Pub Date : 2020-01-02DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2020.1763675
G. Keyworth
ABSTRACT Juefan Huihong’s 覺範惠洪 (1071–1128) Linji zongzhi shows that eminent statesmen and contemporary Chan monastics during the twelfth century in China interpreted the core teaching strategies of several Linji Chan patriarchs – especially Linji Yixuan 臨濟義玄 (d. 866) and Fenyang Shanzhao 汾陽善昭 (980–1024) – through the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra (Huayan jing 華嚴經, T nos. 278–279), and with special consideration for Mañjuśrī and ṛṣi (seera) in the Gaṇḍavyūha (Ru fajie pin 入法界品) chapter, Bhīṣmôttaranirghoṣa 毗目仙人. Huihong was certainly influenced by the writings of the highly admired ‘Two Shuis’ – Changshui Zixuan 長水子璿 (964–1038) and Jinshui Jingyuan 晉水淨源 (1011–1088) – and by his close confidant, Zhang Shangying 張商英 (1043–1122), who visited Mount Wutai circa 1088 and recorded his journey in Xu Qingliang zhuan 續清涼傳 (Further Record of Mt. ‘Chill Clarity,’ T. 2100). In this article I reconsider the central role the Huayan jing and the cult of Mañjuśrī play in the core teachings of the Linji Chan lineage with particular attention to how current Song dynasty, rather than late Tang (618–907) era, readings and uses of the Huayan jing underscore the enduring significance of this seminal Mahāyāna Buddhist scripture and Mount Wutai as a sacred space in the history of Chinese Chan Buddhism.
{"title":"Where Linji Chan and the Huayan jing meet: on the Huayan jing in the essential points of the Linji [Chan] lineage","authors":"G. Keyworth","doi":"10.1080/23729988.2020.1763675","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23729988.2020.1763675","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Juefan Huihong’s 覺範惠洪 (1071–1128) Linji zongzhi shows that eminent statesmen and contemporary Chan monastics during the twelfth century in China interpreted the core teaching strategies of several Linji Chan patriarchs – especially Linji Yixuan 臨濟義玄 (d. 866) and Fenyang Shanzhao 汾陽善昭 (980–1024) – through the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra (Huayan jing 華嚴經, T nos. 278–279), and with special consideration for Mañjuśrī and ṛṣi (seera) in the Gaṇḍavyūha (Ru fajie pin 入法界品) chapter, Bhīṣmôttaranirghoṣa 毗目仙人. Huihong was certainly influenced by the writings of the highly admired ‘Two Shuis’ – Changshui Zixuan 長水子璿 (964–1038) and Jinshui Jingyuan 晉水淨源 (1011–1088) – and by his close confidant, Zhang Shangying 張商英 (1043–1122), who visited Mount Wutai circa 1088 and recorded his journey in Xu Qingliang zhuan 續清涼傳 (Further Record of Mt. ‘Chill Clarity,’ T. 2100). In this article I reconsider the central role the Huayan jing and the cult of Mañjuśrī play in the core teachings of the Linji Chan lineage with particular attention to how current Song dynasty, rather than late Tang (618–907) era, readings and uses of the Huayan jing underscore the enduring significance of this seminal Mahāyāna Buddhist scripture and Mount Wutai as a sacred space in the history of Chinese Chan Buddhism.","PeriodicalId":36684,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Chinese Religions","volume":"6 1","pages":"1 - 30"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/23729988.2020.1763675","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43712596","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-02DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2020.1763676
Zijie Li
ABSTRACT Fazang 法藏 (643–712) greatly valued the Jiujing yisheng baoxing lun 究竟一乘寶性論 [Skt. Ratnagotravibhāga] and the Pusa dichi jing 菩薩地持經, which played a very significant role in Fazang’s theory of tathatā 真如, especially his theory of Huayan xingqi 華嚴性起 (Arising of nature on Huayan). Similarly, Fazang’s theory of zhongxing 種姓 (Skt. gotra) used the Jiujing yisheng baoxing lun and the Pusa dichi jing as its foundation. Fazang is one of the most significant figures when discussing the origin and history of rulai zang yuanqi 如來藏緣 (dependent arising of Buddha essence) and zhenru yuanqi 真如緣起 (dependent arising of thusness) in Chinese Buddhist history. Therefore, Fazang’s quotes and explanations of the Jiujing yisheng baoxing lun are a necessary step towards the resolution of this difficult problem. Fazang supported the standpoint of the classical Chinese translation of the Ratnagotravibhāga to demonstrate that the Avataṃsaka sūtra 華嚴經 is the real resource and foundation of the xingqi 性起 (arising of nature) theory of his thoughts on Huayan 華嚴.
{"title":"Fazang’s theory of zhenru真如 (Skt. tathatā) and zhongxing 種姓 (Skt. gotra): with a focus on the influence of the Ratnagotravibhāga","authors":"Zijie Li","doi":"10.1080/23729988.2020.1763676","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23729988.2020.1763676","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Fazang 法藏 (643–712) greatly valued the Jiujing yisheng baoxing lun 究竟一乘寶性論 [Skt. Ratnagotravibhāga] and the Pusa dichi jing 菩薩地持經, which played a very significant role in Fazang’s theory of tathatā 真如, especially his theory of Huayan xingqi 華嚴性起 (Arising of nature on Huayan). Similarly, Fazang’s theory of zhongxing 種姓 (Skt. gotra) used the Jiujing yisheng baoxing lun and the Pusa dichi jing as its foundation. Fazang is one of the most significant figures when discussing the origin and history of rulai zang yuanqi 如來藏緣 (dependent arising of Buddha essence) and zhenru yuanqi 真如緣起 (dependent arising of thusness) in Chinese Buddhist history. Therefore, Fazang’s quotes and explanations of the Jiujing yisheng baoxing lun are a necessary step towards the resolution of this difficult problem. Fazang supported the standpoint of the classical Chinese translation of the Ratnagotravibhāga to demonstrate that the Avataṃsaka sūtra 華嚴經 is the real resource and foundation of the xingqi 性起 (arising of nature) theory of his thoughts on Huayan 華嚴.","PeriodicalId":36684,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Chinese Religions","volume":"6 1","pages":"31 - 48"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/23729988.2020.1763676","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48812646","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-02DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2020.1763679
Weichi Zhou
ABSTRACT This article addresses the transmission history of biographies of St. Augustine to China during the Ming and Qing dynasties. It is divided into two parts: Catholicism and Protestantism. Hagiographic styles influenced Augustine’s Catholic biography, in general taking Augustine as a saint to be commemorated, or as a saintly teacher in the Church to be studied. Protestant accounts of Augustine are close to modern-day biography, but it is also influenced by the writers’ missionary stances, laying particular emphasis on the missionary goal and context. When translating and introducing the type of content, the authors show their religious inclination.
{"title":"The Ming and Qing Chinese biographies of Augustine","authors":"Weichi Zhou","doi":"10.1080/23729988.2020.1763679","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23729988.2020.1763679","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article addresses the transmission history of biographies of St. Augustine to China during the Ming and Qing dynasties. It is divided into two parts: Catholicism and Protestantism. Hagiographic styles influenced Augustine’s Catholic biography, in general taking Augustine as a saint to be commemorated, or as a saintly teacher in the Church to be studied. Protestant accounts of Augustine are close to modern-day biography, but it is also influenced by the writers’ missionary stances, laying particular emphasis on the missionary goal and context. When translating and introducing the type of content, the authors show their religious inclination.","PeriodicalId":36684,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Chinese Religions","volume":"6 1","pages":"96 - 117"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/23729988.2020.1763679","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43777860","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-02DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2020.1763677
R. Mcbride
ABSTRACT The writings of the Koryŏ monk Ŭich’ŏn 義天 (1055–1101) provide insight into the nature of Buddhism during the Northern Song period. Ŭich’ŏn was closely affiliated with Jinshui Jingyuan 晉水淨源 (1011–1088) and evidence for Huayan-oriented ritual repentance practices is found in Ŭich’ŏn’s Collected Works (Taegak kuksa munjip 大覺國師文集) and other writings. An examination of the four extant Huayan repentance manuals composed by and/or attributed to Jingyuan (X 1476, X 1472, X 1473, and X 1477), in the context of Ŭich’ŏn’s writings, allows for the following assertions: Repentance practices were as popular in East Asia in the Northern Song period as they were in medieval China. Although Jingyuan clearly wanted to simplify the prolix and complex liturgies composed by Guifeng Zongmi 圭峰宗密 (780–841) and Qingliang Chengguan 淸涼澄觀 (738–839) in the mid-Tang period and make them accessible to monks and lay people, he was appreciably influenced by the structure of the rituals composed by Tiantai Zhiyi 天台智義 (538–597) and, especially, Zunshi 遵式 (964–1032). Jingyuan composed them so adherents to the Huayan tradition could practice Huayan-oriented repentance rites instead of Tiantai-style rituals.
{"title":"Ŭich’ŏn, Jingyuan, and ritual repentance in the revival of Huayan Buddhism in the Northern Song period","authors":"R. Mcbride","doi":"10.1080/23729988.2020.1763677","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23729988.2020.1763677","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The writings of the Koryŏ monk Ŭich’ŏn 義天 (1055–1101) provide insight into the nature of Buddhism during the Northern Song period. Ŭich’ŏn was closely affiliated with Jinshui Jingyuan 晉水淨源 (1011–1088) and evidence for Huayan-oriented ritual repentance practices is found in Ŭich’ŏn’s Collected Works (Taegak kuksa munjip 大覺國師文集) and other writings. An examination of the four extant Huayan repentance manuals composed by and/or attributed to Jingyuan (X 1476, X 1472, X 1473, and X 1477), in the context of Ŭich’ŏn’s writings, allows for the following assertions: Repentance practices were as popular in East Asia in the Northern Song period as they were in medieval China. Although Jingyuan clearly wanted to simplify the prolix and complex liturgies composed by Guifeng Zongmi 圭峰宗密 (780–841) and Qingliang Chengguan 淸涼澄觀 (738–839) in the mid-Tang period and make them accessible to monks and lay people, he was appreciably influenced by the structure of the rituals composed by Tiantai Zhiyi 天台智義 (538–597) and, especially, Zunshi 遵式 (964–1032). Jingyuan composed them so adherents to the Huayan tradition could practice Huayan-oriented repentance rites instead of Tiantai-style rituals.","PeriodicalId":36684,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Chinese Religions","volume":"6 1","pages":"49 - 80"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/23729988.2020.1763677","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49430085","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-02DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2020.1763678
Temur Temule
ABSTRACT James Gilmour (1842–1891) was a Scottish missionary of London Missionary Society who carried out his mission assiduously among Mongols and Han-Chinese north of the Great Wall from 1870 until 1891. He was among the most well-known missionaries of his time, in part because of the exoticism of Mongolia, but also because he failed to convert even one Mongol during his lifetime. Thwarting his missionary ambition was precisely Mongolian Buddhism that Mongols followed ardently and which Gilmour persistently sought to understand. In 1872, Gilmour and his fellow missionary John Edkins travelled to Mount Wutai, the most sacred place for Mongol Buddhists. This article draws on the essay that Gilmour wrote after this journey, titled ‘Wu T’ai Shan.’ The essay contains his detailed observations of pilgrims, lamas and monasteries at Mount Wutai, and his reflection on Mongol Buddhism in general. Overall, Gilmour is critical, if not condemnatory towards Mongol Buddhism, especially towards lamas. This judgement, as we will see, though reflective of certain historical facts, is cloaked with his prejudices as a Christian missionary. Gilmour’s writing is a rare account of the historic moment when Christianity met Mongol Buddhism, which is all the more valuable considering the lack of similar records in the Chinese and Mongol language.
{"title":"A visit of Christian missionaries at Mount Wutai: Mongol Buddhism from a cross-cultural perspective","authors":"Temur Temule","doi":"10.1080/23729988.2020.1763678","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23729988.2020.1763678","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT James Gilmour (1842–1891) was a Scottish missionary of London Missionary Society who carried out his mission assiduously among Mongols and Han-Chinese north of the Great Wall from 1870 until 1891. He was among the most well-known missionaries of his time, in part because of the exoticism of Mongolia, but also because he failed to convert even one Mongol during his lifetime. Thwarting his missionary ambition was precisely Mongolian Buddhism that Mongols followed ardently and which Gilmour persistently sought to understand. In 1872, Gilmour and his fellow missionary John Edkins travelled to Mount Wutai, the most sacred place for Mongol Buddhists. This article draws on the essay that Gilmour wrote after this journey, titled ‘Wu T’ai Shan.’ The essay contains his detailed observations of pilgrims, lamas and monasteries at Mount Wutai, and his reflection on Mongol Buddhism in general. Overall, Gilmour is critical, if not condemnatory towards Mongol Buddhism, especially towards lamas. This judgement, as we will see, though reflective of certain historical facts, is cloaked with his prejudices as a Christian missionary. Gilmour’s writing is a rare account of the historic moment when Christianity met Mongol Buddhism, which is all the more valuable considering the lack of similar records in the Chinese and Mongol language.","PeriodicalId":36684,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Chinese Religions","volume":"6 1","pages":"81 - 95"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2020-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/23729988.2020.1763678","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60101109","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-10-02DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2019.1676086
B. Faure
ABSTRACT Many scholars have studied Mañjuśrī’s role as bodhisattva of wisdom. However, while Buddhist deities have usually been studied ‘individually,’ I believe that they can only be understood in a broader context. A deity is not an individual, but the salient part of a network that includes, first of all, his acolytes, his entourage, but also his mount, his various manifestations, as well as a number of functionally similar deities. Indeed, all of the above can be seen as ‘emanations’ of an elusive, multifaceted and metamorphic fundamental power. To this end, the texts of the Japanese esoteric Buddhism give us precious indications of Mañjuśrī beyond the popular representation of the bodhisattva of wisdom: his fundamental ambivalence and his central importance in rites of subjugation.
{"title":"Decentering Mañjuśrī: some aspects of Mañjuśrī’s cult in medieval Japan","authors":"B. Faure","doi":"10.1080/23729988.2019.1676086","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23729988.2019.1676086","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Many scholars have studied Mañjuśrī’s role as bodhisattva of wisdom. However, while Buddhist deities have usually been studied ‘individually,’ I believe that they can only be understood in a broader context. A deity is not an individual, but the salient part of a network that includes, first of all, his acolytes, his entourage, but also his mount, his various manifestations, as well as a number of functionally similar deities. Indeed, all of the above can be seen as ‘emanations’ of an elusive, multifaceted and metamorphic fundamental power. To this end, the texts of the Japanese esoteric Buddhism give us precious indications of Mañjuśrī beyond the popular representation of the bodhisattva of wisdom: his fundamental ambivalence and his central importance in rites of subjugation.","PeriodicalId":36684,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Chinese Religions","volume":"5 1","pages":"330 - 342"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2019-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/23729988.2019.1676086","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46786323","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-10-02DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2019.1687160
Pei-Ying Lin
ABSTRACT Ennin’s pilgrimage to Mt. Wutai resulted in several significant new developments for guiding Tendai followers back in Japan. This study looks into Ennin’s travel record, which sheds new light on the relationship between particular networks of Buddhists and the transmission of Tendai doctrine and practice. In this article, I will provide a survey of the Buddhist networks through which Ennin possibly learned the Lotus Repentance and the Tendai Constant-practice Samādhi. Through a historical reconstruction of Mt. Wutai in Ennin’s time, I argue that Ennin’s study of Buddhism in China was greatly influenced by his contact with Silla Buddhists on Mt. Chi and Mt. Wutai.
{"title":"Ennin’s (793–864) Sillan connections on his journey to Mt. Wutai: a fresh look at Ennin’s travel record","authors":"Pei-Ying Lin","doi":"10.1080/23729988.2019.1687160","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23729988.2019.1687160","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Ennin’s pilgrimage to Mt. Wutai resulted in several significant new developments for guiding Tendai followers back in Japan. This study looks into Ennin’s travel record, which sheds new light on the relationship between particular networks of Buddhists and the transmission of Tendai doctrine and practice. In this article, I will provide a survey of the Buddhist networks through which Ennin possibly learned the Lotus Repentance and the Tendai Constant-practice Samādhi. Through a historical reconstruction of Mt. Wutai in Ennin’s time, I argue that Ennin’s study of Buddhism in China was greatly influenced by his contact with Silla Buddhists on Mt. Chi and Mt. Wutai.","PeriodicalId":36684,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Chinese Religions","volume":"5 1","pages":"377 - 390"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2019-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/23729988.2019.1687160","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44908498","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-10-02DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2019.1676082
T. Barrett
ABSTRACT This study is an attempt to look at Wutaishan from an outside, non-Chinese, non-Buddhist perspective in order to imagine its possible religious significance to the Taugast, the group originally from beyond the northern limits of Chinese civilization who came to be known in China as the Northern Wei, when they first began to pay attention to what was then a mountain not strongly associated with Buddhism, or even Daoism. Though the amount of textual material on this period is very limited, it is suggested that the caves of Wutaishan were already regarded by these northern outsiders to China as possessing a religious significance, a significance ultimately relating to conceptions of northern peoples that also continued to exert an appeal on Mongols in later periods. Archaeological study that might further clarify this hypothesis will need to bear in mind that Wutaishan has been both at the centre and at the periphery of more than one culture and indeed thereby perhaps played an important role in mediating cultural conflict.
{"title":"Northern Wei Wutaishan: an outside view of centres and peripheries","authors":"T. Barrett","doi":"10.1080/23729988.2019.1676082","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23729988.2019.1676082","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study is an attempt to look at Wutaishan from an outside, non-Chinese, non-Buddhist perspective in order to imagine its possible religious significance to the Taugast, the group originally from beyond the northern limits of Chinese civilization who came to be known in China as the Northern Wei, when they first began to pay attention to what was then a mountain not strongly associated with Buddhism, or even Daoism. Though the amount of textual material on this period is very limited, it is suggested that the caves of Wutaishan were already regarded by these northern outsiders to China as possessing a religious significance, a significance ultimately relating to conceptions of northern peoples that also continued to exert an appeal on Mongols in later periods. Archaeological study that might further clarify this hypothesis will need to bear in mind that Wutaishan has been both at the centre and at the periphery of more than one culture and indeed thereby perhaps played an important role in mediating cultural conflict.","PeriodicalId":36684,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Chinese Religions","volume":"5 1","pages":"203 - 214"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2019-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/23729988.2019.1676082","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46445654","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-10-02DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2019.1676085
Huaiyu Chen
ABSTRACT The lamp platform was one of the most interesting architectural designs in medieval Chinese Buddhism. Its history could be dated back to the late Northern dynasties and Shanxi area could be the place where it was invented. In the Tang dynasty, stone lamp platforms became flourishing in North China. As a Buddhist center in the medieval period, Mount Wutai attracted numerous pilgrims and it developed very rich and diverse Buddhist culture. Interestingly, one stone lamp platform from this area survived today. It was first commissioned in the Kaiyuan period in the early eighth century by a group of Buddhist adherents under the leadership of two Buddhist masters and renovated in the Song dynasty, in 997 by local Buddhist patrons. The inscription written by Zhang Chuzhen is mostly extant, which offers us an opportunity of understanding the historical context in which this platform was constructed. This article aims to examine the significance of this lamp platform by looking into its position with a comparison with other lamp platforms discovered in Shanxi area. It will investigate the Buddhist connections between Mount Wutai and Taiyuan, as well as the Ye City by reading a group of lamp platforms in these areas as a monastic network. In the meantime, given that the Shanxi area was a stronghold of Zoroastrians from Central Asia in the medieval period as recent archeological findings demonstrate, this article will attempt to analyze the rituals of lighting lamp platforms in Buddhism and worshipping fire temples in Zoroastrianism from cross-cultural and cross-religious perspectives.
{"title":"A study on a stone lantern from Dongzhang village in medieval China","authors":"Huaiyu Chen","doi":"10.1080/23729988.2019.1676085","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23729988.2019.1676085","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The lamp platform was one of the most interesting architectural designs in medieval Chinese Buddhism. Its history could be dated back to the late Northern dynasties and Shanxi area could be the place where it was invented. In the Tang dynasty, stone lamp platforms became flourishing in North China. As a Buddhist center in the medieval period, Mount Wutai attracted numerous pilgrims and it developed very rich and diverse Buddhist culture. Interestingly, one stone lamp platform from this area survived today. It was first commissioned in the Kaiyuan period in the early eighth century by a group of Buddhist adherents under the leadership of two Buddhist masters and renovated in the Song dynasty, in 997 by local Buddhist patrons. The inscription written by Zhang Chuzhen is mostly extant, which offers us an opportunity of understanding the historical context in which this platform was constructed. This article aims to examine the significance of this lamp platform by looking into its position with a comparison with other lamp platforms discovered in Shanxi area. It will investigate the Buddhist connections between Mount Wutai and Taiyuan, as well as the Ye City by reading a group of lamp platforms in these areas as a monastic network. In the meantime, given that the Shanxi area was a stronghold of Zoroastrians from Central Asia in the medieval period as recent archeological findings demonstrate, this article will attempt to analyze the rituals of lighting lamp platforms in Buddhism and worshipping fire temples in Zoroastrianism from cross-cultural and cross-religious perspectives.","PeriodicalId":36684,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Chinese Religions","volume":"5 1","pages":"306 - 329"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2019-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/23729988.2019.1676085","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43278198","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-10-02DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2019.1689764
David Quinter
ABSTRACT The renown of Chōgen (1121–1206), who spearheaded Tōdaiji’s early medieval restoration, rests greatly on his reputed three pilgrimages to China. However, scholars have long questioned Chōgen’s accounts, with some doubting that he ever went. The current majority view is that he did go. But doubts linger concerning other details Chōgen claims, including his professed veneration of Mañjuśrī at Mt. Wutai. On one hand, Kujō Kanezane’s (1149–1207) diary records an 1183 dialogue in which Chōgen reports that he could not travel to Wutai due to the Jin occupation. On the other hand, Chōgen’s 1185 vow for Tōdaiji’s restored Great Buddha claims that he did make it to Wutai. But given that Wutai remained under Jin control then, and we have no evidence for a trip by Chōgen in that interim, how can we understand this incongruity? This article contextualizes that incongruity within Chōgen’s cultic and performative practices, arguing that questions of Chōgen’s veneration of Mañjuśrī ‘at Wutai’ require more than tests of historical veracity to assess. I suggest instead that the very ‘fit’ and ‘non-fit’ of the moving pieces and players provide the keys to understanding how Chōgen places Wutai and his cultic practices within broader cultural imaginaries.
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