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Collusion order: water god beliefs and regional society on the Jianghan Plain during the Ming-Qing era 勾连秩序:明清时期江汉平原的水神信仰与地域社会
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-21 DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2023.2284011
Shuaiqi Zhang, Yinuo Xu
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引用次数: 0
From the Deer to the Monkey: how the transmission of the Jātaka animal stories to medieval China enriched Chinese culture and complemented Confucianism 从《鹿传》到《猴传》:迦陀罗动物故事传入中世纪中国如何丰富了中国文化并补充了儒家思想
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-21 DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2023.2284006
Guo Wu
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引用次数: 0
Temples in the Cliffside: Buddhist Art in Sichuan Temples in the Cliffside: Buddhist Art in Sichuan , by Sonya S. Lee, Seattle, University of Washington Press, 2021, 296 pp., $65 (hardcover), ISBN 9780295749303 《悬崖边的寺庙:四川的佛教艺术》,索尼娅·s·李著,西雅图,华盛顿大学出版社,2021年,296页,65美元(精装本),ISBN 9780295749303
3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-16 DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2023.2244348
Angela Falco Howard
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引用次数: 0
The influence of Pure Land thought on Zhiyi’s 智顗 (538–598) religious practice and teachings perspective 净土思想对智仪顗(538-598)宗教实践和教义的影响
3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2023.2244345
Xiao Lin
ABSTRACTZhiyi was one of the greatest Chinese Buddhist masters of his time. Pure Land greatly influenced his thoughts during his lifetime. This article examines Pure Land thought’s influence on him from several perspectives. Firstly, Zhiyi’s annotations on Pure Land scriptures, such as the Foshuo Amituo jing 佛說阿彌陀經 [Skt. Amitābha Sūtra) and Guan Wulingshou jing 觀無量壽經 [Skt. Amitāyur Dhyāna Sūtra; Contemplation Sūtra], demonstrate his understanding of the teachings. Secondly, Zhiyi stressed the importance of incorporating Pure Land thought into Tiantai 天台 practice. Thirdly, Zhiyi included elements associated with the Western Pure Land in his meditation practice. Lastly, Zhiyi said in his dying statement that he wanted to be reborn in Amitābha’s Pure Land. In this wish, he expresses his conviction that the Pure Land teaching is the ultimate goal of a Buddhist. Therefore, it is evident that Zhiyi’s religious beliefs, meditation and final destination in life were profoundly influenced by Pure Land thought.KEYWORDS: ZhiyiPure Landmeditation AcknowledgmentsThe author would like to thank Prof. Chen Jinhua and Ven. Xian’ao 賢奧 for their highly constructive suggestions on how to improve different aspects of this article. All mistakes are the author’s. The author would also like to thank Maggie Mitchell for her linguistic assistance in preparing this manuscript.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. Kantor, Zhiyi’s Great Calming and Contemplation, 335.2. Ando, ‘Tendai Chigi no Jōdo Kyō’, 27–29.3. Tetsuei, ‘Tenndai daishi no kenkyū’, 72–74.4. Xinguang, ‘Yidashi linzhong yiyan zhi tanjiu’, 69–73.5. Kanno, ‘Tendaichigi no shi ni tsuite’, 429–448.6. Lengwang huguo banruo jingshu, T no. 1705, 33: 285b23–24.7. Nanyue sidachanshi li shiyuanwen, T no. 1933, 46: 787a4–6.8. Ibid., 786c4–15.9. Guoqingbailu, T no. 1934, 46: 809c11–12.10. Ibid., 810b28–29.11. Guanxinlun, T no. 1920, 46: 585c28–29.12. Chappell, ‘Early Forebodings’, 122–154.13. On the introduction and interpretation of the four forms of Samādhi of Zhiyi, see Stevenson, ‘The T’ien-t’ai Four Forms of Samadhi’.14. A method of Buddhist practice whereby one circumambulates an image of Amitābha and chants his name for a period of 90 days.15. By contemplating a certain level of meditation and seeing the Buddha standing right in front of you.16. Mohezhiguan, T no. 1911, 46: 12a19–21.17. Wenshushili suoshuo moheboruomi jing, T no. 1911, 46: 731a26–b5.18. Tai Shibata points out that the main basis for the idea of the integration of Tiantai and Pure Land practice in Tiantai is the Guan wuliangshou jing and the changxing samādhi mentioned here. See Shibata, ‘Chūgoku ni okeru zenjō sōshū shisō no seiritsu to tenkai’, 544.19. Banzhou sanmei jing, T no. 418, 13: 905a5–17.20. Ibid., 905b.21. The difference in Zen thought before and after can be found in Eric writings. See Greene, Chan before Chan, 1–10.22. Shi chanboluomi cidifamen, T no. 1916, 46: 494a23–26.23. T no. 1
【摘要】智仪是当时中国最伟大的佛教大师之一。《净土》对他一生的思想影响很大。本文从几个方面考察净土思想对他的影响。首先,智仪对净土经的注释,如《佛法阿弥陀经》[Skt.]Amitābha Sūtra),关武灵寿,北京[j]。Amitāyur Dhyāna Sūtra;沉思Sūtra],展示他对教义的理解。其次,智毅强调了将净土思想融入天台天职实践的重要性。第三,智毅在禅修中融入了与西方净土有关的元素。最后,志毅在临终遗言中说,他想投生到Amitābha的净土。在这个愿望中,他表达了他的信念,即净土教是佛教徒的终极目标。可见,智仪的宗教信仰、禅修和人生归宿都受到净土思想的深刻影响。作者在此感谢陈金华教授和陈金华法师。感谢他们就如何改进这篇文章的不同方面提出了非常有建设性的建议。所有的错误都是作者的。作者还要感谢Maggie Mitchell在准备这篇手稿时提供的语言帮助。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。坎特,《智毅的大静观》,335.2。安藤,' Tendai Chigi no Jōdo kyki ', 27-29.3。Tetsuei, ' Tenndai daishi no kenkyy ', 72-74.4。新光,《科学与技术》,69-73.5。Kanno,《Tendaichigi no shi ni tsuite》,429-448.6。冷王湖国半若经书,T;[j] .自然科学学报,33:285b23-24.7。南越sidachanshi李shiyuanwen T。吉林大学学报(自然科学版)如上,786 c4 - 15.9。国庆白路,T号。[j] .中国科学:自然科学。出处同上,810 b28 - 29.11。冠心仑T号[j] .农业科学,2009,46:558 - 29。Chappell, <早期预兆>,122-154.13。14.关于志易Samādhi四种形式的介绍和解释,见史蒂文森《三摩地的四种形式》。一种佛教的修行方法,一个人绕着Amitābha的神像旋转并念诵他的名字90天。通过思考一定程度的冥想,看到佛陀就站在你面前。漠河之关,T号。[j] .中国科学:地球科学。文殊史里,锁说,墨和波罗密经,T。[j] .中国科学:地球科学。太柴田指出,天台与净土修行合一的思想,主要依据是这里提到的《关五良守经》和《长兴samādhi》。参见柴田,“Chūgoku ni okeru zenjhi sōshū shiski no seiritsu to tenkai”,544.19。板州三美经1号。[j] .自然科学学报,2013,31(3):9055 - 17.20。出处同上,905 b.21。禅宗思想前后的差异可以在埃里克的著作中找到。见Greene, Chan before Chan, 1-10.22。石石波罗米市民,T。[j] .中国科学:地球科学。T。[j] .中国科学:地球科学。T。[j] .中国科学:地球科学。T。[j] .中国科学:地球科学。T。[j] .中国科学:地球科学。五房边年门,T号。[j] .中国科学:地球科学。陈申华,纪兵,关年,余佛教生记,229-332.29。徐高升传,T号。[60] . 50: 17.567 .30。隋天台之哲大石别传,T号。[j] .中国科学:地球科学。筱原,《官定志毅传》,35-72.32。智冠复兴传红觉,T号。[j] .农业科学,2002,26(4):481 - 481。筱原:《官定志毅传》,第34页。T。[j] .农业科学与技术,2016,31(5):557 - 535。出处同上,562 c21 - 23.36。金土望生传,T号。[j] .地球科学进展,26(2):531 - 531。T。[j] .中国科学:地球科学。天台智哲大师院X号[j] .中国科学:地球科学。T。[j] .地球科学进展,1984,1:474 - 19。佛、菩萨成佛时,通常要立誓。T。[j] .中国科学:自然科学。潘志毅,平传,8.43。韦伯,《宗教社会学》,127-138.44。潘志毅,平传,37-38。项目资助:国家社科基金重大项目[19ZDA254]。
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引用次数: 0
The Śūraṅgama Sūtra , sudden awakening and gradual cultivation in Chan Buddhism during the Tang and Song periods 唐宋时期禅宗的Śūraṅgama Sūtra、突然觉醒和逐渐修炼
3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2023.2244344
Jun Gong
ABSTRACTThis article undertakes an indepth examination of the Śūraṅgama Sūtra’s influence on the ideas of sudden awakening and gradual cultivation in Chan Buddhism during the Tang (618–907) and Song (960–1279) dynasties. It focuses on the complex relationship between the sūtra and these ideas within the meditation teachings of the Shenxiu Lineage 神秀系 of the Northern School and the Heze Lineage 菏澤系 of the Southern School, conducting detailed analysis of their intellectual history and offering a new exploration of connections between Northern Chan and Heze Shenhui’s 菏澤神會 (684–758) ideas about subitism and gradualism. This article also proposes a new interpretation of Chan Śūraṅgama study from the late Tang to the Song in relation to discussions about sudden awakening and gradual cultivation. It points out differences in meditation teachings between the Song and Tang periods with regard to this question, and on this basis examines how such teachings were Sinicised through the incorporation of Tathāgatagarbha scriptures such as the Śūraṅgama, according to different trajectories of intellectual history.KEYWORDS: Śūraṅgama Sūtrameditationsudden–gradualNorthern Chan Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. Sharf, Coming to Terms with Chinese Buddhism, 312.2. Su, ‘Shu Liu Zihou Dajian chanshi bei hou’, 2084.3. In the opening juan of the Dafoding shoulengyan jing shujie mengchao (X no. 287, 13: 1.504), Qian Qianyi 錢謙益 (1582–1664) wrote, ‘During the Song, there were chancellors and ministers who deeply committed themselves to Buddhist study and explicated the Śūraṅgama, including Wengong [Wang Anshi] and Zhang Guanwen Wujin. Objectively speaking, their commentaries were excellent’ (有宋宰執大臣, 深契佛學, 疏解《首楞[嚴經]》者, 文公與張觀文無盡也. 文公之疏解, 與無盡之海眼, 平心觀之, 手眼具在).4. Da foding rulai miyin xiuzheng liaoyi zhupusa wanxing shoulengyan jing (henceforth Lengyan jing), T no. 945, 19: 10.155. English translation modified from Buddhist Text Translation Society, Śūraṅgama Sūtra, 461.5. Translator’s note: This term xiqi (also translated as ‘habitual residue,’ ‘karmic habits or imprints,’ ‘habituated behavioural tendencies or dispositions,’ etc.) refers to the patterned effects of karmic habituation or ‘perfumation’ (xunxi 熏習) on the mind both within and across lifetimes, which continue to influence behaviour and thus generate new karmic effects. It has been described as a type of karmic ‘seeds’ or ‘latent potentialities’ (zhongzi 種子; Skt. bīja), or as the trace that remains after a seed has been destroyed. Like seeds, the habit-energies are stored within the ‘storehouse-consciousness’ (alaiyeshi 阿賴耶識; Skt. ālaya-vijñāna), according to the Yogācāra tradition as well as to the Śūraṅgama, which states: ‘From the subtle storehouse-consciousness, the habit-energies can burst forth into a torrent’ (陀那微細識, 習氣成暴流). The sūtra’s English translators explain: ‘Although the eight consciousnesses doctrine of the Consciousness-Only school [i.e. Chin
一个突然唤醒原则…”(非汝六根互用合開,此之妄想無時得滅吗?故汝現在見聞覺知中串習幾 … . 此五陰元重疊生起, 生因識有滅從色除, 理則頓悟 … ’). 译自佛经翻译协会,Śūraṅgama Sūtra, 460-461;原:冷岩经,T号。[j] .农业科学,19(10):154 - 155.7。冷岩井,T号。[j] .农业科学,1994,19:4.119。佛经翻译协会,Śūraṅgama Sūtra, 141.8。译者注:在本文中,“修炼”一词贯穿始终。sk电讯。bhāvanā)通常在精神训练的意义上表示类似“冥想”的东西(我保留了这个词来翻译“禅修”,字面意思是“dhyāna修炼”)。然而,“修炼”是一个更广泛的术语,还包括其他类型的佛教“修行”、“训练”或“学习”,如“修山行”和“修界行”。本文的最后一节讨论了宋代禅师元武和大慧的“德性修养”。对元武来说,善行是“支持禅修”,而对大慧来说,禅修是“支持按道而行”。大佛亭寿颜京书街梦巢X号[j] .自然科学学报,13:1.504.10。关于殷顺对Śūraṅgama与早期禅史之间关系的讨论,特别是在他对禅史的总体研究中,见他的《中国禅宗史》,126-129。根据日本历史学家Ibuki Atsushi的说法,Śūraṅgama对禅宗的影响直到宋朝才开始发展(Ibuki, Chan de lishi, 15)。参见Gong,《禅时gouchen》,第五章:《中华禅宗历世商德方略通经丛书6道9世纪》,《六世纪至九世纪禅学史上的“以释经为权宜手段”》。尹顺,《中国禅宗》,128.13。《宋高僧传》(注六)2061, 50: 6.738),“据说Śūraṅgama Sūtra是荆州杜门寺禅师神修在宫内时首先得到的,后来由杜门寺关陶和尚慧真传下来,在那里被魏克(八世纪)遇到并解释慤。”后来,四川的弘衍法师沇(d.u)写了一部名为《自忠书》的注释。这篇文章也引用了惠珍早期的评论,因此它包含了当代和古代的解释。它流传在四川,最近流传的Jiangbiao(长江以南的地区)的(一說”楞嚴經”初是荊州度門寺神秀禪師在內時得本,後因館陶沙門慧震於度門寺傳出,愨遇之著疏解之。後有弘沇法師者, 蜀人也, 作義章開釋此經, 號資中疏. 其中亦引震法師義例, 似有今古之說. 此岷蜀行之, 近亦流江表焉).14. 关于钱氏反驳这一传说的证据,请参见他的《大法庭寿颜经书介梦朝》,X号。[j] .自然科学学报,13:1.520.15。参见胡《关于Śūraṅgama Sūtra的起源有七种不同的说法》,载于《胡适学书文志》,564.16。“也许北派普济的学生从[皇宫]里得到了文本,并将其传递给了杜门[寺院],之后,官陶的[惠珍]访问并获得了它,然后传播了大同[神秀]写的传说。”而館陶搜訪得之, 遂訛傳為大通寫本也). 大佛亭寿颜京书街梦巢X号[j] .自然科学学报,13:1.520.17。《金融时报》(T)2075, 51: 1)叙述了陈宝堂从Śūraṅgama中借鉴的例子,包括拒绝“Hīnayāna”传统,通过冥想降伏魔鬼Māra,“思想自由”或“不怀”(悟念),以及对“广博学习”(多文)的批评。我们在这里不详细讨论这些。译者注:梵文samādhi (Ch. ding, sanmoti, sanmei)在不同的传统中被译为“集中”、“统一思想”、“稳定注意力”等。在八正道中,“正确samādhi”与“正确正念”是一种冥想。sk电讯。samyak-smṛti)作为另一种训练,但在三重训练中,这两者与“正确的努力”相结合,形成更广泛的“samādhi训练”。sk电讯。Samādhi -śikṣa),指的是一般意义上的沉思。因此,我在整篇文章中都使用了samādhi这个术语来翻译,而不是从它可能的英文同义词中选择一个。梵文dhyāna有类似的含义范围,但在这篇文章中,它的中文对应词chan (chan)被专门用来指代:(a)禅宗;或者(b)一般的冥想,所以我把它翻译成这两种方式中的一种。关于Śūraṅgama中samādhi一词的四种用法,见佛经翻译学会Śūraṅgama Sūtra, xlv.19。韩占宗、北宗、敦煌文县、路教、酒业,48.20。QTW 231.2334 - -35.21。 韩占宗、北宗、敦煌文县、路教与文学,116-119.22。如上,114.23。如上,165.24。量子力学,第262卷,2659.25页。韩占宗、北宗、敦煌文县、路教、文学、文学,24(2):26。大胜武胜方便门T号[j] .农业科学与技术,2016,31(5):391 - 391。大胜武胜方边门,T号。[j] .自然科学学报,28(5):1275 - 1280。同上,125和211.29。敦武大生正利街B号[j] .农业科学与技术,2016,31(5):835 - 835。译者注:翻译自佛经翻译协会,Śūraṅgama Sūtra, 255.31。敦武大生正利街B号[j] .农业科学与技术,2009,31(4):557 - 558。《大召练师驯》,《中华文化》,第262卷,2659.33页。在他的评论《冷界经集》中,和尚正寿(1147-1209)检查了《冷界经》的刘颂(424-479)译本之一的《卷》中的“四渐四骤”概念,早期的禅宗很大程度上基于此。正守解释说,这里的“渐进”是指“净化去除自己心中的污染”,对应于通过训练和实践来克服束缚的工作;而“突然”指的是“不可思议的智慧”,指的是在枷锁被制服后对原则的洞察。参见《冷场》,22岁。在这一点上,宗密的《元爵经书集》(780-841)在卷三中作了很好的解释。(245,9: 3c.532)开始的四渐限于修行,因为还没有悟到原则;因此,接下来的四次突发事件仅限于实现该原则之后的时期。下之四頓, 約已證理故). 换句话说,《冷热经》对渐进和突然的区分指的是两个时期:在觉醒原则之前的训练和实践,以及突然觉醒。因此,冷藏经倾向于逐渐修炼,然后突然觉醒。银顺写道,传说《Śūraṅgama》是在广州的芷芷寺翻译的,而传播《坦经》并特别重视南派教义的芷芷寺也正是来自广州。这并不是说Śūraṅgama是从那里产生的,而是说,觉醒可以直接从观察一个人的本性中获得的教义,最初是由一位不知名的印度和尚传到广州的。(这是一种原始的、流行的Tathāgatagarbha教义,与菩提达摩的冷切冥想有关)……而且,这种冥想教学在广州地区一直流传至今。”——而這一禪法, 在廣州一帶, 還在不斷的流傳. 尹顺,《中国禅宗》,128-29.35。南宗敦教酒商大生木河北波罗米经六祖会能大石经韶州大法石经(以下简称石经)[j] .中国科学:地球科学。谭京,我没有。[j] .中国科学:地球科学。1.340.38如上。1.338.39如上。1.342.40如上。胡宣称生辉的突然觉醒推翻逐步培养使用,但他的继任者的哲学Zongmi后提出,“安静知道”(寂知)仍然是必要的完全与条件结盟,练习所有不同的盖茨(舉體隨緣,作種種門)——换句话说,突然觉醒之后,循序渐进的培养是必要的。胡认为,宗宓所提出的渐进式修炼是在沈会突然觉醒之后的一种“折衷”立场,与会能和沈会在这个问题上的立场错误地不一致
{"title":"The <i>Śūraṅgama Sūtra</i> , sudden awakening and gradual cultivation in Chan Buddhism during the Tang and Song periods","authors":"Jun Gong","doi":"10.1080/23729988.2023.2244344","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23729988.2023.2244344","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis article undertakes an indepth examination of the Śūraṅgama Sūtra’s influence on the ideas of sudden awakening and gradual cultivation in Chan Buddhism during the Tang (618–907) and Song (960–1279) dynasties. It focuses on the complex relationship between the sūtra and these ideas within the meditation teachings of the Shenxiu Lineage 神秀系 of the Northern School and the Heze Lineage 菏澤系 of the Southern School, conducting detailed analysis of their intellectual history and offering a new exploration of connections between Northern Chan and Heze Shenhui’s 菏澤神會 (684–758) ideas about subitism and gradualism. This article also proposes a new interpretation of Chan Śūraṅgama study from the late Tang to the Song in relation to discussions about sudden awakening and gradual cultivation. It points out differences in meditation teachings between the Song and Tang periods with regard to this question, and on this basis examines how such teachings were Sinicised through the incorporation of Tathāgatagarbha scriptures such as the Śūraṅgama, according to different trajectories of intellectual history.KEYWORDS: Śūraṅgama Sūtrameditationsudden–gradualNorthern Chan Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. Sharf, Coming to Terms with Chinese Buddhism, 312.2. Su, ‘Shu Liu Zihou Dajian chanshi bei hou’, 2084.3. In the opening juan of the Dafoding shoulengyan jing shujie mengchao (X no. 287, 13: 1.504), Qian Qianyi 錢謙益 (1582–1664) wrote, ‘During the Song, there were chancellors and ministers who deeply committed themselves to Buddhist study and explicated the Śūraṅgama, including Wengong [Wang Anshi] and Zhang Guanwen Wujin. Objectively speaking, their commentaries were excellent’ (有宋宰執大臣, 深契佛學, 疏解《首楞[嚴經]》者, 文公與張觀文無盡也. 文公之疏解, 與無盡之海眼, 平心觀之, 手眼具在).4. Da foding rulai miyin xiuzheng liaoyi zhupusa wanxing shoulengyan jing (henceforth Lengyan jing), T no. 945, 19: 10.155. English translation modified from Buddhist Text Translation Society, Śūraṅgama Sūtra, 461.5. Translator’s note: This term xiqi (also translated as ‘habitual residue,’ ‘karmic habits or imprints,’ ‘habituated behavioural tendencies or dispositions,’ etc.) refers to the patterned effects of karmic habituation or ‘perfumation’ (xunxi 熏習) on the mind both within and across lifetimes, which continue to influence behaviour and thus generate new karmic effects. It has been described as a type of karmic ‘seeds’ or ‘latent potentialities’ (zhongzi 種子; Skt. bīja), or as the trace that remains after a seed has been destroyed. Like seeds, the habit-energies are stored within the ‘storehouse-consciousness’ (alaiyeshi 阿賴耶識; Skt. ālaya-vijñāna), according to the Yogācāra tradition as well as to the Śūraṅgama, which states: ‘From the subtle storehouse-consciousness, the habit-energies can burst forth into a torrent’ (陀那微細識, 習氣成暴流). The sūtra’s English translators explain: ‘Although the eight consciousnesses doctrine of the Consciousness-Only school [i.e. Chin","PeriodicalId":36684,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Chinese Religions","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135717426","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Suzuki Daisetsu’s and Hisamatsu Shin’ichi’s discussions on East Asian arts, dramatic art and ‘Zen’ 铃木大越、久松信一对东亚艺术、戏剧艺术与“禅”的探讨
3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2023.2244346
Michi Shigeta
ABSTRACTIn recent history, Suzuki Daisetsu’s Zen to Nihon bunka and Hisamatsu Shin’ichi’s Zen to bijutsu have defined the East Asian cultural complex as ‘Zen.’ However, the basic characteristics they attributed to ‘Zen’ may not be able to be associated with Zen 禪 (Ch. Chan) in history. From a historical perspective, the specific examples of artworks and performing arts, such as the paintings from Song-Yuan China and Japanese Nō performances, cannot be regarded as Zen. Suzuki also stated that ‘Zen’ is equivalent to ‘Japanese culture,’ a statement which lacks historical validity. At the same time, he used the concepts of ‘Japan’ and ‘the East’ to study the Chinese-made artworks he quoted as examples, making his arguments ambiguous and self-contradictory. On the other hand, although Hisamatsu’s arguments were more aligned with facts when he saw China, Korea and Japan as three distinct geographic entities, he also exhibited a tendency to associate the cultures that match his preferences with ‘Zen.’ Thus, it is hard to view his arguments from an academic perspective. Nevertheless, both works have served as primers through which readers can understand Zen and East Asian culture. Therefore, nowadays we must discuss their arguments from an academic standpoint and offer objective critiques of their arguments.KEYWORDS: Suzuki DaisetsuHisamatsu Shin’ichiJapanese culturediscussions on Zen (Chan)discussions on the East and Japan Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. See, for example, the following studies: MacCarthy, ‘Dewey, Suzuki, and the Elimination of Dichotomies’; Iijima, ‘Suzuki Daisetsu no Zen Shisō-shi Kan wo Saikō Suru Shiza’; Ogawa, Zen shisō-shi kōgi, Chapter Four ‘‘Mu’ to ‘Kindai’: Suzuki Daisetsu to 20 Seiki no Zen’ ‘無’ と’ 近代’:鈴木大拙と二 〇 世紀の禅 [D. T. Suzuki and the Chan of the Twentieth Century].2. The English edition of Suzuki Daisetsu’s Zen to Nihon bunka is Suzuki, Zen Buddhism and its Influence on Japanese Culture (1938). And below is the information about the publication of its Japanese translation: (1) Part One of the original work (the first half) was in Suzuki, Kitagawa, trans., Zen to Nihon bunka (Iwanami shinsho, September 1940). The second edition was published in March 1964; (2) Part Two of the original work (the second half) was in Suzuki, Kitagawa, trans., Zoku Zen to Nihon Bunka (Iwanami shinsho, October 1942). Moreover, the Iwanami shinsho edition of Zen to Nihon bunka has been printed 94 times, from the first edition in 1940 before World War II to the last edition printed in 2022. The second edition published in 1964 was actually the 21st time the book was printed. Additionally, the first edition of Zoku Zen to Nihon Bunka was printed in 1942, while the most updated edition published in 1989 was the eighth time the book was printed.3. When published by Bokubisha in 1957, Zen to bijutsu was a large volume with a cloth hardcover. The book was reprinted by Shibunkaku 思文閣 in 1976. Th
在近代历史上,铃木大越的“禅宗到日本文”和久松信一的“禅宗到壁术”将东亚文化综合体定义为“禅”。然而,他们认为“禅”的基本特征可能无法与历史上的“禅意”联系起来。从历史的角度来看,艺术品和表演艺术的具体例子,如中国宋元时期的绘画和日本的剧表演,都不能被视为禅宗。铃木还表示,“禅”等同于“日本文化”,这一说法缺乏历史依据。同时,他用“日本”和“东方”的概念来研究他所引用的中国制造的艺术品,使他的论点变得模棱两可和自相矛盾。另一方面,尽管久松将中国、韩国和日本视为三个不同的地理实体时,他的观点更符合事实,但他也表现出将符合他偏好的文化与“禅宗”联系起来的倾向。因此,很难从学术的角度来看待他的论点。然而,这两部作品都是读者了解禅宗和东亚文化的入门读物。因此,现在我们必须从学术的角度来讨论他们的论点,并对他们的论点进行客观的批评。关键词:铃木大坂久松信一日本文化禅宗讨论东方与日本讨论披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。例如,请看以下研究:麦卡锡的《杜威、铃木与二分法的消除》;饭岛,《铃木大禅宗Shisō-shi Kan wo saikichi Suru Shiza》;小川,禅宗shisō-shi kōgi,第四章“木”到“近代”:铃木大etsu到20精木无禅”“微”“微”“微”:。铃木与20世纪的禅宗]。铃木大越的《日本禅宗》英文版是《铃木,禅宗佛教及其对日本文化的影响》(1938)。以下是其日文译本的出版情况:(1)第一部分原著(前半部分)是在北川铃木翻译的。,《禅宗到日本文化》(1940年9月,岩上新正)。第二版于1964年3月出版;(2)原著第二部分(下半部分)在北川铃木,译。(1942年10月,岩上新堂)。此外,从第二次世界大战前的1940年的第一版到2022年的最后一版,岩上新修版的《禅宗到日本文化》共印刷了94次。1964年出版的第二版实际上是这本书第21次印刷。此外,《从禅宗到日本文化》的第一版于1942年印刷,而1989年出版的最新版本是该书的第八次印刷。博库比社1957年出版的《禅到比举》是一本布面精装的大卷书。该书于1976年由Shibunkaku出版社重印。这本书包含了大约300张涂布纸上的艺术作品和剧的照片。此外,讲谈社国际出版社于1971.4年出版了Tokiwa Gishin的英文译本《禅与美术》。铃木,反式。北川,禅宗到日本文化,2.5。Ibid.6。如上,7 - 8.7。如上,9 - 108。如上,9 - 109。如上,13 - 21.10。如上,13 - 15.11。铃木15 - 16.12。铃木,禅宗佛教及其对日本文化的影响,16.13。如上,18.14。铃木19 - 20.15。久松,Tōyō teki mu。这本书于1987年7月由Kōdansha gakujutsu bunko重新出版。久松(Hisamatsu), Zen to bijutsu, 11(最后一行是用引号加上的,比如passim)。久松,Zen to bijutsu, Zen geitsu no seikaku, 24-39.18。久松,禅宗到比儒,54-59.19。如上,59.20。Ibuki, ' ' Zengeijutsu ' ' to Nanika ' .21。久松,《Sadou bunka no seikaku》22。久松,禅宗到比举,105.23。如上,105 - 106.24。参见Omote和itki编。, Komparu Kodensho Shūsei, 215-220,关于秘籍的内容。铃木,禅宗佛教及其对日本文化的影响,17.26。译者注:关于这两首和歌诗的中文翻译,见铃木:《禅于日本文华》,19-20.27。铃木,禅宗佛教及其对日本文化的影响,18.28。如上,19.29。《南伯罗录》[南卜记Sōkei]是一本茶书,其中《南卜记Sōkei》(16 - 17世纪)记录了森诺理基(1522-1591)的讲话和行动。然而,从事这本书的创作的是立花智山(1655-1708)。见西山,“南波roku ni tsuite”。对于“没有一件事”,根据禅宗文本《六祖大石法宝檀经》中的“行幽”一章:身体是一棵菩提树,心灵像一面明亮的镜子。一次又一次地把它刷干净,不让灰尘落下来。英文译者注:英文译本见佛典翻译协会,译。
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引用次数: 0
Hakuin’s system of practice and its background 白隐的修行体系及其背景
3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2023.2244347
Mikiyasu Yanagi
ABSTRACTBased on the works of Hakuin Ekaku 白隱慧鶴 (1686–1769), this article analyses the practice system he constructed and its background and clarifies the following two conclusions. First, the system of practice demonstrated by Hakuin involves focus on one specific kind of practice to achieve ‘seeing one’s nature’ (kenshō 見性), and then ‘practice after insight’ (gogo no shugyō 悟後の修行). Among them, ‘practice after insight’ consists of two parts: ‘seeking bodhi above’ (jōgu bodai 上求菩提) by constantly consulting kōan cases to refine one’s own realisation, and ‘cultivating sentient beings below’ (geke shujō 下化眾生) by guiding other people through giving dharma teachings. Second, the core of Hakuin’s practice system is the three essential elements consisting of ‘insight,’ ‘seeking bodhi above,’ and ‘cultivating sentient beings below.’ The background against which they formed was the three enlightenments obtained in Hakuin Ekaku’s life.KEYWORDS: Hakuinseeing one’s natureseeking bodhi abovecultivating sentient beings belowgiving dharma teachings Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. Yoshizawa Katsuhiro summarised and analysed past research on Hakuin and suggested several topics that could be studied in the future. See Yoshizawa, ‘Hakuin kenkyū no genjō to kadai’.2. There are also various views in the school regarding the method of grasping Hakuin Zen’s kōan system. For details, see Yanagi, ‘Hakuin no jissen taikei to sono haikei’, 318–320.3. Yanagida, Nihon no Bukkyō 9.4. Ibid., 260–261.5. Ibid., 256.6. Yanagida and Mohr, ‘Taidan Hakuin no zen’.7. Maryū, ‘Hakuin Zen niokeru ningen Keisei no shisō’.8. Shibayama, ‘Hakuin Zen no kanna ni tsuite’.9. Maryū, ‘Hakuin Zen niokeru ningen Keisei no shisō’, 100.10. Maryū, ‘Hakuin Zen niokeru ningen Keisei no shisō’, 90.11. Yoshizawa, Hakuin Zenga wo yomu, 196.12. Yoshizawa, ‘Bodaishin nakereba madō ni otsu’; Hanazono Daigaku Kokusai Zengaku Kenkyūjo, Hakuin zenga bokuseki, 121.13. Yoshizawa, Hakuin: Zenga no sekai, 262; idem, Hakuin Zenji no fushigi na sekai, 39; idem, Hakuin Zenga wo yomu, 129–130.14. Obama, ‘Hakuin no shugyōkan’, 44.15. Yoshizawa (‘Bodaishin nakereba madō ni otsu’) criticises Yanagida, Nihon no Bukkyō 9, but does not mention the statement by Maryū. Although Obama introduced Maryū’s account, she did not discuss how it had anything to do with her own account (see Obama, Hakuin no shugyōkan, 96).16. I have analyzed the practice system of Hakuin and the relationship between the practice system and spiritual experience in two previous articles, but each of which is limited to a brief discussion. See Yanagi, ‘Hakuin Ekaku to Sugyōroku’; idem, ‘Hakuin no kotoba wo yomu’. In contrast, this article tries to show the basis for my opinion in detail by quoting relevant quotations from Hakuin. In addition, this study was based on the results of Yoshizawa’s research on Hakuin, as I cited the translations and writings of Yoshizawa in this article. Here, I pay re
【摘要】本文以白隐的《白隐全书》(1686-1769)的作品为基础,分析了他所构建的实践体系及其产生的背景,并阐明了以下两个结论:首先,白隐所展示的修行体系包括专注于一种特定的修行,以达到“见人的本性”,然后是“顿悟后的修行”(gogo no shugygi)。其中,“顿悟后的修行”包括两部分:“寻求上面的菩提”(jōgu bodai,),通过不断地咨询kōan案例来完善自己的觉悟,以及“培养下面的众生”(geke shujigi,),通过给予佛法教导来指导他人。第二,白隐修行体系的核心是“内观”、“上求菩提”、“下修有情”三要素。他们形成的背景,是白隐颖果一生中获得的三个启示。关键词:悟性以上求菩提以下修炼众生教法披露声明作者未发现潜在利益冲突。吉泽克宏总结和分析了过去关于白音的研究,并提出了未来可以研究的几个主题。参见吉泽,“Hakuin kenkyi no genjji”。对于白隐禅宗kōan体系的把握方法,禅宗内部也有不同的看法。详情请参阅Yanagi, ' Hakuin no jissen taikei to sono haikei ', 318-320.3。柳田,日本北井9.4。出处同上,260 - 261.5。如上,256.6。柳田和莫尔,' Taidan Hakuin no zen ' .7。8.《白隐禅宗niokeru ningen Keisei no shiske》。8 .柴山,<白隐禅宗无kanna ni tsuite >《白隐禅宗niokeru ningen Keisei no shisku》,第100卷第10节。《Hakuin Zen niokeru ningen Keisei no shiske》,90.11。吉泽,白隐增和祐,1966.12。吉泽,《Bodaishin nakereba madishni otsu》;花宗大学国斋增乐Kenkyūjo,白音增乐书斋,121.13。吉泽,白隐:Zenga no sekai, 262;《白隐禅寺》,39;[m],《白隐正加与友》,129-130.14。奥巴马,“Hakuin no shugyōkan”,44.15分。吉泽(“Bodaishin nakereba madki ni otsu”)批评了柳田,日本第9章,但没有提到玛丽的声明。虽然奥巴马介绍了玛丽的描述,但她没有讨论这与她自己的描述有什么关系(见奥巴马,白文no shugyōkan, 96)。在之前的两篇文章中,我已经分析了白隐的修行体系以及修行体系与精神体验之间的关系,但每篇文章都仅限于一个简短的讨论。参见柳宗健,“白光光到Sugyōroku”;我想说的是,“Hakuin no kotoba wo yomu”。与此相反,本文试图通过引用白隐的相关语录来详细说明我的观点的依据。此外,这项研究是基于吉泽对白隐的研究结果,因为我在本文中引用了吉泽的翻译和著作。在此,我向吉泽先生表示敬意和感谢,他对白隐的研究做出了巨大的贡献。《Hakuin Zen niokeru ningen Keisei no shisue》,88.18。H12.180:。H9.447-50:或ハ定坐シ,或ハ誦經シ,或ハ諷呪シ,或ハ念佛シ,……行持ハ縱イ品ナ異ナレドモ,ソノ所證ニ到ツテハ,豈兩般有ンヤ.20。h9.461 - 63:參禪モ念佛モ及ビ看經誦經ヲサヘニ,盡是レ見道ノ輔助ニシテ行路ノ人ノ杖ノ如クナル事ヲ。……只肝心ハ杖子ヲ擇バズ行裝ヲ論ゼズ,一氣ニ進ンデ退ゾカズ,速カニ京師ニ到ルヲ以テ賢ナリトス增长。H9.447.22。h13.32 - 39.23。然而,白隐所承认的是对kōans的纯粹的投入,而不是所有形式的坐禅。参见杨木,' Hakuin zenji ni okeru zazen to kōan ' .24。h9.488 - 89。西吉夫指出,白隐把佛教内外的各种修行,简化为看见人的本性。参见Nishi, ' Hakuin zenji ni yoru Nihon no seishin bunka tōitsu to sono keiki ' .25。H9.359-60:。h9.489 - 94.27。《杭州西天目山狮子禅寺佛经》、《高峰寺遇录》、《杭州西天目山狮子禅寺佛经》、《高峰寺遇录》、《杭州西天目山狮子禅寺佛经》、《杭州西天目山狮子禅寺佛经》、《杭州西天目山狮子禅寺佛经》、《杭州西天目山狮子禅寺佛经》、《杭州西天目山狮子禅寺佛经》、《杭州西天目山狮子禅寺佛经》、《杭州西天目山狮子禅寺佛经》。122: 1.673 a - b;《向公众布道》,《高峰和商报》,第2期。122: 714 a - b。白隐在自己的著作中收集了他所写的东西,如《叶木古拉:葎[鹅草],分册3,H7.110;【天冬草】,第2卷,H3.248;《简论仙台和记》,第3卷,37 (4):481 - 481;和Sokkōroku Kaien Fusetsu;;;;;;;;;;;O2.412.29。H2.165.30。H9.211.31。柳田对白隐对“木”字kōan的重视作了如下阐述:“白隐之所以把“木”字(后来的手)作为唯一的kōan,是因为他认为这是根据自己的经验看到人的本质的最理想的方式。”“日本禅宗在白隐时代左右正式提出了这一点kōan。”
{"title":"Hakuin’s system of practice and its background","authors":"Mikiyasu Yanagi","doi":"10.1080/23729988.2023.2244347","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23729988.2023.2244347","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTBased on the works of Hakuin Ekaku 白隱慧鶴 (1686–1769), this article analyses the practice system he constructed and its background and clarifies the following two conclusions. First, the system of practice demonstrated by Hakuin involves focus on one specific kind of practice to achieve ‘seeing one’s nature’ (kenshō 見性), and then ‘practice after insight’ (gogo no shugyō 悟後の修行). Among them, ‘practice after insight’ consists of two parts: ‘seeking bodhi above’ (jōgu bodai 上求菩提) by constantly consulting kōan cases to refine one’s own realisation, and ‘cultivating sentient beings below’ (geke shujō 下化眾生) by guiding other people through giving dharma teachings. Second, the core of Hakuin’s practice system is the three essential elements consisting of ‘insight,’ ‘seeking bodhi above,’ and ‘cultivating sentient beings below.’ The background against which they formed was the three enlightenments obtained in Hakuin Ekaku’s life.KEYWORDS: Hakuinseeing one’s natureseeking bodhi abovecultivating sentient beings belowgiving dharma teachings Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. Yoshizawa Katsuhiro summarised and analysed past research on Hakuin and suggested several topics that could be studied in the future. See Yoshizawa, ‘Hakuin kenkyū no genjō to kadai’.2. There are also various views in the school regarding the method of grasping Hakuin Zen’s kōan system. For details, see Yanagi, ‘Hakuin no jissen taikei to sono haikei’, 318–320.3. Yanagida, Nihon no Bukkyō 9.4. Ibid., 260–261.5. Ibid., 256.6. Yanagida and Mohr, ‘Taidan Hakuin no zen’.7. Maryū, ‘Hakuin Zen niokeru ningen Keisei no shisō’.8. Shibayama, ‘Hakuin Zen no kanna ni tsuite’.9. Maryū, ‘Hakuin Zen niokeru ningen Keisei no shisō’, 100.10. Maryū, ‘Hakuin Zen niokeru ningen Keisei no shisō’, 90.11. Yoshizawa, Hakuin Zenga wo yomu, 196.12. Yoshizawa, ‘Bodaishin nakereba madō ni otsu’; Hanazono Daigaku Kokusai Zengaku Kenkyūjo, Hakuin zenga bokuseki, 121.13. Yoshizawa, Hakuin: Zenga no sekai, 262; idem, Hakuin Zenji no fushigi na sekai, 39; idem, Hakuin Zenga wo yomu, 129–130.14. Obama, ‘Hakuin no shugyōkan’, 44.15. Yoshizawa (‘Bodaishin nakereba madō ni otsu’) criticises Yanagida, Nihon no Bukkyō 9, but does not mention the statement by Maryū. Although Obama introduced Maryū’s account, she did not discuss how it had anything to do with her own account (see Obama, Hakuin no shugyōkan, 96).16. I have analyzed the practice system of Hakuin and the relationship between the practice system and spiritual experience in two previous articles, but each of which is limited to a brief discussion. See Yanagi, ‘Hakuin Ekaku to Sugyōroku’; idem, ‘Hakuin no kotoba wo yomu’. In contrast, this article tries to show the basis for my opinion in detail by quoting relevant quotations from Hakuin. In addition, this study was based on the results of Yoshizawa’s research on Hakuin, as I cited the translations and writings of Yoshizawa in this article. Here, I pay re","PeriodicalId":36684,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Chinese Religions","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135717431","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
The theory and practice of Zen Buddhism: a Festschrift in honor of Steven Heine 禅宗的理论与实践:纪念史蒂芬·海涅的纪念活动
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2023.2211413
E. Joskovich
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引用次数: 0
Guidance through seduction: the Precious Scroll of Fish-Basket Guanyin in the recitation practice of Changshu in Jiangsu, China 诱导:江苏常熟《鱼篮观音宝卷》的诵读实践
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2023.2210974
Rostislav Berezkin
ABSTRACT The story of Bodhisattva Guanyin with a Fish Basket (or Fish-monger Guanyin) has already attracted attention of scholars of Chinese literature and religion, as it represents an indigenous modification of the Indian Buddhist deity; but until now scholars mainly have studied textual variants of this story in the late imperial period. At the same time, the precious scroll (baojuan) devoted to the story of Fish-Basket Guanyin is still recited by local performers in the Changshu city area in Jiangsu now. The analysis of the Yulan Baojuan 魚籃寶卷 [Precious Scroll of Fish-Basket (Guanyin)] in the context of “telling scriptures” in Changshu allows a demonstration of the special features of functioning of a Chinese Buddhist narrative in the local religious-oriented storytelling. The Precious Scroll of Fish-Basket Guanyin formed around the nineteenth century, but it used much earlier materials, originating in the Buddhist “miracle tales”. This text attests to preservation of connections between the baojuan literature and Buddhist narratives in the later period. In the local variant of this precious scroll the story of Bodhisattva Guanyin is combined with the veneration of local tutelary deities, placed on the “family altars”; thus representing the secularized “grass-root” form of Chinese Buddhist devotion.
摘要观音菩萨提鱼篮的故事(或称鱼贩观音)已经引起了中国文学和宗教学者的关注,因为它代表了印度佛教神灵的本土修改;但到目前为止,学者们主要研究的是这个故事在帝国晚期的文本变体。同时,关于鱼篮观音故事的珍贵宝卷,至今仍在江苏常熟地区由当地艺人吟诵。通过对《玉兰宝卷观音宝卷》在常熟“讲经”背景下的分析,可以看出中国佛教叙事在地方宗教叙事中的特殊功能。《鱼篮观音宝卷》形成于19世纪左右,但它使用的材料要早得多,起源于佛教的“奇迹故事”。本文证明了宝娟文学与后期佛教叙事之间的联系得到了保存。在这个珍贵的卷轴的地方变体中,观音菩萨的故事与对当地守护神的崇拜相结合,放在“家庭祭坛”上;从而代表了中国佛教信仰的世俗化的“草根”形式。
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引用次数: 0
Guanyin as mediation: a new study on women’s Buddhist devotion in late imperial China 观音作为调解:晚清中国女性佛教虔诚新研究
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2023.2210982
Yujin Xu
ABSTRACT This article discusses Yuhang Li’s illuminative study on laywomen’s Guanyin worship and their material practices: Becoming Guanyin: Artistic Devotion of Buddhist Women in Late Imperial China. By developing a dialogue between three research fields – art history, Buddhism and gender studies – the book abounds with fascinating cases that unearth how Guanyin images were reproduced by female performance, skills, bodies and material artefacts. Here, Guanyin no longer appears as an established category or substance, but rather a mediation process involving the dialectical relationship between subject and object. Li’s writing departs from the traditional textual approach and veers into daily practices and material embodiments of Guanyin belief. Through the examination of significant contributions made by Li in the research on female Buddhist cults and religious material culture on a theoretical and historical level, this review emphasizes there is a heuristic perspective to inspect the mutually constructive relationship between worshipper and worshipped. In sum, the mimetic connection between laywomen and Guanyin observed by Li not only reflects female apostles’ Buddhist praxis beyond institutionalizations, but also offers a comprehensive picture of how laywomen’s subjectivity endowed by Guanyin faith negotiated with Confucian patriarchy in late imperial China.
摘要本文论述了李对俗女观音崇拜及其物质实践的启发性研究:《成为观音:中国后期佛教女性的艺术奉献》。通过在艺术史、佛教和性别研究这三个研究领域之间展开对话,这本书充满了引人入胜的案例,揭示了观音形象是如何通过女性的表演、技能、身体和实物复制的。在这里,观音不再是一个既定的范畴或实体,而是一个涉及主体与客体辩证关系的中介过程。李的写作脱离了传统的文本方法,转向了观音信仰的日常实践和物质体现。本文从理论和历史两个层面考察了李在女性佛教邪教和宗教物质文化研究中的重要贡献,强调从一个启发性的视角来考察朝拜者与被朝拜者之间的相互建构关系。总之,李所观察到的世俗女性与观音之间的拟态联系,不仅反映了女性使徒超越制度化的佛教实践,而且全面地反映了观音信仰所赋予的世俗女性主体性是如何与帝制后期的儒家父权制进行协商的。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Studies in Chinese Religions
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