a creature of mythology who was later humanized by the ballads. Such mythological theories relate the outlaw to geographical names and features, suggesting that he was a forest deity, a wood or water sprite, a pagan lord of springtime, the Aryan sun god, the blind archer Hödr who slew Balder, or even a degraded form of Odin. Developed in detail, such interpretations are ingenious but strain credulity. The question still remains as to whether Robin Hood was historical or merely a fictitious representative of the outlaw classes that dwelt in the forests of medieval England. Scott's Ivanhoe and the derring-do of Douglas Fairbanks, Errol Flynn, and more recent motion picture Robins have popularized the belief that Robin Hood was a patriotic outlawed nobleman who flourished during the reign of Richard I and helped the Lion Heart to regain his sovereignty, usurped by his wicked brother John during the Third Crusade. This does make the best story, and there are persuasive arguments in its favor, but they are inconclusive. Many scholars place Robin later in history, putting
在民间文学中，事实和虚构之间的界限是模糊的，但大多数传说似乎都有历史的起源，无论多么模糊和难以捉摸。特洛伊爆发了一场战争;查理曼的确留下了一支小部队在朗塞瓦勒斯后方作战;而贝奥武甫的叔叔海格拉克在图尔的格列高利记录的一场战斗中被杀。在英格兰，亚瑟王可能是一个阿托里乌斯，一个抵抗撒克逊入侵的领袖。但亚瑟王主要是诺曼贵族的财产;老百姓有他们自己的英雄罗宾汉。他是否也在历史上发挥了作用，或者他仅仅是大众想象的产物?现存的罗宾汉文学包含在许多歌谣中，一些可以追溯到15世纪，但许多发现在不超过16或17世纪的文本中。还有一部脍炙人口的史诗《罗宾汉之歌》(The Gest of Robin Hood)，可以追溯到1500年左右，但它是根据更古老的民谣改编而成的。与大多数民谣一样，这种文学在记录历史事件方面极不稳定，也不可靠，尽管它揭示了一定的历史态度和经验。这种不可靠性使得一些学者得出罗宾汉从未存在过的结论。19世纪伟大的民谣编辑弗朗西斯·詹姆斯·查尔德(Francis James Child)说:“罗宾汉绝对是民谣缪斯的杰作。”另一些评论家则着眼于更多的外来来源，并试图将罗宾塑造成一个神话人物，后来被歌谣赋予了人性。这些神话理论将亡命之徒与地理名称和特征联系起来，表明他是一个森林之神，一个森林或水的精灵，一个异教徒的春天之神，雅利安人的太阳神，杀死巴尔德的盲人弓箭手Hödr，甚至是奥丁的一个退化形式。详细地说，这样的解释是巧妙的，但容易让人轻信。罗宾汉究竟是历史人物，还是中世纪英格兰森林里的不法阶级虚构的代表人物，这个问题仍然存在。斯科特的《艾芬豪》、道格拉斯·费尔班克斯、埃罗·弗林以及最近的电影《罗宾斯》让人们普遍相信，罗宾汉是一个爱国的非法贵族，在理查一世统治期间繁荣昌盛，并帮助狮心军团夺回了在第三次十字军东征期间被他邪恶的兄弟约翰篡夺的主权。这确实是最好的故事，也有一些有说服力的论点支持它，但它们是不确定的。许多学者把罗宾放在历史的后期
{"title":"In Quest of Robin Hood","authors":"R. E. Morsberger","doi":"10.1353/RMR.1971.0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/RMR.1971.0009","url":null,"abstract":"The line between fact and fiction is dimly drawn in folk literature, but most legends seem to have origins, however faint and elusive, in history. There was a war at Troy; Charlemagne did leave a small force to fight a rear action at Roncevalles; and Beowulfs uncle Hygelac was killed in a fight recorded by Gregory of Tours. In England, King Arthur may have been one Artorius, a leader in resisting Saxon invasions. But Arthur was largely the property of the Norman aristocracy; the common folk had their own hero in Robin Hood. Did he also play a role in history, or is he merely the creation of popular imagination? The existing Robin Hood literature is contained in many ballads, some dating from the fifteenth century but many found in texts not older than the sixteenth or seventeenth centuries. There is also a popular epic, The Gest of Robin Hood, dating from about 1500 but compiled from older ballads. Like most ballads, this literature is highly unstable and unreliable in recording historical events, though it reveals certain historical attitudes and experiences. This unreliability has caused some scholars to conclude that Robin Hood never existed. Francis James Child, the great ballad editor of the nineteenth century, said, \"Robin Hood is absolutely a creation of the ballad-muse.\"1 Other critics look to more exotic sources and try to establish Robin as a creature of mythology who was later humanized by the ballads. Such mythological theories relate the outlaw to geographical names and features, suggesting that he was a forest deity, a wood or water sprite, a pagan lord of springtime, the Aryan sun god, the blind archer Hödr who slew Balder, or even a degraded form of Odin. Developed in detail, such interpretations are ingenious but strain credulity. The question still remains as to whether Robin Hood was historical or merely a fictitious representative of the outlaw classes that dwelt in the forests of medieval England. Scott's Ivanhoe and the derring-do of Douglas Fairbanks, Errol Flynn, and more recent motion picture Robins have popularized the belief that Robin Hood was a patriotic outlawed nobleman who flourished during the reign of Richard I and helped the Lion Heart to regain his sovereignty, usurped by his wicked brother John during the Third Crusade. This does make the best story, and there are persuasive arguments in its favor, but they are inconclusive. Many scholars place Robin later in history, putting","PeriodicalId":344945,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of the Rocky Mountain Modern Language Association","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1971-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121853651","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Don Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra and Ernest Hemingway are two authors who, at the peak of their creativity, dealt ultimately with the essence of man. Both Don Quijote and the Old Man in The Old Man and the Sea are archetypes with similar characteristics which tend to measure the essence and meaning of the eternal idea of universal man. Don Quijote is an example par excellence of this, as is Santiago the fisherman, Hemingway's Old Man. What makes these archetypes, these paradigms, the conveyors of the most important intrinsic human values? Both Cervantes and Hemingway give us a definite answer through their symbolism: the essence of man stems from the importance of a human endeavor applied toward the fulfillment of a morally good ideal. And when, in the pursuit of an ideal, these two heroes strive and have the power for action, this essence comes into existence because the essence in question is nothing more than the truth that both heroes consciously accept-and their acceptance of a moral attitude toward that truth. What is the moral attitude of both heroes, Don Quijote and Santiago, once the confrontation with their truth has been established? The answer is "action." They both have the power to act, as a sine qua non element, to achieve their reason for being moral men. Action gives meaning to their morality and, ultimately, to their essence. Don Quijote and Santiago the fisherman know one essential truth: life is cruel. They do not assume, however, the Unamunian attitude of sadness and despair, or the cynical belief that a moody God created man as a supremely bitter joke which is assumed in The Mysterious Stranger by Mark Twain. They take life in a most male fashion; they give meaning to their lives and existence by a strenuous human approach, by showing their stamina in fighting life, thus earning their immortality. It is at this point that both Cervantes and Hemingway use similar symbolism in their parallel artistic studies in the essence of man. It is interesting to note the similarity in the portraits of the two heroes. Cervantes writes: Frisaba la edad de nuestro hidalgo con los cincuenta aFnos; era de complexion recia, seco de carnes, enjuto de rostro, gran madrugador y amigo de la caza ('The Master himself was about fifty years old, of a strong complexion, dry flesh and a thin, withered face; he was an early riser and a great friend of hunting.")' This portrait coincides almost exactly with the one Hemingway paints
{"title":"El Ingenioso Hidalgo Don Quijote de la Mancha and The Old Man and the Sea: A Study of the Symbolic Essence of Man in Cervantes and Hemingway","authors":"Sergio H. Bocaz","doi":"10.1353/RMR.1971.0016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/RMR.1971.0016","url":null,"abstract":"Don Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra and Ernest Hemingway are two authors who, at the peak of their creativity, dealt ultimately with the essence of man. Both Don Quijote and the Old Man in The Old Man and the Sea are archetypes with similar characteristics which tend to measure the essence and meaning of the eternal idea of universal man. Don Quijote is an example par excellence of this, as is Santiago the fisherman, Hemingway's Old Man. What makes these archetypes, these paradigms, the conveyors of the most important intrinsic human values? Both Cervantes and Hemingway give us a definite answer through their symbolism: the essence of man stems from the importance of a human endeavor applied toward the fulfillment of a morally good ideal. And when, in the pursuit of an ideal, these two heroes strive and have the power for action, this essence comes into existence because the essence in question is nothing more than the truth that both heroes consciously accept-and their acceptance of a moral attitude toward that truth. What is the moral attitude of both heroes, Don Quijote and Santiago, once the confrontation with their truth has been established? The answer is \"action.\" They both have the power to act, as a sine qua non element, to achieve their reason for being moral men. Action gives meaning to their morality and, ultimately, to their essence. Don Quijote and Santiago the fisherman know one essential truth: life is cruel. They do not assume, however, the Unamunian attitude of sadness and despair, or the cynical belief that a moody God created man as a supremely bitter joke which is assumed in The Mysterious Stranger by Mark Twain. They take life in a most male fashion; they give meaning to their lives and existence by a strenuous human approach, by showing their stamina in fighting life, thus earning their immortality. It is at this point that both Cervantes and Hemingway use similar symbolism in their parallel artistic studies in the essence of man. It is interesting to note the similarity in the portraits of the two heroes. Cervantes writes: Frisaba la edad de nuestro hidalgo con los cincuenta aFnos; era de complexion recia, seco de carnes, enjuto de rostro, gran madrugador y amigo de la caza ('The Master himself was about fifty years old, of a strong complexion, dry flesh and a thin, withered face; he was an early riser and a great friend of hunting.\")' This portrait coincides almost exactly with the one Hemingway paints","PeriodicalId":344945,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of the Rocky Mountain Modern Language Association","volume":"69 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1971-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125220256","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Hardy described a MS. fragment of Far from the Madding Crowd as "Some pages of a first draft (Details of Sheep-rot-omitted from the MS. when revised)."' Richard L. Purdy says of the fragment, "These pages are heavily altered and bear no relation (in appearance, foliation, etc.) to the complete MS. as we have it. They would seem to be ... part of a destroyed early MS. of the novel."2 As brief and tentative as the fragment is, it casts some light upon Hardy's literary economy and upon his early concept of Troy's character and role. From it Hardy salvaged a vivid descriptive passage and a dramatic conflict, both of which he adapted to the altered context of the final version of the novel.
哈代将《远离喧闹的人群》的手稿片段描述为“初稿的几页(修改后的手稿中省略了羊皮的细节)”。理查德·l·珀迪(Richard L. Purdy)谈到这个残片时说:“这些书页被严重修改，(在外观、叶状等方面)与我们拥有的完整的ms没有任何关系。”他们似乎是……这部小说早期被毁的手稿的一部分。尽管这段片段简短而试探性，但它让我们对哈代的文学经济以及他早期对特洛伊性格和角色的概念有了一些了解。哈代从中挽救了一段生动的描写段落和一场戏剧性的冲突，他将这两者都改编成小说最终版本的变化背景。
{"title":"A Rejected Fragment of Far from the Madding Crowd","authors":"Clarice Short","doi":"10.1353/RMR.1971.0025","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/RMR.1971.0025","url":null,"abstract":"Hardy described a MS. fragment of Far from the Madding Crowd as \"Some pages of a first draft (Details of Sheep-rot-omitted from the MS. when revised).\"' Richard L. Purdy says of the fragment, \"These pages are heavily altered and bear no relation (in appearance, foliation, etc.) to the complete MS. as we have it. They would seem to be ... part of a destroyed early MS. of the novel.\"2 As brief and tentative as the fragment is, it casts some light upon Hardy's literary economy and upon his early concept of Troy's character and role. From it Hardy salvaged a vivid descriptive passage and a dramatic conflict, both of which he adapted to the altered context of the final version of the novel.","PeriodicalId":344945,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of the Rocky Mountain Modern Language Association","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1971-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127092450","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Ethnic Studies: A Counter-Proposal","authors":"S. Bluefarb","doi":"10.1353/RMR.1971.0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/RMR.1971.0001","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":344945,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of the Rocky Mountain Modern Language Association","volume":"107 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1971-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123621256","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Criticism for the past twenty or thirty years of The Innocents Abroad centers around two basic contentions: (a) Twain was essentially a nationalistic "frontier equalitarian" (to use the words of Franklin Walker), and skeptical critic of European and Near East social and cultural values, or (b) Twain was essentially appreciative of foreign social and cultural values and actually, as Gladys Bellamy states, "injected criticism of American ways and American civilization into his running commentary on the foreign scene."' Rather than getting into the debate of whether Twain was provincially American or truly appreciative of foreign society, I would like to investigate Twain's concern for the international human conditions in The Innocents Abroad. It cannot be denied that any writer who travels abroad, no matter what his nationality is, tends to judge foreign nations by his own and eventually, if he is not narrow-minded, his own country by foreign countries. The intelligent result of this process of judgment yields an international social philosophy to which nations X, Y, and Z can be measured. However crude Mark Twain's attempts are at arriving at such a philosophy in The Innocents Abroad, traces of internationalism can be found from his Azores chapter through his Holy Lands chapters. If one reads the book in this light, he will see that not only is America his guiding social frame of reference but also France and Italy and Russia. The reader will also note that not only is Italy the object of this social criticism but also America, France, Russia, and the Near East. For Twain, the physical and mental well-being of the common man, the peasant, should be the utmost concern of Turkey, Russia, France, or America, and it was by this standard that he judged all nations. Considering his reading audience, one can easily perceive that such a standard must have been popular. Certainly Franklin Walker is correct in saying that Twain was a "frontier equalitarian," but it is my contention that his trip in 1867 to Europe and the Holy Lands made him an international equalitarian judging his own nation as well as others as a result of his exposure to misery and poverty he never dreamed possible. Early in the book, Twain criticizes Catholicism because it has prevented material progress and has instilled indolence in the minds of the Portuguese peasants in the Azores: '"he Good Catholic Portuguese crossed himself and prayed God to shield him from all blasphemous desire to know more than his
{"title":"Mark Twain's Social Criticism in The Innocents Abroad","authors":"R. F. Fleck","doi":"10.1353/RMR.1971.0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/RMR.1971.0011","url":null,"abstract":"Criticism for the past twenty or thirty years of The Innocents Abroad centers around two basic contentions: (a) Twain was essentially a nationalistic \"frontier equalitarian\" (to use the words of Franklin Walker), and skeptical critic of European and Near East social and cultural values, or (b) Twain was essentially appreciative of foreign social and cultural values and actually, as Gladys Bellamy states, \"injected criticism of American ways and American civilization into his running commentary on the foreign scene.\"' Rather than getting into the debate of whether Twain was provincially American or truly appreciative of foreign society, I would like to investigate Twain's concern for the international human conditions in The Innocents Abroad. It cannot be denied that any writer who travels abroad, no matter what his nationality is, tends to judge foreign nations by his own and eventually, if he is not narrow-minded, his own country by foreign countries. The intelligent result of this process of judgment yields an international social philosophy to which nations X, Y, and Z can be measured. However crude Mark Twain's attempts are at arriving at such a philosophy in The Innocents Abroad, traces of internationalism can be found from his Azores chapter through his Holy Lands chapters. If one reads the book in this light, he will see that not only is America his guiding social frame of reference but also France and Italy and Russia. The reader will also note that not only is Italy the object of this social criticism but also America, France, Russia, and the Near East. For Twain, the physical and mental well-being of the common man, the peasant, should be the utmost concern of Turkey, Russia, France, or America, and it was by this standard that he judged all nations. Considering his reading audience, one can easily perceive that such a standard must have been popular. Certainly Franklin Walker is correct in saying that Twain was a \"frontier equalitarian,\" but it is my contention that his trip in 1867 to Europe and the Holy Lands made him an international equalitarian judging his own nation as well as others as a result of his exposure to misery and poverty he never dreamed possible. Early in the book, Twain criticizes Catholicism because it has prevented material progress and has instilled indolence in the minds of the Portuguese peasants in the Azores: '\"he Good Catholic Portuguese crossed himself and prayed God to shield him from all blasphemous desire to know more than his","PeriodicalId":344945,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of the Rocky Mountain Modern Language Association","volume":"65 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1971-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134138790","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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