Pub Date : 2015-12-01DOI: 10.5089/9781513528366.001.A001
Giang Ho, Kazuko Shirono
The large influx of migrants to Nordic countries in recent years is challenging the adoptability of Nordic labor market institutions while also adding to potential growth. This paper examines the trends, economic drivers, and labor market implications of migration to Nordic countries with a particular focus on economic migration as distinct from the recent large flows of asylum seekers. Our analysis finds that migration inflows to the Nordics are influenced by both cyclical and structural factors. Although migration helpfully dampens overheating pressures during periods of strong demand, and over the longer term will cushion the decline in labor supply from population aging, in the near-term unemployment can rise, especially among the young and lower-skilled. The analysis highlights the need to adapt Nordic labor market institutions in a manner that better facilitates the integration of migrants into employment. In particular, greater wage flexibility at the firm level and continued strong active labor market measures will help improve labor market outcomes among immigrants.
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Korean Abstract: 세계 각국은 자국의 지속적인 발전을 위한 핵심요인으로서의 고급 두뇌인력의 중요성을 인식하고 이들의 확보ㆍ유지를 위한 정책적 노력을 경주하고 있다. 우리나라도 필요한 인재 유치를 위한 다양한 정책을 추진하여 왔으나, 실질적인 성과가 기대에 미치지 못하고 있다. 고급 두뇌인력의 확보ㆍ활용은 이들 인력의 국제적 이동에 직접적인 영향을 받는 바, 이에 대한 새로운 인식이 필요하다. 즉, 두뇌인력의 유출은 손해이고 유입은 이득이라는 이분법적 관점에서 벗어나, 인재의 국내 유치와 함께 해외 거주 두뇌인력과의 네트워크 구축ㆍ활용방안을 강구해야 한다. 이러한 인식 하에 고급 두뇌인력의 네트워크 구축ㆍ운영 및 순환 프로그램ㆍ정책의 국제 동향을 분석하고, 다음과 같은 정책적 시사를 추출하였다. 해외 거주 자국 출신 고급 두뇌인력 및 외국 고급 인력과의 협력 네트워크를 구축ㆍ활용하기 위해서는 우선 분야별 수요를 파악하고 이에 기초하여 정부의 정책 지원을 위한 조직, 예산, 규정 등 제도적 인프라를 구축하는 것이 필요하다. 또한 해외 거주 고급 두뇌인력의 특성에 따라 새로운 사업 선도자, 개발 파트너, 조언자, 사업매개자, 투자자 등 다양한 역할을 기대할 수 있는 바, 이들의 적극적 참여를 유인하기 위한 전략적 접근이 필요하다. 성공적 국제협력은 참여 당사자들의 동등한 수준의 기여를 전제하고 있는 바, 국내 고등교육의 질적 수준향상 및 연구의 국제화 정책을 통하여 양성된 인력이 대등하게 국제 협력에 기여할 수 있도록 준비시키는 것이 중요하다. 고급 두뇌인력의 상호 협력을 촉진하기 위하여 이들의 물리적 이동을 최소화하고 시간 및 예산의 제약을 극복하면서 공동연구ㆍ사업의 추진을 가능하게 하는 e-인프라를 조성하는 것이 필요하다. 국내 대학이나 연구기관의 digital hub화를 추진하여 공동연구의 핵심기관으로 기능할 수 있는 조건을 갖추는 것도 중요하다. 아울러 해외 거주 자국 출신 및 외국 고급 두뇌인력이 참여하는 협력사업을 기획ㆍ추진함으로써 해외 고급 두뇌인력이 자국 사업에 직접 참여하는 기회를 제공하고, 이를 통하여 보다 실질적인 네트워크를 구축하는 것이 필요하다. 또한 사업의 추진과정 및 결과 평가를 통하여 협력 네트워크 운영의 성공ㆍ실패요인을 파악함으로써 지원제도를 지속적으로 개선하는 노력이 요구된다.English Abstract: Brain circulation has been emphasized as a crucial strategy for sustainable national development. Securing and utilizing the brains become more important in Korea that announced the building of ‘Creative Economy.’ However, several indicators like technological gap and brain drain index show Korea is confronted with urgent need to take new approach to national HRD policy. In this respect, author reviewed several cases of brain network & circulation policies and programs designed and implemented by international organizations(UNDP, IOM, UNESCO, World Bank, EU) and individual countries(Thailand, Portugal, Italy, Singapore, Taiwan, China, India, Russia) and drew policy implications for developing new policies to promote brain network for Korea. Main policy implications drawn from case studies are as follows: (i) define specific target groups according to needs; (ii) prepare human & financial resources and institutional infra to provide incentives to the brains and manage policies in more effective ways; (iii) build trust between the government and diaspora; (iv) design a comprehensive system in which all stake-holders work together in designing and implementing the policies; (v) use ICT as a tool for overcoming spacial, financial and time limitation; (vi) utilize the potential of diaspora to work as a liaison point (node for network) between the brains within and abroad; (vii) improve and transform higher education in international context; (viii) take step-wise approach (build common understanding→conduct pilots→scale up); (ix) expand target groups to all industry areas as well as academic areas. The government is expected to (i) provide information and resources for building and operating networks and to encourage private sector’s active involvement; (ii) to build industry infra (e.g. venture capital, produ
Korean Abstract:世界各国都认识到高级人才作为本国持续发展的核心因素的重要性，并为确保和维持这些人才在政策上做出努力。韩国也为了吸引必要的人才，推进了多种政策，但实际成果没有达到期待的水平。高级人才的确保和利用会直接影响这些人才的国际移动，因此有必要对此有新的认识。也就是说，应该摆脱人才流失是损失，流入是利益的二分法观点，在吸引人才到国内的同时，应该谋求与居住在海外的人才建立网络并加以利用的方案。在这样的认识下，对高级人才的网络构建、运营及循环程序、政策的国际动向进行了分析，并提取了以下政策性启示。为了构建和利用居住在海外的本国高级人才及外国高级人才之间的合作网络，首先要了解各领域的需求，并在此基础上构建政府政策支援的组织、预算、规定等制度性基础设施。另外，根据居住在海外的高级人才的特性，可以期待新的事业先导者、开发伙伴、参谋者、事业媒介者、投资者等多样的作用，为了吸引他们的积极参与，有必要进行战略性接近。成功的国际合作以参与当事人做出同等水平的贡献为前提，重要的是通过提高国内高等教育的质量和研究的国际化政策，让培养出来的人才平等地为国际合作做出贡献。为了促进高级人才的相互合作，有必要将他们的物理移动最小化，克服时间和预算的制约，建立可以推进共同研究和事业的e-基础设施。推进国内大学或研究机关的“digital hub”化，具备能够发挥共同研究核心机关作用的条件也很重要。同时，企划和推进居住在海外的本国出身人士及外国高级人才参与的合作事业，为海外高级人才直接参与本国事业提供机会，并通过这一机会构建更加实质性的网络。另外，通过事业的推进过程和结果评价，掌握合作网络运营的成功、失败因素，需要持续改善支援制度。English Abstract: Brain circulation has been emphasized as a crucial strategy for sustainable national developmentSecuring and utilizing the brains become more important in Korea that announced the building of ' Creative Economy。However, several indicators like technological gap and brain drain index show Korea is confronted with urgent need to take new approach to national HRD policy。In this respect, author reviewed several cases of brain network & circulation policies and programs designed and implemented by international organizationsEU) and individual countries(Thailand, Portugal, Italy, Singapore, Taiwan, China, India, Russia) and drew policy implications for developing new policies to promote brain network for Korea。Main policy implications drawn from case studies are as follows:(i) define specific target groups according to needs;prepare human & financial resources and institutional infra to provide incentives to the brains and manage policies in more effective ways;build trust between the government and diaspora;iv设计a comprehensive system in which all stake-holders work together in designing and implementing the policies;(v) use ICT as a tool for overcoming spacial, financial and time limitation;(vi) utilize the potential of diaspora to work as a liaison point (node for network) between the brains within and abroad;(vii) improve and transform higher education in international context;(viii) take step-wise approach (build common understanding→conduct pilots→scale up);(ix) expand target groups to all industry areas well as academic areas。The government is expected to (i) provide information and resources for building and operating networks and to encourage private sector ' s active involvement;(ii) to build industry infra (e.g. venture capital, production & supply of components, marketing & retailing services;(iii) to establish a government agency to coordinate policies on diaspora and the brain networks。With respect to specific policy formulation for Korea, it is recommended first to build bases for creating & utilizing brain networks and brain circulation:(i) identify demand for brain network by academic area, industry, and region and make a brain network development plan;(ii) strengthen higher education competitiveness and researc
{"title":"고급 두뇌인력 네트워크 구축ㆍ활용 정책 - 국제 사례 분석 (Lessons from Case Analyses of Brain Circulation Policies and Programs)","authors":"Sung Joon Paik","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2707584","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2707584","url":null,"abstract":"Korean Abstract: 세계 각국은 자국의 지속적인 발전을 위한 핵심요인으로서의 고급 두뇌인력의 중요성을 인식하고 이들의 확보ㆍ유지를 위한 정책적 노력을 경주하고 있다. 우리나라도 필요한 인재 유치를 위한 다양한 정책을 추진하여 왔으나, 실질적인 성과가 기대에 미치지 못하고 있다. 고급 두뇌인력의 확보ㆍ활용은 이들 인력의 국제적 이동에 직접적인 영향을 받는 바, 이에 대한 새로운 인식이 필요하다. 즉, 두뇌인력의 유출은 손해이고 유입은 이득이라는 이분법적 관점에서 벗어나, 인재의 국내 유치와 함께 해외 거주 두뇌인력과의 네트워크 구축ㆍ활용방안을 강구해야 한다. 이러한 인식 하에 고급 두뇌인력의 네트워크 구축ㆍ운영 및 순환 프로그램ㆍ정책의 국제 동향을 분석하고, 다음과 같은 정책적 시사를 추출하였다. 해외 거주 자국 출신 고급 두뇌인력 및 외국 고급 인력과의 협력 네트워크를 구축ㆍ활용하기 위해서는 우선 분야별 수요를 파악하고 이에 기초하여 정부의 정책 지원을 위한 조직, 예산, 규정 등 제도적 인프라를 구축하는 것이 필요하다. 또한 해외 거주 고급 두뇌인력의 특성에 따라 새로운 사업 선도자, 개발 파트너, 조언자, 사업매개자, 투자자 등 다양한 역할을 기대할 수 있는 바, 이들의 적극적 참여를 유인하기 위한 전략적 접근이 필요하다. 성공적 국제협력은 참여 당사자들의 동등한 수준의 기여를 전제하고 있는 바, 국내 고등교육의 질적 수준향상 및 연구의 국제화 정책을 통하여 양성된 인력이 대등하게 국제 협력에 기여할 수 있도록 준비시키는 것이 중요하다. 고급 두뇌인력의 상호 협력을 촉진하기 위하여 이들의 물리적 이동을 최소화하고 시간 및 예산의 제약을 극복하면서 공동연구ㆍ사업의 추진을 가능하게 하는 e-인프라를 조성하는 것이 필요하다. 국내 대학이나 연구기관의 digital hub화를 추진하여 공동연구의 핵심기관으로 기능할 수 있는 조건을 갖추는 것도 중요하다. 아울러 해외 거주 자국 출신 및 외국 고급 두뇌인력이 참여하는 협력사업을 기획ㆍ추진함으로써 해외 고급 두뇌인력이 자국 사업에 직접 참여하는 기회를 제공하고, 이를 통하여 보다 실질적인 네트워크를 구축하는 것이 필요하다. 또한 사업의 추진과정 및 결과 평가를 통하여 협력 네트워크 운영의 성공ㆍ실패요인을 파악함으로써 지원제도를 지속적으로 개선하는 노력이 요구된다.English Abstract: Brain circulation has been emphasized as a crucial strategy for sustainable national development. Securing and utilizing the brains become more important in Korea that announced the building of ‘Creative Economy.’ However, several indicators like technological gap and brain drain index show Korea is confronted with urgent need to take new approach to national HRD policy. In this respect, author reviewed several cases of brain network & circulation policies and programs designed and implemented by international organizations(UNDP, IOM, UNESCO, World Bank, EU) and individual countries(Thailand, Portugal, Italy, Singapore, Taiwan, China, India, Russia) and drew policy implications for developing new policies to promote brain network for Korea. Main policy implications drawn from case studies are as follows: (i) define specific target groups according to needs; (ii) prepare human & financial resources and institutional infra to provide incentives to the brains and manage policies in more effective ways; (iii) build trust between the government and diaspora; (iv) design a comprehensive system in which all stake-holders work together in designing and implementing the policies; (v) use ICT as a tool for overcoming spacial, financial and time limitation; (vi) utilize the potential of diaspora to work as a liaison point (node for network) between the brains within and abroad; (vii) improve and transform higher education in international context; (viii) take step-wise approach (build common understanding→conduct pilots→scale up); (ix) expand target groups to all industry areas as well as academic areas. The government is expected to (i) provide information and resources for building and operating networks and to encourage private sector’s active involvement; (ii) to build industry infra (e.g. venture capital, produ","PeriodicalId":346996,"journal":{"name":"International Political Economy: Migration eJournal","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125900345","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-11-22DOI: 10.33318/jpacs.2016.36(1)-5
B. Opeskin, Daniel Ghezelbash
Refugees present an immense challenge globally but until recently Pacific Island Countries (PICs) have been relatively sheltered from this phenomenon. However, changes to Australia’s border security and refugee policies in recent years have significant implications for the Pacific because of Australia’s determination to prevent asylum seekers from arriving by boat in Australian territory. This article examines Australia’s so-called ‘Pacific Solution’, which entails the transfer of asylum seekers to camps in Nauru and Papua New Guinea, where they are detained pending determination of their refugee status and ultimate resettlement. The social impacts of Australia’s policies include the heightened tensions that arise from establishing large detention facilities in small island communities, and the social costs of resettling persons who are found to be refugees among poor local populations. Australia’s policies also have other impacts on PICs. Australia’s selective allocation of foreign aid and other funds make PICs vulnerable to pressure from its developed neighbour, and create the danger that Australia’s perceived ‘problem’ with unauthorised boat arrivals is being shifted to acquiescent countries in the Pacific.
{"title":"Australian Refugee Policy and its Impacts on Pacific Island Countries","authors":"B. Opeskin, Daniel Ghezelbash","doi":"10.33318/jpacs.2016.36(1)-5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33318/jpacs.2016.36(1)-5","url":null,"abstract":"Refugees present an immense challenge globally but until recently Pacific Island Countries (PICs) have been relatively sheltered from this phenomenon. However, changes to Australia’s border security and refugee policies in recent years have significant implications for the Pacific because of Australia’s determination to prevent asylum seekers from arriving by boat in Australian territory. This article examines Australia’s so-called ‘Pacific Solution’, which entails the transfer of asylum seekers to camps in Nauru and Papua New Guinea, where they are detained pending determination of their refugee status and ultimate resettlement. The social impacts of Australia’s policies include the heightened tensions that arise from establishing large detention facilities in small island communities, and the social costs of resettling persons who are found to be refugees among poor local populations. Australia’s policies also have other impacts on PICs. Australia’s selective allocation of foreign aid and other funds make PICs vulnerable to pressure from its developed neighbour, and create the danger that Australia’s perceived ‘problem’ with unauthorised boat arrivals is being shifted to acquiescent countries in the Pacific.","PeriodicalId":346996,"journal":{"name":"International Political Economy: Migration eJournal","volume":"74 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117175622","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
As private sector labor union membership in the United States dwindles, the number of worker centers continues to grow. Given worker centers’ focus on low-wage workers largely engaged in service sectors of our post-industrial economy and their relatively recent entrance into the field of United States labor relations, scholars and commentators are increasingly debating the applicability of the eighty-year-old National Labor Relations Act (NLRA) to the worker organizing activities of these emerging organizations. Unlike prior work on the relationship between the NLRA and worker centers, this Essay considers the extent to which NLRA protections have been helpful to worker center organizing efforts to date and proposes several theories to explain why worker centers have not turned to the NLRA’s protections more proactively.
{"title":"Worker Centers and Labor Law Protections: Why Aren't They Having Their Cake?","authors":"Kati L. Griffith","doi":"10.15779/Z388K3G","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15779/Z388K3G","url":null,"abstract":"As private sector labor union membership in the United States dwindles, the number of worker centers continues to grow. Given worker centers’ focus on low-wage workers largely engaged in service sectors of our post-industrial economy and their relatively recent entrance into the field of United States labor relations, scholars and commentators are increasingly debating the applicability of the eighty-year-old National Labor Relations Act (NLRA) to the worker organizing activities of these emerging organizations. Unlike prior work on the relationship between the NLRA and worker centers, this Essay considers the extent to which NLRA protections have been helpful to worker center organizing efforts to date and proposes several theories to explain why worker centers have not turned to the NLRA’s protections more proactively.","PeriodicalId":346996,"journal":{"name":"International Political Economy: Migration eJournal","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130035916","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The results of the first round 2014 presidential elections in Romania predicted a comfortable win for the incumbent Prime Minister Victor Ponta, the president of the Social Democratic Party. After the first round, Ponta held a 10% lead over the Christian-Liberal Alliance candidate Klaus Iohannis. The runoff campaign was marked by reports displayed on all TV channels showing the Romanian Diaspora not being able to vote abroad. Surprisingly, Klaus Iohannis, who obtained 54% of the votes, won the second round of elections. Iohannis obtained 89% of Diaspora’s votes, adding a 4% gain in front of his contender. In most studies on electoral behavior, the focus for explaining why people go to vote is centered at the level of the “country, election, electoral cohort or individual voter” (Franklin 2004). Notably absent from these studies is the impact Diaspora on the election results and the predictors of turnout. The impact on national elections of this category of citizens is not to be neglected and it becomes important especially in democratizing states. In this vein we focus on the predictors that lie behind the political participation and preferences of Romanian Diaspora. We will test two basic models that explain participation (Franklin 2004). First there is research that focuses on the social determinants of voting (Verba and Nie 1972) labeled as “the baseline model”. Another stream of studies includes electoral system effects and political system format (Blais and Aarts 2006, Cox 1997, Franklin 2004). We claim that Romanian Diaspora voters participate in higher numbers in presidential elections when the number of voting stations increases. Romanian diaspora consistently votes with center right wing parties and candidates. This vote is associated with liberal policy preferences and support for issues that promote libertarian attitudes. We test these hypotheses with elections results data from 2000 to 2014 coupled with data collected from Votulmeu.com an online Voting Advice Application from the 2014 presidential elections in Romania.
罗马尼亚2014年第一轮总统选举结果显示，现任总理、社会民主党主席维克多·蓬塔将轻松获胜。在第一轮选举后，蓬塔领先基督教自由联盟候选人克劳斯·约翰尼斯10%。所有电视频道的报道都显示，罗马尼亚侨民无法在国外投票。出乎意料的是，获得54%选票的克劳斯·约翰尼斯在第二轮选举中获胜。约翰尼斯获得了散居选民89%的选票，比他的竞争者多了4%。在大多数关于选举行为的研究中，解释人们为什么去投票的重点集中在“国家、选举、选举群体或个人选民”的层面上(Franklin 2004)。值得注意的是，这些研究都没有考虑到侨民对选举结果和投票率预测因素的影响。这类公民对全国选举的影响不容忽视，尤其是在民主化国家，这一点变得尤为重要。在这种情况下，我们将重点关注罗马尼亚侨民政治参与和偏好背后的预测因素。我们将测试解释参与的两个基本模型(Franklin 2004)。首先是关注投票的社会决定因素的研究(Verba and Nie 1972)，被称为“基线模型”。另一个研究流派包括选举制度的影响和政治制度的形式(Blais和Aarts 2006, Cox 1997, Franklin 2004)。我们认为，随着投票站数量的增加，罗马尼亚侨民选民参加总统选举的人数也会增加。罗马尼亚侨民一贯支持中右翼政党和候选人。这种投票与自由主义政策偏好和对促进自由主义态度的问题的支持有关。我们用2000年至2014年的选举结果数据以及从2014年罗马尼亚总统选举的在线投票建议应用程序Votulmeu.com收集的数据来检验这些假设。
{"title":"Migrant Political Participation and Voting Behavior in Romania","authors":"T. Burean, R. Popp","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2652423","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2652423","url":null,"abstract":"The results of the first round 2014 presidential elections in Romania predicted a comfortable win for the incumbent Prime Minister Victor Ponta, the president of the Social Democratic Party. After the first round, Ponta held a 10% lead over the Christian-Liberal Alliance candidate Klaus Iohannis. The runoff campaign was marked by reports displayed on all TV channels showing the Romanian Diaspora not being able to vote abroad. Surprisingly, Klaus Iohannis, who obtained 54% of the votes, won the second round of elections. Iohannis obtained 89% of Diaspora’s votes, adding a 4% gain in front of his contender. In most studies on electoral behavior, the focus for explaining why people go to vote is centered at the level of the “country, election, electoral cohort or individual voter” (Franklin 2004). Notably absent from these studies is the impact Diaspora on the election results and the predictors of turnout. The impact on national elections of this category of citizens is not to be neglected and it becomes important especially in democratizing states. In this vein we focus on the predictors that lie behind the political participation and preferences of Romanian Diaspora. We will test two basic models that explain participation (Franklin 2004). First there is research that focuses on the social determinants of voting (Verba and Nie 1972) labeled as “the baseline model”. Another stream of studies includes electoral system effects and political system format (Blais and Aarts 2006, Cox 1997, Franklin 2004). We claim that Romanian Diaspora voters participate in higher numbers in presidential elections when the number of voting stations increases. Romanian diaspora consistently votes with center right wing parties and candidates. This vote is associated with liberal policy preferences and support for issues that promote libertarian attitudes. We test these hypotheses with elections results data from 2000 to 2014 coupled with data collected from Votulmeu.com an online Voting Advice Application from the 2014 presidential elections in Romania.","PeriodicalId":346996,"journal":{"name":"International Political Economy: Migration eJournal","volume":"319 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-08-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134113567","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper analyzes the long run welfare effects of immigration in a model with endogenous technological change. Existing theoretical models predict that immigration would depress the wages while empirical findings show insignificant wage effects of immigration. In order to match the theory with empirical findings, I embed endogenous technological change in a model similar to Auerbauch and Kotlikoff (1987) and compare it with a baseline model where firms have constant production technology. First, I find that 2% increase in high-skilled immigrants in a model without endogenous technology choice high-skilled native wages would decrease by 10.4% while low-skilled native wages would go up by 7.4%. On the contrary, in a model with endogenous technology choice, high-skilled native wages will decline only by 1.3% and low-skilled native wages will increase only by 0.2%. Second, the model without endogenous technology choice would predict a negative welfare effect of high-skilled immigration on the high-skilled natives and a positive and bigger (74% higher) effect on the low-skilled natives. On the contrary, the model with endogenous technology choice predicts that high-skilled immigration will increase the welfare of both high-skilled and low skilled natives. Specifically, welfare effect of high-skilled immigration on skilled natives are 109% higher when endogenous technology is allowed as compared to the baseline model without endogenous technology choice. These results imply that if endogenous technology choice is not taken into account, the long run analysis of immigration on the welfare and the economy will be incomplete and even misleading.
{"title":"Immigration, Endogenous Technology Choice and Welfare Analysis","authors":"Gonca Senel","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2631756","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2631756","url":null,"abstract":"This paper analyzes the long run welfare effects of immigration in a model with endogenous technological change. Existing theoretical models predict that immigration would depress the wages while empirical findings show insignificant wage effects of immigration. In order to match the theory with empirical findings, I embed endogenous technological change in a model similar to Auerbauch and Kotlikoff (1987) and compare it with a baseline model where firms have constant production technology. First, I find that 2% increase in high-skilled immigrants in a model without endogenous technology choice high-skilled native wages would decrease by 10.4% while low-skilled native wages would go up by 7.4%. On the contrary, in a model with endogenous technology choice, high-skilled native wages will decline only by 1.3% and low-skilled native wages will increase only by 0.2%. Second, the model without endogenous technology choice would predict a negative welfare effect of high-skilled immigration on the high-skilled natives and a positive and bigger (74% higher) effect on the low-skilled natives. On the contrary, the model with endogenous technology choice predicts that high-skilled immigration will increase the welfare of both high-skilled and low skilled natives. Specifically, welfare effect of high-skilled immigration on skilled natives are 109% higher when endogenous technology is allowed as compared to the baseline model without endogenous technology choice. These results imply that if endogenous technology choice is not taken into account, the long run analysis of immigration on the welfare and the economy will be incomplete and even misleading.","PeriodicalId":346996,"journal":{"name":"International Political Economy: Migration eJournal","volume":"73 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-07-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132820766","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ethiopia has experienced a growth acceleration over the past decade on the back of an economic strategy emphasizing public infrastructure investment and supported by heterodox macro-financial policies. To analyze the country’s growth performance during 2000–13, the paper employs a neoclassical cross-country System Generalized Method of Moments regression model. The analysis finds that accelerated growth was driven by public infrastructure investment and restrained government consumption, and supported by a conducive external environment. Macroeconomic challenges arising from declining private credit, real currency overvaluation, and relatively high inflation held back some growth. The model accurately predicts Ethiopia’s growth over the period of analysis and is robust to country-specific parameter heterogeneity and alternative infrastructure variables. Looking ahead, model simulations under alternative policy scenarios are indicative that growth may decelerate in the coming decade, making it challenging for Ethiopia to attain its middle-income country target by 2025. Although simulated growth rates do not vary much by policy scenario, the paper discusses some of the emerging risks associated with a continued reliance on the current infrastructure financing model and potential future adjustments.
{"title":"Can Job Search Assistance Improve the Labour Market Integration for Refugees? Evidence from a Field Experiment","authors":"Michele Battisti, Yvonne Giesing, Nadzeya Laurentsyeva","doi":"10.1596/1813-9450-7292","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1596/1813-9450-7292","url":null,"abstract":"Ethiopia has experienced a growth acceleration over the past decade on the back of an economic strategy emphasizing public infrastructure investment and supported by heterodox macro-financial policies. To analyze the country’s growth performance during 2000–13, the paper employs a neoclassical cross-country System Generalized Method of Moments regression model. The analysis finds that accelerated growth was driven by public infrastructure investment and restrained government consumption, and supported by a conducive external environment. Macroeconomic challenges arising from declining private credit, real currency overvaluation, and relatively high inflation held back some growth. The model accurately predicts Ethiopia’s growth over the period of analysis and is robust to country-specific parameter heterogeneity and alternative infrastructure variables. Looking ahead, model simulations under alternative policy scenarios are indicative that growth may decelerate in the coming decade, making it challenging for Ethiopia to attain its middle-income country target by 2025. Although simulated growth rates do not vary much by policy scenario, the paper discusses some of the emerging risks associated with a continued reliance on the current infrastructure financing model and potential future adjustments.","PeriodicalId":346996,"journal":{"name":"International Political Economy: Migration eJournal","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-06-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129830614","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Zahra Babar, N. Ridge, Soha Shami, Susan Kippels, Abbie Taylor, Nada Soudy, Susan F. Martin, M. Jamal, Michael Newson, Dax Roque, Harry Cook, Françoise de Bel-Air, G. Maher, M. Amara, G. Naufal, I. Genc, Carlos Vargas‐Silva, Abdullah Alajmi
Introduction: Arab Migrant Communities in the GCC Zahra Babar, Center for International and Regional Studies, Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in Qatar 1. Working for the Neighbors: Arab Migrants in Qatar Zahra Babar, Center for International and Regional Studies, Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in Qatar 2. Arab Migrant Teachers in the United Arab Emirates and Qatar: Challenges and Opportunities Natasha Ridge, Soha Shami, and Susan Kippels, Sheikh Saud bin Saqr Al Qasimi Foundation for Policy Research 3. The Model Immigrant: Second Generation Hadramis in Kuwait and the Legacy of “Good Reputation” Abdullah Alajmi, Arab Open University in Kuwait 4. “The Egyptian Invasion of Kuwait”: Navigating Possibilities among the Impossible Abbie Taylor, Georgetown University; Nada Soudy, Carnegie Mellon University in Qatar; and Susan Martin, Georgetown University 5. The “Other Arab” and Gulf Citizens: Mutual Accommodation of Palestinians in the UAE in Historical Context Manal A. Jamal, James Madison University 6. Returning Yemeni Migrants from KSA – Analysis of the Character of Yemeni Irregular Migrants in KSA and Potential Impacts/Implications of Large Scale Return Michael Newson, Dax Roque, and Harry Cook, International Organization for Migration 7. An Emerging Trend in Arab Migration: Arab Highly-Skilled Females in the GCC Countries Francoise De Bel-Air, Migration Policy Centre, Florence and Gulf Research Centre, Geneva 8. High-Skilled Lebanese Transnational Migrants: A Kuwait Perspective Garret Maher, Gulf University for Science and Technology in Kuwait 9. Sport Labor Migrant Communities from the Maghreb in the GCC Mahfoud Amara, Loughborough University 10. Attitudes of Students in the GCC towards the Arab Spring: A Case Study of Students in the UAE Georges Naufal, American University of Sharjah; Ismail Genc, American University of Sharjah; and Carlos Vargas-Silva, University of Oxford
{"title":"Arab Migrant Communities in the GCC: Summary Report","authors":"Zahra Babar, N. Ridge, Soha Shami, Susan Kippels, Abbie Taylor, Nada Soudy, Susan F. Martin, M. Jamal, Michael Newson, Dax Roque, Harry Cook, Françoise de Bel-Air, G. Maher, M. Amara, G. Naufal, I. Genc, Carlos Vargas‐Silva, Abdullah Alajmi","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2840380","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2840380","url":null,"abstract":"Introduction: Arab Migrant Communities in the GCC \u0000Zahra Babar, Center for International and Regional Studies, Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in Qatar \u00001. Working for the Neighbors: Arab Migrants in Qatar \u0000Zahra Babar, Center for International and Regional Studies, Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in Qatar \u00002. Arab Migrant Teachers in the United Arab Emirates and Qatar: Challenges and Opportunities \u0000Natasha Ridge, Soha Shami, and Susan Kippels, Sheikh Saud bin Saqr Al Qasimi Foundation for Policy Research \u00003. The Model Immigrant: Second Generation Hadramis in Kuwait and the Legacy of “Good Reputation” \u0000Abdullah Alajmi, Arab Open University in Kuwait \u00004. “The Egyptian Invasion of Kuwait”: Navigating Possibilities among the Impossible \u0000Abbie Taylor, Georgetown University; Nada Soudy, Carnegie Mellon University in Qatar; and Susan Martin, Georgetown University \u00005. The “Other Arab” and Gulf Citizens: Mutual Accommodation of Palestinians in the UAE in Historical Context \u0000Manal A. Jamal, James Madison University \u00006. Returning Yemeni Migrants from KSA – Analysis of the Character of Yemeni Irregular Migrants in KSA and Potential Impacts/Implications of Large Scale Return \u0000Michael Newson, Dax Roque, and Harry Cook, International Organization for Migration \u00007. An Emerging Trend in Arab Migration: Arab Highly-Skilled Females in the GCC Countries \u0000Francoise De Bel-Air, Migration Policy Centre, Florence and Gulf Research Centre, Geneva \u00008. High-Skilled Lebanese Transnational Migrants: A Kuwait Perspective \u0000Garret Maher, Gulf University for Science and Technology in Kuwait \u00009. Sport Labor Migrant Communities from the Maghreb in the GCC \u0000Mahfoud Amara, Loughborough University \u000010. Attitudes of Students in the GCC towards the Arab Spring: A Case Study of Students in the UAE \u0000Georges Naufal, American University of Sharjah; Ismail Genc, American University of Sharjah; and Carlos Vargas-Silva, University of Oxford","PeriodicalId":346996,"journal":{"name":"International Political Economy: Migration eJournal","volume":"06 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127427201","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Open borders, in the sense of the abolition of policies restricting migration, would cause billions of people to migrate, and result in almost a doubling of world GDP. Based on a model that stresses human capital as a determinant of the wealth and poverty of nations, but which also has a spatial element and allows total factor productivity to differ across cities, two open borders scenarios are constructed. In the first, "pure market clearing" scenario, world GDP rises 91% as 82% of the world's population migrates, mostly to the West, and the living standards of unskilled workers worldwide rise to 26% of the US level. In the second scenario, with several adjustments made to favor greater realism at the expense of some arbitrariness, world GDP rises 85% as 58% of the world's population migrates, and the living standards of unskilled workers worldwide rise to 31% of the US level.
{"title":"The Global Economic Impact of Open Borders","authors":"Nathanael C. Smith","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2589733","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2589733","url":null,"abstract":"Open borders, in the sense of the abolition of policies restricting migration, would cause billions of people to migrate, and result in almost a doubling of world GDP. Based on a model that stresses human capital as a determinant of the wealth and poverty of nations, but which also has a spatial element and allows total factor productivity to differ across cities, two open borders scenarios are constructed. In the first, \"pure market clearing\" scenario, world GDP rises 91% as 82% of the world's population migrates, mostly to the West, and the living standards of unskilled workers worldwide rise to 26% of the US level. In the second scenario, with several adjustments made to favor greater realism at the expense of some arbitrariness, world GDP rises 85% as 58% of the world's population migrates, and the living standards of unskilled workers worldwide rise to 31% of the US level.","PeriodicalId":346996,"journal":{"name":"International Political Economy: Migration eJournal","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132659948","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper explores the economic implications of a potential free trade agreement between India and the United States. A series of simulations is conducted assuming 100 percent ad valorem equivalent tariff cuts for goods and 50 percent cuts for services. The overall impacts are likely to be positive for the United States and India. While gains from trade creation are offset by trade diversion on the import side, both countries appear to gain from improved access on the export side. The United States is likely to gain largely through terms of trade improvements for its goods and services, as initial protection in India is particularly high. India would experience an expansion of exports and output, especially in textiles and apparel. As the United States and India are negotiating other free trade agreements, such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership and India's agreement with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, the paper also explores how the effects of an India-United States free trade agreement are affected by prior free trade agreements. Adding an India-United States free trade agreement to prior agreements tends to bring additional welfare benefits to both countries. India would also gain substantially if it concluded a free trade agreement with the United States and then extended it to other partners. The results suggest that an India-United States free trade agreement might become a building block toward more liberal trade regimes.
{"title":"Not Welcome Anymore: The Effect of Electoral Incentives on the Reception of Refugees","authors":"Matteo Gamalerio","doi":"10.1596/1813-9450-7212","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1596/1813-9450-7212","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explores the economic implications of a potential free trade agreement between India and the United States. A series of simulations is conducted assuming 100 percent ad valorem equivalent tariff cuts for goods and 50 percent cuts for services. The overall impacts are likely to be positive for the United States and India. While gains from trade creation are offset by trade diversion on the import side, both countries appear to gain from improved access on the export side. The United States is likely to gain largely through terms of trade improvements for its goods and services, as initial protection in India is particularly high. India would experience an expansion of exports and output, especially in textiles and apparel. As the United States and India are negotiating other free trade agreements, such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership and India's agreement with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, the paper also explores how the effects of an India-United States free trade agreement are affected by prior free trade agreements. Adding an India-United States free trade agreement to prior agreements tends to bring additional welfare benefits to both countries. India would also gain substantially if it concluded a free trade agreement with the United States and then extended it to other partners. The results suggest that an India-United States free trade agreement might become a building block toward more liberal trade regimes.","PeriodicalId":346996,"journal":{"name":"International Political Economy: Migration eJournal","volume":"58 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-03-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123821915","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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