Harry T. Burleigh has been recognized primarily as the singer who introduced Antonin Dvorak to plantation songs and spirituals and as a pioneer arranger of African-American spirituals. In the past several decades, more and more singers have discovered the art songs that in the first quarter of the twentieth century earned Burleigh distinction as one of the most respected composers of American art songs. But other important aspects of his career are less well known, such as his more than thirty years as an editor at the New York office of Ricordi Music Publishing Company, headquartered in Milan, Italy. His role as vocal coach and mentor to a number of singers--including Roland Hayes, Marian Anderson, Paul Robeson, Carol Brice, Abbey Mitchell, Revella Hughes, and Ella Belle Davis--has been overshadowed by the greater fame of those he assisted. Even less understood is Burleigh's success as a recital performer, which drew these younger singers to seek his help in developing their own singing careers. His fifty-two-year tenure as baritone soloist at the wealthy St. George's Episcopal Church in Stuyvesant Square in New York City merely hints at the importance of Burleigh's role as a link between nineteenth- and early twentieth-century African-American concert singers such as sopranos Elizabeth Taylor Greenfield, Madame Marie Selika, and Madame Sissieretta Jones; tenors Wallace King, Harry A. Williams, and Sydney Woodward; and baritones John Luca and Theodore Drury and the younger singers who followed him and have become established in our collective memory as "the first" generation of African-American concert singers: Roland Hayes, Marian Anderson, and Paul Robeson. The Burleigh family papers hold programs and clippings of reviews of Burleigh performances that document a significant recital career along the eastern seaboard, particularly through New England, with a few appearances as far west as Minneapolis and Chicago and as far south as Nashville and Atlanta. In fact, Burleigh saw himself primarily as a singer, particularly in the first twenty years of his career in New York City. It was to become a serious classical singer that he left Erie, Pennsylvania, in January 1892 to audition at the National Conservatory of Music in New York City, where Antonin Dvorak would be director the following September. In an interview with A. Walter Kramer (1916) at the height of his fame as an art song composer, Burleigh declared, "I never even dreamed of being a composer--at least not out loud. I was going to be a singer and I am." As Kramer's article emphasized, despite Burleigh's modest protests, he was indeed a genuine composer as well as a singer. Burleigh's skill as a song composer was rooted in his thorough knowledge of German lieder and American song repertoire, along with Italian and French opera arias, and the vocal facility of his songwriting grew from a public singing career that began in his teenage years in Erie. Burleigh described his January 1892 audi
Harry T. Burleigh主要被认为是将Antonin Dvorak引入种植园歌曲和灵歌的歌手,也是非洲裔美国人灵歌的先驱编曲者。在过去的几十年里,越来越多的歌手发现了艺术歌曲,这些歌曲在20世纪头25年使伯利成为美国最受尊敬的艺术歌曲作曲家之一。但他职业生涯的其他重要方面不太为人所知,比如他在总部设在意大利米兰的里科尔迪音乐出版公司(Ricordi Music Publishing Company)纽约办事处担任编辑30多年。他作为许多歌手的声乐教练和导师的角色——包括罗兰·海斯、玛丽安·安德森、保罗·罗伯逊、卡罗尔·布莱斯、艾比·米切尔、瑞维拉·休斯和埃拉·贝尔·戴维斯——被他所帮助的那些更大的名声所掩盖。更不为人所知的是,伯利作为独奏会表演者的成功,吸引了这些年轻歌手寻求他的帮助,以发展自己的歌唱事业。他在纽约市斯图维森特广场富有的圣乔治圣公会教堂担任男中音独奏家长达52年,这仅仅暗示了伯利在19世纪和20世纪早期非洲裔美国音乐会歌手(如女高音伊丽莎白·泰勒·格林菲尔德、玛丽·塞利卡夫人和西耶丽塔·琼斯夫人)之间的联系所起的重要作用;男高音华莱士·金、哈里·a·威廉姆斯和西德尼·伍德沃德;还有男中音约翰·卢卡和西奥多·德鲁里,以及后来在我们的集体记忆中成为“第一代”非裔美国音乐会歌手的年轻歌手:罗兰·海耶斯、玛丽安·安德森和保罗·罗伯逊。伯利家族的报纸上有伯利演出的节目单和评论剪报,记录了他在东部沿海地区的重要独奏生涯,特别是在新英格兰地区,西至明尼阿波利斯和芝加哥,南至纳什维尔和亚特兰大。事实上,伯利认为自己主要是一名歌手,特别是在他在纽约市职业生涯的头二十年。为了成为一名真正的古典歌手,他于1892年1月离开宾夕法尼亚州的伊利,前往纽约市的国家音乐学院试镜。次年9月,安东宁·德沃夏克(Antonin Dvorak)将担任院长。1916年,在他作为艺术歌曲作曲家的名声达到顶峰时,伯利在接受a·沃尔特·克莱默(a . Walter Kramer)的采访时说:“我从来没有想过要成为一名作曲家——至少没有大声说出来。我想成为一名歌手,现在我做到了。”正如克莱默的文章所强调的那样,尽管伯利提出了温和的抗议,但他确实是一位真正的作曲家和歌手。伯利作为歌曲作曲家的技巧根植于他对德国抒情歌曲和美国歌曲的全面了解,以及意大利和法国歌剧的咏叹调,他的歌曲创作的声乐能力来自于他在伊利开始的公开演唱生涯。伯利在1924年对莱斯特·沃尔顿(Lester a . Walton)的采访中描述了他1892年1月在国家音乐学院的试演:“已故的拉斐尔·约瑟夫(Rafael Joseffy)、罗穆索·萨皮奥(Romualso Sapio)和阿黛尔·马古丽斯(Adele Margulies)都是评审团中著名的艺术家。我想我的阅读成绩是ABA,声音成绩是B。他们告诉我,AA是必考分数,而我的分数比这低了一点。”当音乐学院的注册主任弗朗西丝·麦克道尔(作曲家爱德华·麦克道尔的母亲)通知伯利他没有通过试镜时,伯利告诉她他想成为一名职业歌手的雄心壮志,并给她看了伊丽莎白·罗素夫人的推荐信。“我告诉她我的渴望,她同情我”(沃尔顿1974,83)。伯利第一次见到弗朗西丝·麦克道尔是在委内瑞拉钢琴家特蕾莎·卡雷诺(Teresa Carreno)在罗伯特·w·罗素(Robert W. Russell)家中演出的音乐剧上,当时伯利的母亲在那里帮忙做女佣,伯利在那里当看门人。卡雷诺曾是爱德华·麦克道尔的老师,她将麦克道尔的钢琴作品介绍给美国和欧洲的听众。…
{"title":"Harry T. Burleigh, \"One of Erie's Most Popular Church Singers\"","authors":"Janet E. Snyder","doi":"10.2307/4145491","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/4145491","url":null,"abstract":"Harry T. Burleigh has been recognized primarily as the singer who introduced Antonin Dvorak to plantation songs and spirituals and as a pioneer arranger of African-American spirituals. In the past several decades, more and more singers have discovered the art songs that in the first quarter of the twentieth century earned Burleigh distinction as one of the most respected composers of American art songs. But other important aspects of his career are less well known, such as his more than thirty years as an editor at the New York office of Ricordi Music Publishing Company, headquartered in Milan, Italy. His role as vocal coach and mentor to a number of singers--including Roland Hayes, Marian Anderson, Paul Robeson, Carol Brice, Abbey Mitchell, Revella Hughes, and Ella Belle Davis--has been overshadowed by the greater fame of those he assisted. Even less understood is Burleigh's success as a recital performer, which drew these younger singers to seek his help in developing their own singing careers. His fifty-two-year tenure as baritone soloist at the wealthy St. George's Episcopal Church in Stuyvesant Square in New York City merely hints at the importance of Burleigh's role as a link between nineteenth- and early twentieth-century African-American concert singers such as sopranos Elizabeth Taylor Greenfield, Madame Marie Selika, and Madame Sissieretta Jones; tenors Wallace King, Harry A. Williams, and Sydney Woodward; and baritones John Luca and Theodore Drury and the younger singers who followed him and have become established in our collective memory as \"the first\" generation of African-American concert singers: Roland Hayes, Marian Anderson, and Paul Robeson. The Burleigh family papers hold programs and clippings of reviews of Burleigh performances that document a significant recital career along the eastern seaboard, particularly through New England, with a few appearances as far west as Minneapolis and Chicago and as far south as Nashville and Atlanta. In fact, Burleigh saw himself primarily as a singer, particularly in the first twenty years of his career in New York City. It was to become a serious classical singer that he left Erie, Pennsylvania, in January 1892 to audition at the National Conservatory of Music in New York City, where Antonin Dvorak would be director the following September. In an interview with A. Walter Kramer (1916) at the height of his fame as an art song composer, Burleigh declared, \"I never even dreamed of being a composer--at least not out loud. I was going to be a singer and I am.\" As Kramer's article emphasized, despite Burleigh's modest protests, he was indeed a genuine composer as well as a singer. Burleigh's skill as a song composer was rooted in his thorough knowledge of German lieder and American song repertoire, along with Italian and French opera arias, and the vocal facility of his songwriting grew from a public singing career that began in his teenage years in Erie. Burleigh described his January 1892 audi","PeriodicalId":354930,"journal":{"name":"Black Music Research Journal","volume":"32 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2004-01-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117192264","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
"It is the best of all trades, to make songs, and the second best to sing them," wrote poet Hilaire Belloc (1917, 6). Harry T. Burleigh (1866-1949) certainly enjoyed the best of both pursuits, combining a long, distinguished performing career with an equally productive life as a composer. Unfortunately, Burleigh never recorded while in his prime as a baritone soloist, and we must evaluate his singing through the reviews of others and the prestige of the venues in which he appeared. As a composer, however, Burleigh left a highly accessible legacy of spiritual arrangements and art songs. Many of the spiritual arrangements have remained in print and in repertoire since their initial publication in the first half of the twentieth century. The art songs have not fared so well; most are still out of print, and we are only now beginning to decide their place in the art-song canon. Since the civil rights movement of the 1960s and the American bicentennial celebration in 1976, music historians have mined the long-dormant riches of American music in earnest, at last acknowledging the contributions of African-American composers, women composers, and other previously marginalized composers. Burleigh has proved to be one of the most important African-American composers of his generation; indeed, he produced the most widely admired spiritual arrangements of his time as well as a substantial body of lovely art songs. Burleigh and the other American song composers of the early twentieth century deserve to be studied according to rigorous musicological standards so that their songs, having thus been scrutinized and analyzed, may find their proper place in indexes, on recordings, and in the concert hall. Academic communities frequently discuss analysis and argue how it is best done. Evaluation is serious business, and the criteria used to judge and compare should be well designed. For several decades, academic musicians have had a protracted debate about the canon, as the traditional European-centered curriculum has been infiltrated by many "other" musics, for example, world music, American popular music, and gender-identified music. In the deluge of new ideas and new music for our classrooms and concert halls, it is interesting to look at the comments of Virgil Thomson, a composer and influential critic of the twentieth century, who pondered how to evaluate music well before the historical investigations of the 1960s and 1970s had yielded the remarkable feast of American music now available to us. Speaking in 1947 at the Harvard Symposium on Music Criticism, Thomson (1968, 7) posited that a critical opinion of music depended on music being memorable, and that the phenomenon of music lodging in the listener's memory is due to certain attributes of the music: (1) the ability of a work to hold one's attention, (2) one's ability to remember it vividly, and (3) a certain strangeness in the musical texture, that is to say, the presence of technical invention, such as n
诗人希莱尔·贝洛克(Hilaire Belloc, 1917, 6)写道:“创作歌曲是最好的,演唱歌曲是第二好的。”哈利·t·伯利(Harry T. Burleigh, 1866-1949)当然享受着这两种追求的最佳效果,他将长期杰出的表演生涯与同样多产的作曲家生活结合在一起。不幸的是,伯利在他作为男中音独唱的鼎盛时期从未录制过唱片,我们必须通过其他人的评论和他演出的场所的声望来评价他的演唱。然而,作为一名作曲家,伯利在精神编曲和艺术歌曲方面留下了非常容易理解的遗产。自二十世纪上半叶首次出版以来,许多精神安排一直在印刷和保留。艺术歌曲的表现就不那么好了;大多数歌曲仍然绝版,我们现在才开始决定它们在艺术歌曲经典中的地位。自20世纪60年代的民权运动和1976年的美国200周年庆典以来,音乐史学家们认真地挖掘了美国音乐中长期休眠的财富,最终承认了非裔美国作曲家、女性作曲家和其他以前被边缘化的作曲家的贡献。伯利已被证明是他那一代最重要的非裔美国作曲家之一;事实上,他创作了他那个时代最广受赞赏的精神曲,以及大量可爱的艺术歌曲。伯利和20世纪早期的其他美国歌曲作曲家值得按照严格的音乐学标准来研究,这样他们的歌曲在经过仔细审查和分析后,才能在索引、唱片和音乐厅中找到合适的位置。学术界经常讨论分析并争论如何最好地完成分析。评估是一件严肃的事情,用于判断和比较的标准应该设计得很好。几十年来,学院派音乐家对经典进行了旷日持久的辩论,因为传统的以欧洲为中心的课程已经被许多“其他”音乐所渗透,例如世界音乐、美国流行音乐和性别认同音乐。在新思想和新音乐如潮水般涌入我们的教室和音乐厅时,看看二十世纪作曲家和有影响力的评论家维吉尔·汤姆森(Virgil Thomson)的评论是很有趣的。在20世纪60年代和70年代的历史调查产生了今天我们可以看到的美国音乐的非凡盛宴之前,他思考了如何很好地评价音乐。在1947年的哈佛音乐评论研讨会上,汤姆森(1968,7)提出,对音乐的批评意见取决于音乐是否令人难忘,而音乐在听众记忆中停留的现象是由于音乐的某些属性:(1)作品吸引人注意力的能力,(2)生动记忆的能力,以及(3)音乐织体中的某种陌生感,也就是说,技术发明的存在,如节奏或对位、和声、旋律或乐器装置的新颖性。歌曲作曲家或歌手可能会添加第四点:文本的质量以及声音和伴奏的效果。考虑到汤姆森的建议,我建议转向伯利的音乐,并询问作曲家如何应对评论家的挑战。我在这里集中介绍1910年至1940年间创作的作品,这是伯利轻松掌握作曲技巧的成熟时期。Jean E. Snyder(1992)仔细地描述了伯利的风格时期和各种歌曲创作方法。她详细解释了伯利使用的对位和声语言,并调查了后期歌曲中越来越多的半音性,以及他偶尔引用其他作曲家的作品。她还讨论了他对民谣、民歌背景和通过创作的艺术歌曲的探索,指出了他对朗诵风格、东方主义和非裔美国人音乐元素的使用(135-137)。...
{"title":"\"A CERTAIN STRANGENESS\": HARRY T. BURLEIGH'S ART SONGS AND SPIRITUAL ARRANGEMENTS","authors":"Ann Sears","doi":"10.2307/4145492","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/4145492","url":null,"abstract":"\"It is the best of all trades, to make songs, and the second best to sing them,\" wrote poet Hilaire Belloc (1917, 6). Harry T. Burleigh (1866-1949) certainly enjoyed the best of both pursuits, combining a long, distinguished performing career with an equally productive life as a composer. Unfortunately, Burleigh never recorded while in his prime as a baritone soloist, and we must evaluate his singing through the reviews of others and the prestige of the venues in which he appeared. As a composer, however, Burleigh left a highly accessible legacy of spiritual arrangements and art songs. Many of the spiritual arrangements have remained in print and in repertoire since their initial publication in the first half of the twentieth century. The art songs have not fared so well; most are still out of print, and we are only now beginning to decide their place in the art-song canon. Since the civil rights movement of the 1960s and the American bicentennial celebration in 1976, music historians have mined the long-dormant riches of American music in earnest, at last acknowledging the contributions of African-American composers, women composers, and other previously marginalized composers. Burleigh has proved to be one of the most important African-American composers of his generation; indeed, he produced the most widely admired spiritual arrangements of his time as well as a substantial body of lovely art songs. Burleigh and the other American song composers of the early twentieth century deserve to be studied according to rigorous musicological standards so that their songs, having thus been scrutinized and analyzed, may find their proper place in indexes, on recordings, and in the concert hall. Academic communities frequently discuss analysis and argue how it is best done. Evaluation is serious business, and the criteria used to judge and compare should be well designed. For several decades, academic musicians have had a protracted debate about the canon, as the traditional European-centered curriculum has been infiltrated by many \"other\" musics, for example, world music, American popular music, and gender-identified music. In the deluge of new ideas and new music for our classrooms and concert halls, it is interesting to look at the comments of Virgil Thomson, a composer and influential critic of the twentieth century, who pondered how to evaluate music well before the historical investigations of the 1960s and 1970s had yielded the remarkable feast of American music now available to us. Speaking in 1947 at the Harvard Symposium on Music Criticism, Thomson (1968, 7) posited that a critical opinion of music depended on music being memorable, and that the phenomenon of music lodging in the listener's memory is due to certain attributes of the music: (1) the ability of a work to hold one's attention, (2) one's ability to remember it vividly, and (3) a certain strangeness in the musical texture, that is to say, the presence of technical invention, such as n","PeriodicalId":354930,"journal":{"name":"Black Music Research Journal","volume":"29 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2004-01-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130279384","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Harry Burleigh's demeanor has been described variously by some of the younger artists of the Harlem Renaissance as elegant and refined or as aloof and removed. Although many saw dignity in Burleigh's bearing as well as in his artistic arrangements of spirituals, others saw something else. Harlem Renaissance choral arranger and director Eva Jessye intimated that Burleigh's deportment was "related to his desire to disclaim his racial heritage" (quoted in Spencer 1997, 6). Zora Neale Hurston struck a similar note in a 1931 letter to Charlotte Mason, asserting that Harry Burleigh "has less sympathy for the Negro than anyone ... [that I] can imagine" (6). Either complaint may have stemmed partly from Burleigh's focus on art song arrangements of spirituals instead of a more folk-centric attempt at presenting this music. And yet, it is interesting to note that during the 1920s and early 1930s, Harry Burleigh regularly traveled to rural Georgia to transcribe spirituals from black tenant farmers. Burleigh was well aware of the spiritual as it existed in the folk sphere in the 1920s, not to mention the plight of southern Negros and issues surrounding the preservation of their racial heritage. Of the more than 600 extant transcriptions that Burleigh made of African-American folksongs (Burleigh [ca. 1929]), 187 spirituals were published jointly with Burleigh's collaborator, Dorothy Bolton, in a hymnal titled The Old Songs Hymnal, Words and Melodies from the State of Georgia (Bolton and Burleigh 1929). Burleigh's work on this hymnal and his journey to transcribe folk tunes in rural Georgia remain an unknown but significant chapter in his biography. In order to fill in this lacuna, this article briefly surveys Burleigh's transcriptions and arrangements of spirituals, as well as the known biographies of some of his informants and his collaborator, Dorothy Bolton. The details of Burleigh's work in rural Georgia must be inferred from the extant manuscripts and the Old Songs Hymnal. The majority of both Dorothy Bolton's and Harry Burleigh's personal correspondence appears to have been destroyed, which precludes definitive conclusions about motives and methods. The only oral accounts of Burleigh's trip come from Dorothy Bolton's grandsons, who are now in possession of Burleigh's manuscripts. They claim that Bolton employed Burleigh because she saw him as the leading expert on spirituals in America (Bolton 2003). Although Bolton had collected the texts of many African-American folktales and folksongs, she could not transcribe the music. According to her descendants, Bolton transcribed the lyrics of the spirituals, and Burleigh transcribed the tunes. Later, the two published a hymnal containing many of these songs. Neither grandson remembers Burleigh, although both were alive (under ten years old) and living nearby during his last datable visit in 1933. There are two types of manuscripts extant. The first is a legible transcription of a spiritual, with the music hand
{"title":"Harry Burleigh as Ethnomusicologist? Transcription, Arranging, and the Old Songs Hymnal","authors":"Brian Moon","doi":"10.2307/4145495","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/4145495","url":null,"abstract":"Harry Burleigh's demeanor has been described variously by some of the younger artists of the Harlem Renaissance as elegant and refined or as aloof and removed. Although many saw dignity in Burleigh's bearing as well as in his artistic arrangements of spirituals, others saw something else. Harlem Renaissance choral arranger and director Eva Jessye intimated that Burleigh's deportment was \"related to his desire to disclaim his racial heritage\" (quoted in Spencer 1997, 6). Zora Neale Hurston struck a similar note in a 1931 letter to Charlotte Mason, asserting that Harry Burleigh \"has less sympathy for the Negro than anyone ... [that I] can imagine\" (6). Either complaint may have stemmed partly from Burleigh's focus on art song arrangements of spirituals instead of a more folk-centric attempt at presenting this music. And yet, it is interesting to note that during the 1920s and early 1930s, Harry Burleigh regularly traveled to rural Georgia to transcribe spirituals from black tenant farmers. Burleigh was well aware of the spiritual as it existed in the folk sphere in the 1920s, not to mention the plight of southern Negros and issues surrounding the preservation of their racial heritage. Of the more than 600 extant transcriptions that Burleigh made of African-American folksongs (Burleigh [ca. 1929]), 187 spirituals were published jointly with Burleigh's collaborator, Dorothy Bolton, in a hymnal titled The Old Songs Hymnal, Words and Melodies from the State of Georgia (Bolton and Burleigh 1929). Burleigh's work on this hymnal and his journey to transcribe folk tunes in rural Georgia remain an unknown but significant chapter in his biography. In order to fill in this lacuna, this article briefly surveys Burleigh's transcriptions and arrangements of spirituals, as well as the known biographies of some of his informants and his collaborator, Dorothy Bolton. The details of Burleigh's work in rural Georgia must be inferred from the extant manuscripts and the Old Songs Hymnal. The majority of both Dorothy Bolton's and Harry Burleigh's personal correspondence appears to have been destroyed, which precludes definitive conclusions about motives and methods. The only oral accounts of Burleigh's trip come from Dorothy Bolton's grandsons, who are now in possession of Burleigh's manuscripts. They claim that Bolton employed Burleigh because she saw him as the leading expert on spirituals in America (Bolton 2003). Although Bolton had collected the texts of many African-American folktales and folksongs, she could not transcribe the music. According to her descendants, Bolton transcribed the lyrics of the spirituals, and Burleigh transcribed the tunes. Later, the two published a hymnal containing many of these songs. Neither grandson remembers Burleigh, although both were alive (under ten years old) and living nearby during his last datable visit in 1933. There are two types of manuscripts extant. The first is a legible transcription of a spiritual, with the music hand","PeriodicalId":354930,"journal":{"name":"Black Music Research Journal","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2004-01-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127055624","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
April 2, 2003, saw the opening of a three-day conference, The Heritage and Legacy of Harry T. Burleigh (1866-1949), designed to address and celebrate the contributions of this singer, composer, vocal coach, pianist, teacher, editor, and producer. (1) The presenters explored issues ranging from who influenced Burleigh's career to whom he influenced; from his musical prowess to his work as a composer; from his arranging to his singing; from his songs to his choral works; from his spirituals to his popular and concert music. This occasion was the first to address comprehensively so many aspects of this individual's career and to provide interpretations that reach beneath the surface of previous writings to support his status as a key figure in the history of American music; for over the decades, discussions of his contributions to American music have been virtually absent in the tomes that document and extol that history. There are acceptable reasons for this silence, including the fact that until recently there have existed serious gaps in our knowledge about African-American music and musicians and a dearth of the kind of information that would reveal Burleigh as even semisignificant in the history of American music. In fact, in the large majority of cases, Burleigh's name does not appear unless Antonin Dvorak's does, not even in most black-oriented, black-authored, and black-produced publications. When his name is mentioned without Dvorak's, the context in which it appears carries the implication that Burleigh must have been a great singer since he was a featured soloist at a white church--St. George's Episcopal Church in New York--for fifty years, from 1894 to 1946. (2) Not even in my edited Black Music in the Harlem Renaissance (Floyd 1990) was Burleigh given more than a modicum of space, scattered throughout the volume. In order to place my observations in context, I will divert for a moment. The late musicologist Eileen Southern has told of colleagues at NYU questioning her decision to write a book about black music, one asking, "What is there to learn about black music? There's nothing there--just jazz and spirituals. How could you possibly find enough material to make a course?" (Wright 1992, 6). Well, she certainly proved his assumption to be wrong, producing a massive musicological tome about black music and black music making that ranges chronologically from pre-nineteenth-century American slave music to contemporary European-derived and American-based concert music, The Music of Black Americans. Since that landmark work first appeared, in 1971, an abundance of information has been revealed in scholarly journals, including her own trailblazing journal The Black Perspective in Music, Jon Michael Spencer's Journal of Black Sacred Music, and my own Black Music Research Journal, and in research tools and monographs on black music. A second edition of Southern's book was published in 1983, and a third in 1997. Each new edition contained much
2003年4月2日,为期三天的会议开幕,主题是哈利·t·伯利(1866-1949)的遗产和遗产,旨在讨论和庆祝这位歌手、作曲家、声乐教练、钢琴家、教师、编辑和制作人的贡献。(1)主持人探讨了从谁影响了伯利的职业生涯到他影响了谁的问题;从他的音乐才能到他作为作曲家的工作;从他的编排到他的歌唱;从他的歌曲到他的合唱作品;从他的灵歌到流行音乐和音乐会音乐。这是第一次全面探讨这个人的职业生涯的许多方面,并提供深入到以前的作品表面下的解释,以支持他作为美国音乐史上关键人物的地位;几十年来,关于他对美国音乐的贡献的讨论,在记录和颂扬这段历史的大部头著作中几乎是缺失的。这种沉默有一些可以接受的原因,包括直到最近我们对非裔美国人音乐和音乐家的了解还存在严重的差距,以及缺乏能够揭示伯利在美国音乐史上甚至是半重要的信息。事实上,在大多数情况下,伯利的名字不会出现,除非安东宁·德沃夏克的名字出现,甚至在大多数面向黑人、黑人作者和黑人出版的出版物中也不会出现。当伯利的名字在没有德沃夏克的情况下被提及时,它出现的背景暗示着伯利一定是一个伟大的歌手,因为他是一个白人教堂的独奏家。乔治圣公会教堂——从1894年到1946年的50年里。(2)即使在我编辑过的《哈莱姆文艺复兴时期的黑人音乐》(弗洛伊德1990)中,伯利的作品也只占了很少的篇幅,分散在整本书中。为了把我的观察放在上下文中,我要转移一下话题。已故的音乐学家艾琳·索瑟恩(Eileen Southern)曾说,纽约大学的同事质疑她写一本关于黑人音乐的书的决定,其中一位问道:“关于黑人音乐,我们能学到什么?”什么都没有,只有爵士乐和灵歌。你怎么可能找到足够的材料来开一门课呢?”(Wright 1992,6)嗯,她当然证明了他的假设是错误的,她制作了一本关于黑人音乐和黑人音乐制作的大型音乐学巨著,按时间顺序从19世纪前的美国奴隶音乐到当代源自欧洲和美国的音乐会音乐,《美国黑人音乐》。自从1971年这一具有里程碑意义的作品首次出现以来,学术期刊上已经披露了大量的信息,包括她自己的开创性期刊《音乐中的黑人视角》、乔恩·迈克尔·斯宾塞的《黑人神圣音乐期刊》和我自己的《黑人音乐研究期刊》,以及关于黑人音乐的研究工具和专著。萨南的书于1983年出版了第二版,1997年出版了第三版。每一个新版本都比之前的版本包含了更多的信息,反映了一个扩大的视角,这是Southern对其间几年发生的事态发展的观察和研究所带来的。然而,在随后的版本中,伯利的曝光仍然不足,1983年和1997年分别只有7次和7次被提及;在Southern编辑的《美国黑人音乐读本》(1983)的第二版中,他也没有得到太多的篇幅,在这本书的随笔中,作者们只提到了他五次。在《黑人音乐的力量》(The Power of Black Music, Floyd 1995)一书中,我对他的描述也好不到哪里去,因为虽然我在书中把他视为一个“非常重要的人物”,但我四次偶然提到他,现在却让人感到尴尬。里德·巴杰为詹姆斯·里斯·欧斯写的传记《拉格泰姆生活》(1995)是一个强有力的例外,该书对伯利给予了极大的关注。然而,总而言之,尽管对黑人音乐和音乐家的认可一直在稳步推进,但伯利实际上一直被忽视。…
{"title":"The Invisibility and Fame of Harry T. Burleigh: Retrospect and Prospect","authors":"Samuel A. Floyd","doi":"10.2307/4145490","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/4145490","url":null,"abstract":"April 2, 2003, saw the opening of a three-day conference, The Heritage and Legacy of Harry T. Burleigh (1866-1949), designed to address and celebrate the contributions of this singer, composer, vocal coach, pianist, teacher, editor, and producer. (1) The presenters explored issues ranging from who influenced Burleigh's career to whom he influenced; from his musical prowess to his work as a composer; from his arranging to his singing; from his songs to his choral works; from his spirituals to his popular and concert music. This occasion was the first to address comprehensively so many aspects of this individual's career and to provide interpretations that reach beneath the surface of previous writings to support his status as a key figure in the history of American music; for over the decades, discussions of his contributions to American music have been virtually absent in the tomes that document and extol that history. There are acceptable reasons for this silence, including the fact that until recently there have existed serious gaps in our knowledge about African-American music and musicians and a dearth of the kind of information that would reveal Burleigh as even semisignificant in the history of American music. In fact, in the large majority of cases, Burleigh's name does not appear unless Antonin Dvorak's does, not even in most black-oriented, black-authored, and black-produced publications. When his name is mentioned without Dvorak's, the context in which it appears carries the implication that Burleigh must have been a great singer since he was a featured soloist at a white church--St. George's Episcopal Church in New York--for fifty years, from 1894 to 1946. (2) Not even in my edited Black Music in the Harlem Renaissance (Floyd 1990) was Burleigh given more than a modicum of space, scattered throughout the volume. In order to place my observations in context, I will divert for a moment. The late musicologist Eileen Southern has told of colleagues at NYU questioning her decision to write a book about black music, one asking, \"What is there to learn about black music? There's nothing there--just jazz and spirituals. How could you possibly find enough material to make a course?\" (Wright 1992, 6). Well, she certainly proved his assumption to be wrong, producing a massive musicological tome about black music and black music making that ranges chronologically from pre-nineteenth-century American slave music to contemporary European-derived and American-based concert music, The Music of Black Americans. Since that landmark work first appeared, in 1971, an abundance of information has been revealed in scholarly journals, including her own trailblazing journal The Black Perspective in Music, Jon Michael Spencer's Journal of Black Sacred Music, and my own Black Music Research Journal, and in research tools and monographs on black music. A second edition of Southern's book was published in 1983, and a third in 1997. Each new edition contained much ","PeriodicalId":354930,"journal":{"name":"Black Music Research Journal","volume":"444 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2004-01-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125766481","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The presence of vocal works that use dialect in African-American culture has been a controversial and difficult area of inquiry for those investigating the phenomenon. Dialect songs were first heard in the minstrel shows that toured the United States and Europe before the Civil War (Mahar 1999). They continued to be performed after the war as well, although not as frequently by professional troupes. Textually, many minstrel songs presented derogatory caricatures of African-American and slave culture known from depictions of southern plantations. By the 1870s, African-American dialect was still heard, most often in minstrelsy, although probably in some sacred repertory as well. While spirituals and jubilees sung in churches may have used dialect, existing evidence suggests that touring college groups, such as the Fisk Jubilee Singers and the Hampton Students, avoided the use of dialect when they performed spirituals as part of their programs. The Fisk Singers' book The Story of the Jubilee Singers (Marsh 1880) and their later recordings (after 1909) offer their repertory in standard English. Ditson's (1887) publication Jubilee and Plantation Songs likewise eschews dialect. Undoubtedly, the use of standard English in these publications and in public performances reflected a desire to demonstrate that African Americans were educated and could speak and sing in standard English. Toward the end of the 1880s, a number of African-American vocal quartets began to appear in various venues, including vaudeville, country fairs, and variety shows. One of the most famous was the Standard Quartet, which toured with the South before the War company. The group made a number of cylinders in the early 1890s, of which one, "Keep Movin'," also sung in standard English, has survived (Brooks 2004, 96-97). However, the popularity of the antebellum spirituals and jubilees influenced a number of black minstrels to write and perform sacred dialect songs in their shows. James Bland's "Oh, Dem Golden Slippers" (1879) and Sam Lucas's "Put On My Long White Robe" (1879) are two examples of this sacred genre that migrated from the church and concert stage to the minstrel show. Lucas's song has no derogatory sense. Rather, the dialect conveys an African-American perspective (similar to that heard in spirituals) on the voyage that follows death. De gospel Trumpet am sounding loud, Put on my long white robe. See all de children a slipping proud, All up an' down de road, When dey get near de pearly gate, Put on my long white robe, You can go inside if you ain't too late, And den how happy you'll feel. Chorus Oh! wait 'till I put on my long white robe, My starry crown and my golden shoes, I pass through the gates of de golden city Den I carry de news. During the 1890s, the most controversial dialect lyrics, which harkened back to the early days of minstrelsy, were set to ragtime melodies; this new genre is usually identified as the "coon" song. It was sung in a multiplicity of venue
在非洲裔美国人的文化中,使用方言的声乐作品的存在一直是一个有争议和困难的调查领域,对于那些调查这一现象的人来说。方言歌曲第一次被听到是在内战前巡回美国和欧洲的吟游诗人表演中(Mahar 1999)。战争结束后,他们继续演出,尽管不像以前那样频繁地由专业剧团演出。从文字上看,许多吟游诗人的歌曲呈现了对非洲裔美国人和奴隶文化的贬损漫画,这些文化来自对南方种植园的描绘。到19世纪70年代,非洲裔美国人的方言仍然可以听到,最常见的是在吟唱中,尽管可能在一些神圣的剧目中也有。虽然在教堂里唱的灵歌和禧年歌可能使用了方言,但现有证据表明,巡回演出的大学团体,如菲斯克禧年歌手和汉普顿学生,在表演灵歌作为节目的一部分时避免使用方言。菲斯克歌手的书《朱比利歌手的故事》(Marsh 1880)和他们后来的录音(1909年后)提供了标准英语的剧目。迪特森1887年出版的《禧年与种植园之歌》同样避免使用方言。毫无疑问,在这些出版物和公开表演中使用标准英语反映了一种愿望,即证明非裔美国人受过教育,能够用标准英语说话和唱歌。到19世纪80年代末,一些非洲裔美国人的声乐四重奏开始出现在各种场合,包括杂耍、乡村集市和综艺节目。其中最著名的是标准四重奏,在战争公司之前与南方巡演。该乐队在19世纪90年代早期制作了许多圆筒,其中一首《Keep Movin’》(也是用标准英语演唱)保存了下来(Brooks 2004,96 -97)。然而,内战前的灵歌和禧年的流行影响了一些黑人吟游诗人在他们的表演中创作和表演神圣的方言歌曲。詹姆斯·布兰德(James Bland)的《哦,我的金拖鞋》(Oh, Dem Golden拖鞋,1879)和萨姆·卢卡斯(Sam Lucas)的《穿上我的白色长袍》(Put My Long White Robe, 1879)就是这种从教堂和音乐会舞台转移到吟游诗人表演的神圣流派的两个例子。卢卡斯的歌没有贬义。相反,这种方言传达了一种非裔美国人在死亡之后的旅程中的观点(类似于在灵歌中听到的观点)。福音的号筒正在大声吹响,请穿上我的白袍。看到所有的孩子都骄傲地滑倒,在路上走来走去,当他们走近珍珠门时,穿上我的白色长袍,如果还来得及的话,你可以进去,然后你会感到多么幸福。合唱哦!等到我穿上我的白色长袍,戴上我的星星王冠,脚上我的金鞋,穿过那金色的城的大门,我就带来了消息。在19世纪90年代,最具争议的方言歌词,可以追溯到早期的吟游诗人,被设置为拉格泰姆旋律;这种新类型的歌曲通常被称为“黑人”歌曲。这首歌在许多地方被演唱——在吟游诗人表演中,在歌舞杂耍中,在百老汇。人们普遍认为欧内斯特·霍根的《我看所有的浣熊都很像》是第一首黑人歌曲(Woll 1989, 2),但事实上,在他的作品之前,已经有很多黑人歌曲出现了。然而,他的歌和至少有五位作曲家声称是《恶霸之歌》的作者的《恶霸之歌》一起,把这种新流派引入了百老汇,在那里,主流戏剧观众欣然接受并认可了梅·欧文演唱的这些朗朗上口的曲调。黑人歌曲的流行使许多非裔美国人词作者和作曲家创作了由黑人和白人演员共同演唱的本土歌曲。虽然这些歌曲中的大多数都有俚语的歌词,其中省略了词尾音(例如“hangin”)并使用了缩略词(“ne'er”),但它们没有使用方言(“dere”和“dem”)。然而,有一小部分人这样做了。例如,伯特·威廉姆斯和乔治·沃克在1897年至1902年间写了几首在他们的音乐剧中听到的歌曲,还有欧文·琼斯、威尔·马里恩·库克和鲍勃·科尔。…
{"title":"THE USE OF DIALECT IN AFRICAN-AMERICAN SPIRITUALS, POPULAR SONGS, AND FOLK SONGS","authors":"John Graziano","doi":"10.2307/4145494","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/4145494","url":null,"abstract":"The presence of vocal works that use dialect in African-American culture has been a controversial and difficult area of inquiry for those investigating the phenomenon. Dialect songs were first heard in the minstrel shows that toured the United States and Europe before the Civil War (Mahar 1999). They continued to be performed after the war as well, although not as frequently by professional troupes. Textually, many minstrel songs presented derogatory caricatures of African-American and slave culture known from depictions of southern plantations. By the 1870s, African-American dialect was still heard, most often in minstrelsy, although probably in some sacred repertory as well. While spirituals and jubilees sung in churches may have used dialect, existing evidence suggests that touring college groups, such as the Fisk Jubilee Singers and the Hampton Students, avoided the use of dialect when they performed spirituals as part of their programs. The Fisk Singers' book The Story of the Jubilee Singers (Marsh 1880) and their later recordings (after 1909) offer their repertory in standard English. Ditson's (1887) publication Jubilee and Plantation Songs likewise eschews dialect. Undoubtedly, the use of standard English in these publications and in public performances reflected a desire to demonstrate that African Americans were educated and could speak and sing in standard English. Toward the end of the 1880s, a number of African-American vocal quartets began to appear in various venues, including vaudeville, country fairs, and variety shows. One of the most famous was the Standard Quartet, which toured with the South before the War company. The group made a number of cylinders in the early 1890s, of which one, \"Keep Movin',\" also sung in standard English, has survived (Brooks 2004, 96-97). However, the popularity of the antebellum spirituals and jubilees influenced a number of black minstrels to write and perform sacred dialect songs in their shows. James Bland's \"Oh, Dem Golden Slippers\" (1879) and Sam Lucas's \"Put On My Long White Robe\" (1879) are two examples of this sacred genre that migrated from the church and concert stage to the minstrel show. Lucas's song has no derogatory sense. Rather, the dialect conveys an African-American perspective (similar to that heard in spirituals) on the voyage that follows death. De gospel Trumpet am sounding loud, Put on my long white robe. See all de children a slipping proud, All up an' down de road, When dey get near de pearly gate, Put on my long white robe, You can go inside if you ain't too late, And den how happy you'll feel. Chorus Oh! wait 'till I put on my long white robe, My starry crown and my golden shoes, I pass through the gates of de golden city Den I carry de news. During the 1890s, the most controversial dialect lyrics, which harkened back to the early days of minstrelsy, were set to ragtime melodies; this new genre is usually identified as the \"coon\" song. It was sung in a multiplicity of venue","PeriodicalId":354930,"journal":{"name":"Black Music Research Journal","volume":"15 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2004-01-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133827927","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Imagine, if you will, that you are an open-minded musical enthusiast whose only exposure has been to the classical European tradition, with no knowledge of North American music of the last century or before. You are suddenly exposed to the music of, say, Bessie Smith and Josh White (to name just two diverse African-American performers with Appalachian backgrounds). Among the first shocks would be to find that these individuals are clearly working to different standards and modes of performance than their European counterparts. For example, there is an emphasis on rhythmic complexity and syncopation that is largely foreign to European notions, while the European attention to melody development and scalar range is largely absent. Bessie Smith and Josh White are at the same time typical and atypical of African-American performance in the Appalachian context. They are typical in that a number of performers work or worked in similar styles. They are atypical in being recognized as superior in their respective fields. Even white North American music, whether "serious" or otherwise, has departed from standards and modes so central to European thought. Those standards and modes had been so dominant in the European mind that they had once been assumed to apply universally. Why has North American music been so different? Much can be explained by an interaction between the European habits brought by the white settlers and African practices retained, by permission or otherwise, by the slaves brought across the Atlantic. The introduced European music had considerable variety. There were the hymns, dirges, and fugues associated with the church, there was folksong from all parts of the British Isles and any number of parallel continental traditions, and there was the art music, developed over several centuries, by the finest minds working in the "classical" traditions of European music. There was also variety in the music known to the slaves. From West Africa's forests came people who could make drums "talk," to such a perceived degree that tales of the banning of drum playing (to reduce the chance of slave rebellion) are legion. From the Savannah and Sahel adjacent to the Sahara Desert came players of trumpet-like instruments and the stringed forerunners of fiddles, banjoes, and guitars. Was it metaphor alone that led Blind Willie McTell to sing of "Searching the Desert for the Blues"? Why did spirituals, ragtime, jazz, and the blues originate in the United States and not in Iberian America, or even in the Protestant colonies of the Caribbean? The answers are not easy. Perhaps the explanation lies partly in the longer lives of slaves in nontropical climates, permitting some development of standards in performance. Perhaps the vitality and variety of British society, in contrast to the then-decaying Portuguese and Spanish empires, played some part. And although slaves in the United States typically worked to produce commercial crops, the prohibitions against im
{"title":"Predicting Black Musical Innovation and Integration: The 1850 Mance Index for Appalachia","authors":"Bob Eagle","doi":"10.2307/4145500","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/4145500","url":null,"abstract":"Imagine, if you will, that you are an open-minded musical enthusiast whose only exposure has been to the classical European tradition, with no knowledge of North American music of the last century or before. You are suddenly exposed to the music of, say, Bessie Smith and Josh White (to name just two diverse African-American performers with Appalachian backgrounds). Among the first shocks would be to find that these individuals are clearly working to different standards and modes of performance than their European counterparts. For example, there is an emphasis on rhythmic complexity and syncopation that is largely foreign to European notions, while the European attention to melody development and scalar range is largely absent. Bessie Smith and Josh White are at the same time typical and atypical of African-American performance in the Appalachian context. They are typical in that a number of performers work or worked in similar styles. They are atypical in being recognized as superior in their respective fields. Even white North American music, whether \"serious\" or otherwise, has departed from standards and modes so central to European thought. Those standards and modes had been so dominant in the European mind that they had once been assumed to apply universally. Why has North American music been so different? Much can be explained by an interaction between the European habits brought by the white settlers and African practices retained, by permission or otherwise, by the slaves brought across the Atlantic. The introduced European music had considerable variety. There were the hymns, dirges, and fugues associated with the church, there was folksong from all parts of the British Isles and any number of parallel continental traditions, and there was the art music, developed over several centuries, by the finest minds working in the \"classical\" traditions of European music. There was also variety in the music known to the slaves. From West Africa's forests came people who could make drums \"talk,\" to such a perceived degree that tales of the banning of drum playing (to reduce the chance of slave rebellion) are legion. From the Savannah and Sahel adjacent to the Sahara Desert came players of trumpet-like instruments and the stringed forerunners of fiddles, banjoes, and guitars. Was it metaphor alone that led Blind Willie McTell to sing of \"Searching the Desert for the Blues\"? Why did spirituals, ragtime, jazz, and the blues originate in the United States and not in Iberian America, or even in the Protestant colonies of the Caribbean? The answers are not easy. Perhaps the explanation lies partly in the longer lives of slaves in nontropical climates, permitting some development of standards in performance. Perhaps the vitality and variety of British society, in contrast to the then-decaying Portuguese and Spanish empires, played some part. And although slaves in the United States typically worked to produce commercial crops, the prohibitions against im","PeriodicalId":354930,"journal":{"name":"Black Music Research Journal","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2004-01-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134256210","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
African-American musicians have lived in, contributed to, and influenced Appalachian music since the introduction of the banjo and African work songs and chants through modern blues, jazz, gospel, pop, and rock music. While some of these musicians have been documented for their individual achievements, only recently have they been considered collectively in terms of the Appalachian region. This bibliography is not a comprehensive collection of all black music in Appalachia, but it highlights the best-known artists who were born within the Appalachian region. It does not include scores or record reviews. It favors blues and folk music over sacred, jazz, RB however, only those about whom there is published material in print--books, articles, newspaper columns, sound recordings, or videos--are listed in this index. Sources containing information about three or more included musicians or containing a general discussion of black music in Appalachia can be found under General Sources. Sources for individual musicians and groups follow the general headings and are categorized alphabetically by musician, then by category of material, then by entry. While this project reflects time restraints and the methodology does not cover every black Appalachian musician exhaustively, it is the first to compile the major known sources of the black artists in the region. General Sources General Dictionaries, Encyclopedias, and Guides Arnaudon, Jean-Claude. 1977. Dictionnaire du blues. Paris: Filipacchi. Carr, Ian. 1988. Jazz: The essential companion. New York: Prentice-Hall. Clarke, Donald. 1989. The Penguin encyclopedia of popular music. New York: Viking Penguin. Cowley, John, and Paul Oliver. 1996. The new Blackwell guide to recorded blues. Oxford: Blackwell. Harris, Sheldon. 1979. Blues who's who. 5th ed. New Rochelle, N.Y.: Arlington House. Kernfeld, Barry, ed. 2002. The new Grove dictionary of jazz. 3rd ed. New York: Grove's Dictionaries. Kinkle, Roger D. 1974. The complete encyclopedia of popular music and jazz, 1900-1950. New Rochelle, N.Y.: Arlington House. Larkin, Colin. 1993. The Guinness who's who of blues. 2nd ed. Enfield, England: Guinness World Records. --. 1998. The encyclopedia of popular music. 3rd ed. New York: Muze; distributed in the U.S. by Grove Dictionaries. Santelli, Robert. …
{"title":"Preliminary Bibliography of Best-Known Black Appalachian Musicians","authors":"Mark M. Freed","doi":"10.2307/4145501","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/4145501","url":null,"abstract":"African-American musicians have lived in, contributed to, and influenced Appalachian music since the introduction of the banjo and African work songs and chants through modern blues, jazz, gospel, pop, and rock music. While some of these musicians have been documented for their individual achievements, only recently have they been considered collectively in terms of the Appalachian region. This bibliography is not a comprehensive collection of all black music in Appalachia, but it highlights the best-known artists who were born within the Appalachian region. It does not include scores or record reviews. It favors blues and folk music over sacred, jazz, RB however, only those about whom there is published material in print--books, articles, newspaper columns, sound recordings, or videos--are listed in this index. Sources containing information about three or more included musicians or containing a general discussion of black music in Appalachia can be found under General Sources. Sources for individual musicians and groups follow the general headings and are categorized alphabetically by musician, then by category of material, then by entry. While this project reflects time restraints and the methodology does not cover every black Appalachian musician exhaustively, it is the first to compile the major known sources of the black artists in the region. General Sources General Dictionaries, Encyclopedias, and Guides Arnaudon, Jean-Claude. 1977. Dictionnaire du blues. Paris: Filipacchi. Carr, Ian. 1988. Jazz: The essential companion. New York: Prentice-Hall. Clarke, Donald. 1989. The Penguin encyclopedia of popular music. New York: Viking Penguin. Cowley, John, and Paul Oliver. 1996. The new Blackwell guide to recorded blues. Oxford: Blackwell. Harris, Sheldon. 1979. Blues who's who. 5th ed. New Rochelle, N.Y.: Arlington House. Kernfeld, Barry, ed. 2002. The new Grove dictionary of jazz. 3rd ed. New York: Grove's Dictionaries. Kinkle, Roger D. 1974. The complete encyclopedia of popular music and jazz, 1900-1950. New Rochelle, N.Y.: Arlington House. Larkin, Colin. 1993. The Guinness who's who of blues. 2nd ed. Enfield, England: Guinness World Records. --. 1998. The encyclopedia of popular music. 3rd ed. New York: Muze; distributed in the U.S. by Grove Dictionaries. Santelli, Robert. …","PeriodicalId":354930,"journal":{"name":"Black Music Research Journal","volume":"84 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2004-01-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122193191","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The aim of this guide is to fix significant positions for musical activity onto specific portions of the landscape, with a view to assisting future research. It is not intended to fulfill the tourist expectation of finding, say, that "Blind Boy Fuller slept here." Therefore, it does not record where a particular artist appeared on one night of a whirlwind one-night tour, but if that same artist habitually played in the location for decades, it can be hoped that he or she will be found here. The intention is to set down, so far as can be known at this remove, the main places where particular Appalachian musicians (specifically African Americans) were born, spent their lives, learned from others, performed, influenced others, or died. African-American churches, so important in black communities and frequently the location of significant musical activity, have been included when they could be identified definitely. There has been an attempt to date musicians' activity and to point to other locations within the guide that they may be found; suggestions for enhancing the simplicity and improving the presentation of the guide are welcomed. The usual magazines and references have been consulted, albeit with inevitable omissions by the compiler, but the work also largely draws on substantial original research in the indexed census records of 1920 and 1930. The definition of "Appalachia" chosen is that promulgated by the Appalachian Regional Commission, with the proviso that certain Virginia Piedmont and Valley cities and counties that were initially included in the region by the Appalachian Regional Commission have been reincorporated. Attempts have been made to avoid the use of abbreviations, but some are so pervasive as to require their usage. COGIC Church of God in Christ AME African Methodist Episcopal (Church) AMEZ African Methodist Episcopal Zion (Church) The directory is presented alphabetically by state, then by county, and then by city. In some cases, there is additional general information that is pertinent to either a state or a county preceding the presentation of the next category. For example, the Alabama state heading is followed by information about songs that mention the state, sociological trends that influenced the music, important performers that hailed from the state, and demographic statistics; then the county listings begin. Alabama Alabama has been an important state for gospel music but, in recent decades, is less influential as a source of blues music. The traditional song "Alabama Bound" has the sense more of rambling than of specifically going to Alabama. Examples include "'Bama Bound Blues" by Ida Cox, Papa Charlie Jackson, and Charlie Patton; "Alabama Bound" by Bowlegs (Library of Congress); "Alabama Bound" by Uncle Rich Brown. Apart from "Alabama Bound," a number of songs mention the state, including "Alabama Mis-Treater" by Davenport and Carr (Okeh 8306, recorded March 11, 1926), "Alabama Strut" by Cow Cow Davenport and Iv
本指南的目的是将音乐活动的重要位置固定在景观的特定部分,以协助未来的研究。它并不是为了满足游客的期望,比如发现“盲童富勒睡在这里”。因此,它不会记录某个特定的艺术家在旋风式的一晚巡演中出现在哪里,但如果同一位艺术家习惯在这个地方演出几十年,那么就有希望在这里找到他或她。就目前所知,本书的目的是记录下某些阿巴拉契亚音乐家(尤其是非裔美国人)出生、度过一生、向他人学习、表演、影响他人或死亡的主要地点。非裔美国人教堂,在黑人社区中非常重要,经常是重要的音乐活动的地点,当它们可以被明确识别时,就被包括在内。有人试图确定音乐家活动的日期,并指出指南中可能找到他们的其他地点;欢迎提出建议,使指南更加简洁,并改善其表达方式。本书参考了常用的杂志和参考文献,尽管编者不可避免地遗漏了一些内容,但本书也在很大程度上借鉴了1920年和1930年的索引普查记录中的大量原始研究。所选的“阿巴拉契亚”定义是由阿巴拉契亚地区委员会颁布的,附带条件是,最初被阿巴拉契亚地区委员会纳入该地区的弗吉尼亚州皮埃蒙特和山谷的某些城市和县已被重新纳入该地区。人们曾试图避免使用缩写词,但有些缩写词太过普遍,以至于需要使用它们。非洲卫理公会锡安圣公会(教会)该目录按州、县、市的字母顺序排列。在某些情况下,在呈现下一个类别之前,会有与州或县相关的附加一般信息。例如,阿拉巴马州的标题后面是关于提到该州的歌曲、影响音乐的社会学趋势、来自该州的重要表演者和人口统计数据的信息;然后是县里的列表。阿拉巴马州一直是福音音乐的重要州,但近几十年来,作为布鲁斯音乐的发源地,它的影响力有所减弱。传统歌曲“Alabama Bound”给人一种漫无边际的感觉,而不是专门去阿拉巴马。例如艾达·考克斯、爸爸查理·杰克逊和查理·巴顿的《巴马蓝调》;鲍菲勒斯(Bowlegs)的《束缚阿拉巴马》(Alabama Bound)(国会图书馆);里奇·布朗叔叔的《阿拉巴马之旅》。除了《奔向阿拉巴马》,许多歌曲都提到了这个州,包括达文波特和卡尔的“阿拉巴马虐待者”(Okeh 8306,录制于1926年3月11日),母牛母牛达文波特和艾薇史密斯的“阿拉巴马Strut”(录音1253,录制于1928年7月16日),母牛母牛达文波特的“阿拉巴马虐待者”(录音1227,录制于1928年10月25日),贝西布朗的“阿拉巴马蓝调歌手”(不伦瑞克4346,录制于1929年4月),伊娃[艾薇]史密斯的“阿拉巴马虐待者”(Gennett 7231,录制于1930年6月7日),Harum Scarums乐队的《Alabama Scratch》(派拉蒙13054,约1931年1月录制),Sam Tarpley的《Alabama Hustler》(Gennett未发行,1930年8月30日录制,派拉蒙13062,约1931年1月录制),Sweet Pease Spivey的《I' Got a Man in the bamama Mines》(Bluebird B-7224,录于1937年10月11日),它激发了Jazz Gillum的“答案”,“我是那个在矿井里的人”(Bluebird B-7718,录于1938年6月16日)。尽管棉铃象鼻虫的破坏最终在阿拉巴马州中部的黑带地区比其他大多数地区更为严重,但它们比西部各州来得晚,直到1922年左右才达到顶峰。…
{"title":"Directory of African-Appalachian Musicians","authors":"Bob Eagle","doi":"10.2307/4145499","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/4145499","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this guide is to fix significant positions for musical activity onto specific portions of the landscape, with a view to assisting future research. It is not intended to fulfill the tourist expectation of finding, say, that \"Blind Boy Fuller slept here.\" Therefore, it does not record where a particular artist appeared on one night of a whirlwind one-night tour, but if that same artist habitually played in the location for decades, it can be hoped that he or she will be found here. The intention is to set down, so far as can be known at this remove, the main places where particular Appalachian musicians (specifically African Americans) were born, spent their lives, learned from others, performed, influenced others, or died. African-American churches, so important in black communities and frequently the location of significant musical activity, have been included when they could be identified definitely. There has been an attempt to date musicians' activity and to point to other locations within the guide that they may be found; suggestions for enhancing the simplicity and improving the presentation of the guide are welcomed. The usual magazines and references have been consulted, albeit with inevitable omissions by the compiler, but the work also largely draws on substantial original research in the indexed census records of 1920 and 1930. The definition of \"Appalachia\" chosen is that promulgated by the Appalachian Regional Commission, with the proviso that certain Virginia Piedmont and Valley cities and counties that were initially included in the region by the Appalachian Regional Commission have been reincorporated. Attempts have been made to avoid the use of abbreviations, but some are so pervasive as to require their usage. COGIC Church of God in Christ AME African Methodist Episcopal (Church) AMEZ African Methodist Episcopal Zion (Church) The directory is presented alphabetically by state, then by county, and then by city. In some cases, there is additional general information that is pertinent to either a state or a county preceding the presentation of the next category. For example, the Alabama state heading is followed by information about songs that mention the state, sociological trends that influenced the music, important performers that hailed from the state, and demographic statistics; then the county listings begin. Alabama Alabama has been an important state for gospel music but, in recent decades, is less influential as a source of blues music. The traditional song \"Alabama Bound\" has the sense more of rambling than of specifically going to Alabama. Examples include \"'Bama Bound Blues\" by Ida Cox, Papa Charlie Jackson, and Charlie Patton; \"Alabama Bound\" by Bowlegs (Library of Congress); \"Alabama Bound\" by Uncle Rich Brown. Apart from \"Alabama Bound,\" a number of songs mention the state, including \"Alabama Mis-Treater\" by Davenport and Carr (Okeh 8306, recorded March 11, 1926), \"Alabama Strut\" by Cow Cow Davenport and Iv","PeriodicalId":354930,"journal":{"name":"Black Music Research Journal","volume":"64 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2004-01-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127009041","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
It hardly seems necessary to justify the study of jazz and jazz musicians, in this case Americans of African descent, in any effort to understand this music as the product of real individuals, people who belong to a place and who are formed in some measure by the place where they live and work. The Americans here to be considered are roughly 11 percent of the American people; the place to be considered is the Appalachian region, which makes up a sizable part of eastern America. As for the music, it is hardly possible to discuss jazz without considering the role of black America in its origins and evolution. Although no racial or ethnic group is likely to be distributed evenly over the American landscape, common sense tells us that, given the size of Appalachia and the number of Americans who originally came from Africa, a good many of them will be found in this area. Furthermore, given the genius of these people for the improvisational music that we call jazz, a certain number of them will be jazz musicians. So we begin with a people, a place, and a vital part of American musical culture. The first step is easy, although no thoughtful consideration of the topic at hand is likely to remain easy for long. One way to begin is to establish what is intended in the following consideration of jazz and its creators. Another article in this issue discusses the blues (Pearson 2005). This form of musical expression tends to overlap with jazz, particularly because it is found among black Americans; but since this musical topic is treated elsewhere, it will not be addressed here. We make no attempt at historiography-the origins of jazz or earliest manifestations in Appalachia; rather, we consider the melodically, harmonically, and rhythmically complex music, frequently spontaneous TODD WRIGHT is Director of Jazz Studies in the Hayes School of Music at Appalachian State University. He is a professional musician who plays frequent club dates. He feels that his playing has in some measure been formed by his admiration for Cannonball Adderley. JOHN HIGBY, an amateur musician, taught English at Appalachian State University from 1967 to 2001. He has a particular interest in, and admiration for, piano players.
{"title":"APPALACHIAN JAZZ: SOME PRELIMINARY NOTES","authors":"Todd Wright, John Higby","doi":"10.2307/3593208","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3593208","url":null,"abstract":"It hardly seems necessary to justify the study of jazz and jazz musicians, in this case Americans of African descent, in any effort to understand this music as the product of real individuals, people who belong to a place and who are formed in some measure by the place where they live and work. The Americans here to be considered are roughly 11 percent of the American people; the place to be considered is the Appalachian region, which makes up a sizable part of eastern America. As for the music, it is hardly possible to discuss jazz without considering the role of black America in its origins and evolution. Although no racial or ethnic group is likely to be distributed evenly over the American landscape, common sense tells us that, given the size of Appalachia and the number of Americans who originally came from Africa, a good many of them will be found in this area. Furthermore, given the genius of these people for the improvisational music that we call jazz, a certain number of them will be jazz musicians. So we begin with a people, a place, and a vital part of American musical culture. The first step is easy, although no thoughtful consideration of the topic at hand is likely to remain easy for long. One way to begin is to establish what is intended in the following consideration of jazz and its creators. Another article in this issue discusses the blues (Pearson 2005). This form of musical expression tends to overlap with jazz, particularly because it is found among black Americans; but since this musical topic is treated elsewhere, it will not be addressed here. We make no attempt at historiography-the origins of jazz or earliest manifestations in Appalachia; rather, we consider the melodically, harmonically, and rhythmically complex music, frequently spontaneous TODD WRIGHT is Director of Jazz Studies in the Hayes School of Music at Appalachian State University. He is a professional musician who plays frequent club dates. He feels that his playing has in some measure been formed by his admiration for Cannonball Adderley. JOHN HIGBY, an amateur musician, taught English at Appalachian State University from 1967 to 2001. He has a particular interest in, and admiration for, piano players.","PeriodicalId":354930,"journal":{"name":"Black Music Research Journal","volume":"51 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2003-01-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124145724","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Think of Appalachian music and, initially, the associations are likely Anglo. Terms like "bluegrass," "country," "old-timey," "string band," "hillbilly," and "mountain music" spring to mind. However, given the enormous sweep of Appalachia-from the northeast corner of Mississippi across northern Alabama, through northern Georgia to the western corner of South Carolina, then on north through adjacent sections of North Carolina and Tennessee, Virginia, and Kentucky, all of West Virginia, across to Ohio, and into Pennsylvania before finally trailing off in southern New York State-logic dictates that African-American music in all its manifestations, rhythm and blues included, must have been a part of the historical regional mix. Indeed, rhythm and blues was and continues to be a viable presence in the Appalachian cultural region. Whereas older genres of African-American music-blues, jazz, gospel-blossomed early in the twentieth century, rhythm and blues flowered at midcentury, a time when mass media sources, especially radio and records, afforded access literally to any ears that cared to listen. Riding in on the airwaves, rhythm and blues from its inception reached every corner of Appalachia. As a result, while it was initially a black performance genre marketed to black audiences, rhythm and blues rapidly developed cross-ethnic appeal, as Hugh Gregory (1998, 7) observed, "to include a young, white audience" and in the process achieved "a wider JERRY ZOLTEN, Associate Professor of Communication Arts and Sciences and American Studies at Penn State Altoona, is the author of numerous liner notes and profiles for blues and gospel artists and of the book Great God a 'Mighty! The Dixie Hummingbirds (Oxford,
{"title":"MOVIN' THE MOUNTAINS: AN OVERVIEW OF RHYTHM AND BLUES AND ITS PRESENCE IN APPALACHIA","authors":"J. J. Zolten","doi":"10.2307/3593209","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3593209","url":null,"abstract":"Think of Appalachian music and, initially, the associations are likely Anglo. Terms like \"bluegrass,\" \"country,\" \"old-timey,\" \"string band,\" \"hillbilly,\" and \"mountain music\" spring to mind. However, given the enormous sweep of Appalachia-from the northeast corner of Mississippi across northern Alabama, through northern Georgia to the western corner of South Carolina, then on north through adjacent sections of North Carolina and Tennessee, Virginia, and Kentucky, all of West Virginia, across to Ohio, and into Pennsylvania before finally trailing off in southern New York State-logic dictates that African-American music in all its manifestations, rhythm and blues included, must have been a part of the historical regional mix. Indeed, rhythm and blues was and continues to be a viable presence in the Appalachian cultural region. Whereas older genres of African-American music-blues, jazz, gospel-blossomed early in the twentieth century, rhythm and blues flowered at midcentury, a time when mass media sources, especially radio and records, afforded access literally to any ears that cared to listen. Riding in on the airwaves, rhythm and blues from its inception reached every corner of Appalachia. As a result, while it was initially a black performance genre marketed to black audiences, rhythm and blues rapidly developed cross-ethnic appeal, as Hugh Gregory (1998, 7) observed, \"to include a young, white audience\" and in the process achieved \"a wider JERRY ZOLTEN, Associate Professor of Communication Arts and Sciences and American Studies at Penn State Altoona, is the author of numerous liner notes and profiles for blues and gospel artists and of the book Great God a 'Mighty! The Dixie Hummingbirds (Oxford,","PeriodicalId":354930,"journal":{"name":"Black Music Research Journal","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2003-01-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130605699","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}