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The Śūraṅgama Sūtra , sudden awakening and gradual cultivation in Chan Buddhism during the Tang and Song periods 唐宋时期禅宗的Śūraṅgama Sūtra、突然觉醒和逐渐修炼
3区 哲学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2023.2244344
Jun Gong
ABSTRACTThis article undertakes an indepth examination of the Śūraṅgama Sūtra’s influence on the ideas of sudden awakening and gradual cultivation in Chan Buddhism during the Tang (618–907) and Song (960–1279) dynasties. It focuses on the complex relationship between the sūtra and these ideas within the meditation teachings of the Shenxiu Lineage 神秀系 of the Northern School and the Heze Lineage 菏澤系 of the Southern School, conducting detailed analysis of their intellectual history and offering a new exploration of connections between Northern Chan and Heze Shenhui’s 菏澤神會 (684–758) ideas about subitism and gradualism. This article also proposes a new interpretation of Chan Śūraṅgama study from the late Tang to the Song in relation to discussions about sudden awakening and gradual cultivation. It points out differences in meditation teachings between the Song and Tang periods with regard to this question, and on this basis examines how such teachings were Sinicised through the incorporation of Tathāgatagarbha scriptures such as the Śūraṅgama, according to different trajectories of intellectual history.KEYWORDS: Śūraṅgama Sūtrameditationsudden–gradualNorthern Chan Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. Sharf, Coming to Terms with Chinese Buddhism, 312.2. Su, ‘Shu Liu Zihou Dajian chanshi bei hou’, 2084.3. In the opening juan of the Dafoding shoulengyan jing shujie mengchao (X no. 287, 13: 1.504), Qian Qianyi 錢謙益 (1582–1664) wrote, ‘During the Song, there were chancellors and ministers who deeply committed themselves to Buddhist study and explicated the Śūraṅgama, including Wengong [Wang Anshi] and Zhang Guanwen Wujin. Objectively speaking, their commentaries were excellent’ (有宋宰執大臣, 深契佛學, 疏解《首楞[嚴經]》者, 文公與張觀文無盡也. 文公之疏解, 與無盡之海眼, 平心觀之, 手眼具在).4. Da foding rulai miyin xiuzheng liaoyi zhupusa wanxing shoulengyan jing (henceforth Lengyan jing), T no. 945, 19: 10.155. English translation modified from Buddhist Text Translation Society, Śūraṅgama Sūtra, 461.5. Translator’s note: This term xiqi (also translated as ‘habitual residue,’ ‘karmic habits or imprints,’ ‘habituated behavioural tendencies or dispositions,’ etc.) refers to the patterned effects of karmic habituation or ‘perfumation’ (xunxi 熏習) on the mind both within and across lifetimes, which continue to influence behaviour and thus generate new karmic effects. It has been described as a type of karmic ‘seeds’ or ‘latent potentialities’ (zhongzi 種子; Skt. bīja), or as the trace that remains after a seed has been destroyed. Like seeds, the habit-energies are stored within the ‘storehouse-consciousness’ (alaiyeshi 阿賴耶識; Skt. ālaya-vijñāna), according to the Yogācāra tradition as well as to the Śūraṅgama, which states: ‘From the subtle storehouse-consciousness, the habit-energies can burst forth into a torrent’ (陀那微細識, 習氣成暴流). The sūtra’s English translators explain: ‘Although the eight consciousnesses doctrine of the Consciousness-Only school [i.e. Chin
一个突然唤醒原则…”(非汝六根互用合開,此之妄想無時得滅吗?故汝現在見聞覺知中串習幾 … . 此五陰元重疊生起, 生因識有滅從色除, 理則頓悟 … ’). 译自佛经翻译协会,Śūraṅgama Sūtra, 460-461;原:冷岩经,T号。[j] .农业科学,19(10):154 - 155.7。冷岩井,T号。[j] .农业科学,1994,19:4.119。佛经翻译协会,Śūraṅgama Sūtra, 141.8。译者注:在本文中,“修炼”一词贯穿始终。sk电讯。bhāvanā)通常在精神训练的意义上表示类似“冥想”的东西(我保留了这个词来翻译“禅修”,字面意思是“dhyāna修炼”)。然而,“修炼”是一个更广泛的术语,还包括其他类型的佛教“修行”、“训练”或“学习”,如“修山行”和“修界行”。本文的最后一节讨论了宋代禅师元武和大慧的“德性修养”。对元武来说,善行是“支持禅修”,而对大慧来说,禅修是“支持按道而行”。大佛亭寿颜京书街梦巢X号[j] .自然科学学报,13:1.504.10。关于殷顺对Śūraṅgama与早期禅史之间关系的讨论,特别是在他对禅史的总体研究中,见他的《中国禅宗史》,126-129。根据日本历史学家Ibuki Atsushi的说法,Śūraṅgama对禅宗的影响直到宋朝才开始发展(Ibuki, Chan de lishi, 15)。参见Gong,《禅时gouchen》,第五章:《中华禅宗历世商德方略通经丛书6道9世纪》,《六世纪至九世纪禅学史上的“以释经为权宜手段”》。尹顺,《中国禅宗》,128.13。《宋高僧传》(注六)2061, 50: 6.738),“据说Śūraṅgama Sūtra是荆州杜门寺禅师神修在宫内时首先得到的,后来由杜门寺关陶和尚慧真传下来,在那里被魏克(八世纪)遇到并解释慤。”后来,四川的弘衍法师沇(d.u)写了一部名为《自忠书》的注释。这篇文章也引用了惠珍早期的评论,因此它包含了当代和古代的解释。它流传在四川,最近流传的Jiangbiao(长江以南的地区)的(一說”楞嚴經”初是荊州度門寺神秀禪師在內時得本,後因館陶沙門慧震於度門寺傳出,愨遇之著疏解之。後有弘沇法師者, 蜀人也, 作義章開釋此經, 號資中疏. 其中亦引震法師義例, 似有今古之說. 此岷蜀行之, 近亦流江表焉).14. 关于钱氏反驳这一传说的证据,请参见他的《大法庭寿颜经书介梦朝》,X号。[j] .自然科学学报,13:1.520.15。参见胡《关于Śūraṅgama Sūtra的起源有七种不同的说法》,载于《胡适学书文志》,564.16。“也许北派普济的学生从[皇宫]里得到了文本,并将其传递给了杜门[寺院],之后,官陶的[惠珍]访问并获得了它,然后传播了大同[神秀]写的传说。”而館陶搜訪得之, 遂訛傳為大通寫本也). 大佛亭寿颜京书街梦巢X号[j] .自然科学学报,13:1.520.17。《金融时报》(T)2075, 51: 1)叙述了陈宝堂从Śūraṅgama中借鉴的例子,包括拒绝“Hīnayāna”传统,通过冥想降伏魔鬼Māra,“思想自由”或“不怀”(悟念),以及对“广博学习”(多文)的批评。我们在这里不详细讨论这些。译者注:梵文samādhi (Ch. ding, sanmoti, sanmei)在不同的传统中被译为“集中”、“统一思想”、“稳定注意力”等。在八正道中,“正确samādhi”与“正确正念”是一种冥想。sk电讯。samyak-smṛti)作为另一种训练,但在三重训练中,这两者与“正确的努力”相结合,形成更广泛的“samādhi训练”。sk电讯。Samādhi -śikṣa),指的是一般意义上的沉思。因此,我在整篇文章中都使用了samādhi这个术语来翻译,而不是从它可能的英文同义词中选择一个。梵文dhyāna有类似的含义范围,但在这篇文章中,它的中文对应词chan (chan)被专门用来指代:(a)禅宗;或者(b)一般的冥想,所以我把它翻译成这两种方式中的一种。关于Śūraṅgama中samādhi一词的四种用法,见佛经翻译学会Śūraṅgama Sūtra, xlv.19。韩占宗、北宗、敦煌文县、路教、酒业,48.20。QTW 231.2334 - -35.21。 韩占宗、北宗、敦煌文县、路教与文学,116-119.22。如上,114.23。如上,165.24。量子力学,第262卷,2659.25页。韩占宗、北宗、敦煌文县、路教、文学、文学,24(2):26。大胜武胜方便门T号[j] .农业科学与技术,2016,31(5):391 - 391。大胜武胜方边门,T号。[j] .自然科学学报,28(5):1275 - 1280。同上,125和211.29。敦武大生正利街B号[j] .农业科学与技术,2016,31(5):835 - 835。译者注:翻译自佛经翻译协会,Śūraṅgama Sūtra, 255.31。敦武大生正利街B号[j] .农业科学与技术,2009,31(4):557 - 558。《大召练师驯》,《中华文化》,第262卷,2659.33页。在他的评论《冷界经集》中,和尚正寿(1147-1209)检查了《冷界经》的刘颂(424-479)译本之一的《卷》中的“四渐四骤”概念,早期的禅宗很大程度上基于此。正守解释说,这里的“渐进”是指“净化去除自己心中的污染”,对应于通过训练和实践来克服束缚的工作;而“突然”指的是“不可思议的智慧”,指的是在枷锁被制服后对原则的洞察。参见《冷场》,22岁。在这一点上,宗密的《元爵经书集》(780-841)在卷三中作了很好的解释。(245,9: 3c.532)开始的四渐限于修行,因为还没有悟到原则;因此,接下来的四次突发事件仅限于实现该原则之后的时期。下之四頓, 約已證理故). 换句话说,《冷热经》对渐进和突然的区分指的是两个时期:在觉醒原则之前的训练和实践,以及突然觉醒。因此,冷藏经倾向于逐渐修炼,然后突然觉醒。银顺写道,传说《Śūraṅgama》是在广州的芷芷寺翻译的,而传播《坦经》并特别重视南派教义的芷芷寺也正是来自广州。这并不是说Śūraṅgama是从那里产生的,而是说,觉醒可以直接从观察一个人的本性中获得的教义,最初是由一位不知名的印度和尚传到广州的。(这是一种原始的、流行的Tathāgatagarbha教义,与菩提达摩的冷切冥想有关)……而且,这种冥想教学在广州地区一直流传至今。”——而這一禪法, 在廣州一帶, 還在不斷的流傳. 尹顺,《中国禅宗》,128-29.35。南宗敦教酒商大生木河北波罗米经六祖会能大石经韶州大法石经(以下简称石经)[j] .中国科学:地球科学。谭京,我没有。[j] .中国科学:地球科学。1.340.38如上。1.338.39如上。1.342.40如上。胡宣称生辉的突然觉醒推翻逐步培养使用,但他的继任者的哲学Zongmi后提出,“安静知道”(寂知)仍然是必要的完全与条件结盟,练习所有不同的盖茨(舉體隨緣,作種種門)——换句话说,突然觉醒之后,循序渐进的培养是必要的。胡认为,宗宓所提出的渐进式修炼是在沈会突然觉醒之后的一种“折衷”立场,与会能和沈会在这个问题上的立场错误地不一致
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Hakuin’s system of practice and its background 白隐的修行体系及其背景
3区 哲学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2023.2244347
Mikiyasu Yanagi
ABSTRACTBased on the works of Hakuin Ekaku 白隱慧鶴 (1686–1769), this article analyses the practice system he constructed and its background and clarifies the following two conclusions. First, the system of practice demonstrated by Hakuin involves focus on one specific kind of practice to achieve ‘seeing one’s nature’ (kenshō 見性), and then ‘practice after insight’ (gogo no shugyō 悟後の修行). Among them, ‘practice after insight’ consists of two parts: ‘seeking bodhi above’ (jōgu bodai 上求菩提) by constantly consulting kōan cases to refine one’s own realisation, and ‘cultivating sentient beings below’ (geke shujō 下化眾生) by guiding other people through giving dharma teachings. Second, the core of Hakuin’s practice system is the three essential elements consisting of ‘insight,’ ‘seeking bodhi above,’ and ‘cultivating sentient beings below.’ The background against which they formed was the three enlightenments obtained in Hakuin Ekaku’s life.KEYWORDS: Hakuinseeing one’s natureseeking bodhi abovecultivating sentient beings belowgiving dharma teachings Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. Yoshizawa Katsuhiro summarised and analysed past research on Hakuin and suggested several topics that could be studied in the future. See Yoshizawa, ‘Hakuin kenkyū no genjō to kadai’.2. There are also various views in the school regarding the method of grasping Hakuin Zen’s kōan system. For details, see Yanagi, ‘Hakuin no jissen taikei to sono haikei’, 318–320.3. Yanagida, Nihon no Bukkyō 9.4. Ibid., 260–261.5. Ibid., 256.6. Yanagida and Mohr, ‘Taidan Hakuin no zen’.7. Maryū, ‘Hakuin Zen niokeru ningen Keisei no shisō’.8. Shibayama, ‘Hakuin Zen no kanna ni tsuite’.9. Maryū, ‘Hakuin Zen niokeru ningen Keisei no shisō’, 100.10. Maryū, ‘Hakuin Zen niokeru ningen Keisei no shisō’, 90.11. Yoshizawa, Hakuin Zenga wo yomu, 196.12. Yoshizawa, ‘Bodaishin nakereba madō ni otsu’; Hanazono Daigaku Kokusai Zengaku Kenkyūjo, Hakuin zenga bokuseki, 121.13. Yoshizawa, Hakuin: Zenga no sekai, 262; idem, Hakuin Zenji no fushigi na sekai, 39; idem, Hakuin Zenga wo yomu, 129–130.14. Obama, ‘Hakuin no shugyōkan’, 44.15. Yoshizawa (‘Bodaishin nakereba madō ni otsu’) criticises Yanagida, Nihon no Bukkyō 9, but does not mention the statement by Maryū. Although Obama introduced Maryū’s account, she did not discuss how it had anything to do with her own account (see Obama, Hakuin no shugyōkan, 96).16. I have analyzed the practice system of Hakuin and the relationship between the practice system and spiritual experience in two previous articles, but each of which is limited to a brief discussion. See Yanagi, ‘Hakuin Ekaku to Sugyōroku’; idem, ‘Hakuin no kotoba wo yomu’. In contrast, this article tries to show the basis for my opinion in detail by quoting relevant quotations from Hakuin. In addition, this study was based on the results of Yoshizawa’s research on Hakuin, as I cited the translations and writings of Yoshizawa in this article. Here, I pay re
【摘要】本文以白隐的《白隐全书》(1686-1769)的作品为基础,分析了他所构建的实践体系及其产生的背景,并阐明了以下两个结论:首先,白隐所展示的修行体系包括专注于一种特定的修行,以达到“见人的本性”,然后是“顿悟后的修行”(gogo no shugygi)。其中,“顿悟后的修行”包括两部分:“寻求上面的菩提”(jōgu bodai,),通过不断地咨询kōan案例来完善自己的觉悟,以及“培养下面的众生”(geke shujigi,),通过给予佛法教导来指导他人。第二,白隐修行体系的核心是“内观”、“上求菩提”、“下修有情”三要素。他们形成的背景,是白隐颖果一生中获得的三个启示。关键词:悟性以上求菩提以下修炼众生教法披露声明作者未发现潜在利益冲突。吉泽克宏总结和分析了过去关于白音的研究,并提出了未来可以研究的几个主题。参见吉泽,“Hakuin kenkyi no genjji”。对于白隐禅宗kōan体系的把握方法,禅宗内部也有不同的看法。详情请参阅Yanagi, ' Hakuin no jissen taikei to sono haikei ', 318-320.3。柳田,日本北井9.4。出处同上,260 - 261.5。如上,256.6。柳田和莫尔,' Taidan Hakuin no zen ' .7。8.《白隐禅宗niokeru ningen Keisei no shiske》。8 .柴山,<白隐禅宗无kanna ni tsuite >《白隐禅宗niokeru ningen Keisei no shisku》,第100卷第10节。《Hakuin Zen niokeru ningen Keisei no shiske》,90.11。吉泽,白隐增和祐,1966.12。吉泽,《Bodaishin nakereba madishni otsu》;花宗大学国斋增乐Kenkyūjo,白音增乐书斋,121.13。吉泽,白隐:Zenga no sekai, 262;《白隐禅寺》,39;[m],《白隐正加与友》,129-130.14。奥巴马,“Hakuin no shugyōkan”,44.15分。吉泽(“Bodaishin nakereba madki ni otsu”)批评了柳田,日本第9章,但没有提到玛丽的声明。虽然奥巴马介绍了玛丽的描述,但她没有讨论这与她自己的描述有什么关系(见奥巴马,白文no shugyōkan, 96)。在之前的两篇文章中,我已经分析了白隐的修行体系以及修行体系与精神体验之间的关系,但每篇文章都仅限于一个简短的讨论。参见柳宗健,“白光光到Sugyōroku”;我想说的是,“Hakuin no kotoba wo yomu”。与此相反,本文试图通过引用白隐的相关语录来详细说明我的观点的依据。此外,这项研究是基于吉泽对白隐的研究结果,因为我在本文中引用了吉泽的翻译和著作。在此,我向吉泽先生表示敬意和感谢,他对白隐的研究做出了巨大的贡献。《Hakuin Zen niokeru ningen Keisei no shisue》,88.18。H12.180:。H9.447-50:或ハ定坐シ,或ハ誦經シ,或ハ諷呪シ,或ハ念佛シ,……行持ハ縱イ品ナ異ナレドモ,ソノ所證ニ到ツテハ,豈兩般有ンヤ.20。h9.461 - 63:參禪モ念佛モ及ビ看經誦經ヲサヘニ,盡是レ見道ノ輔助ニシテ行路ノ人ノ杖ノ如クナル事ヲ。……只肝心ハ杖子ヲ擇バズ行裝ヲ論ゼズ,一氣ニ進ンデ退ゾカズ,速カニ京師ニ到ルヲ以テ賢ナリトス增长。H9.447.22。h13.32 - 39.23。然而,白隐所承认的是对kōans的纯粹的投入,而不是所有形式的坐禅。参见杨木,' Hakuin zenji ni okeru zazen to kōan ' .24。h9.488 - 89。西吉夫指出,白隐把佛教内外的各种修行,简化为看见人的本性。参见Nishi, ' Hakuin zenji ni yoru Nihon no seishin bunka tōitsu to sono keiki ' .25。H9.359-60:。h9.489 - 94.27。《杭州西天目山狮子禅寺佛经》、《高峰寺遇录》、《杭州西天目山狮子禅寺佛经》、《高峰寺遇录》、《杭州西天目山狮子禅寺佛经》、《杭州西天目山狮子禅寺佛经》、《杭州西天目山狮子禅寺佛经》、《杭州西天目山狮子禅寺佛经》、《杭州西天目山狮子禅寺佛经》、《杭州西天目山狮子禅寺佛经》、《杭州西天目山狮子禅寺佛经》。122: 1.673 a - b;《向公众布道》,《高峰和商报》,第2期。122: 714 a - b。白隐在自己的著作中收集了他所写的东西,如《叶木古拉:葎[鹅草],分册3,H7.110;【天冬草】,第2卷,H3.248;《简论仙台和记》,第3卷,37 (4):481 - 481;和Sokkōroku Kaien Fusetsu;;;;;;;;;;;O2.412.29。H2.165.30。H9.211.31。柳田对白隐对“木”字kōan的重视作了如下阐述:“白隐之所以把“木”字(后来的手)作为唯一的kōan,是因为他认为这是根据自己的经验看到人的本质的最理想的方式。”“日本禅宗在白隐时代左右正式提出了这一点kōan。”
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引用次数: 0
The theory and practice of Zen Buddhism: a Festschrift in honor of Steven Heine 禅宗的理论与实践:纪念史蒂芬·海涅的纪念活动
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2023.2211413
E. Joskovich
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引用次数: 0
Guidance through seduction: the Precious Scroll of Fish-Basket Guanyin in the recitation practice of Changshu in Jiangsu, China 诱导:江苏常熟《鱼篮观音宝卷》的诵读实践
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2023.2210974
Rostislav Berezkin
ABSTRACT The story of Bodhisattva Guanyin with a Fish Basket (or Fish-monger Guanyin) has already attracted attention of scholars of Chinese literature and religion, as it represents an indigenous modification of the Indian Buddhist deity; but until now scholars mainly have studied textual variants of this story in the late imperial period. At the same time, the precious scroll (baojuan) devoted to the story of Fish-Basket Guanyin is still recited by local performers in the Changshu city area in Jiangsu now. The analysis of the Yulan Baojuan 魚籃寶卷 [Precious Scroll of Fish-Basket (Guanyin)] in the context of “telling scriptures” in Changshu allows a demonstration of the special features of functioning of a Chinese Buddhist narrative in the local religious-oriented storytelling. The Precious Scroll of Fish-Basket Guanyin formed around the nineteenth century, but it used much earlier materials, originating in the Buddhist “miracle tales”. This text attests to preservation of connections between the baojuan literature and Buddhist narratives in the later period. In the local variant of this precious scroll the story of Bodhisattva Guanyin is combined with the veneration of local tutelary deities, placed on the “family altars”; thus representing the secularized “grass-root” form of Chinese Buddhist devotion.
摘要观音菩萨提鱼篮的故事(或称鱼贩观音)已经引起了中国文学和宗教学者的关注,因为它代表了印度佛教神灵的本土修改;但到目前为止,学者们主要研究的是这个故事在帝国晚期的文本变体。同时,关于鱼篮观音故事的珍贵宝卷,至今仍在江苏常熟地区由当地艺人吟诵。通过对《玉兰宝卷观音宝卷》在常熟“讲经”背景下的分析,可以看出中国佛教叙事在地方宗教叙事中的特殊功能。《鱼篮观音宝卷》形成于19世纪左右,但它使用的材料要早得多,起源于佛教的“奇迹故事”。本文证明了宝娟文学与后期佛教叙事之间的联系得到了保存。在这个珍贵的卷轴的地方变体中,观音菩萨的故事与对当地守护神的崇拜相结合,放在“家庭祭坛”上;从而代表了中国佛教信仰的世俗化的“草根”形式。
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引用次数: 0
Guanyin as mediation: a new study on women’s Buddhist devotion in late imperial China 观音作为调解:晚清中国女性佛教虔诚新研究
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2023.2210982
Yujin Xu
ABSTRACT This article discusses Yuhang Li’s illuminative study on laywomen’s Guanyin worship and their material practices: Becoming Guanyin: Artistic Devotion of Buddhist Women in Late Imperial China. By developing a dialogue between three research fields – art history, Buddhism and gender studies – the book abounds with fascinating cases that unearth how Guanyin images were reproduced by female performance, skills, bodies and material artefacts. Here, Guanyin no longer appears as an established category or substance, but rather a mediation process involving the dialectical relationship between subject and object. Li’s writing departs from the traditional textual approach and veers into daily practices and material embodiments of Guanyin belief. Through the examination of significant contributions made by Li in the research on female Buddhist cults and religious material culture on a theoretical and historical level, this review emphasizes there is a heuristic perspective to inspect the mutually constructive relationship between worshipper and worshipped. In sum, the mimetic connection between laywomen and Guanyin observed by Li not only reflects female apostles’ Buddhist praxis beyond institutionalizations, but also offers a comprehensive picture of how laywomen’s subjectivity endowed by Guanyin faith negotiated with Confucian patriarchy in late imperial China.
摘要本文论述了李对俗女观音崇拜及其物质实践的启发性研究:《成为观音:中国后期佛教女性的艺术奉献》。通过在艺术史、佛教和性别研究这三个研究领域之间展开对话,这本书充满了引人入胜的案例,揭示了观音形象是如何通过女性的表演、技能、身体和实物复制的。在这里,观音不再是一个既定的范畴或实体,而是一个涉及主体与客体辩证关系的中介过程。李的写作脱离了传统的文本方法,转向了观音信仰的日常实践和物质体现。本文从理论和历史两个层面考察了李在女性佛教邪教和宗教物质文化研究中的重要贡献,强调从一个启发性的视角来考察朝拜者与被朝拜者之间的相互建构关系。总之,李所观察到的世俗女性与观音之间的拟态联系,不仅反映了女性使徒超越制度化的佛教实践,而且全面地反映了观音信仰所赋予的世俗女性主体性是如何与帝制后期的儒家父权制进行协商的。
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引用次数: 0
Re-thinking the Trübner stele: pictorial forms and authenticity 重新思考特吕布纳石碑:图形形式与真实性
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2023.2210977
Qing Chang
ABSTRACT The Trubner stele, a large Chinese Buddhist stele displayed in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, is carved from grayish black limestone and commemorates the building of a Buddhist monastery in Qi county, Henan province, China. According to the inscription, it is dated 533 to 543 C.E. It was named after the art dealer Jorg Trubner (1902?-1930) who acquired the stele for the museum in 1929. Engraved in high relief, the stele contains numerous images, including the preaching Buddha with attendants, pictorial representation of the Vimalakirti Sutra, donor figures, small seated Buddha niches, spirit guardian kings, grooms and lions. Because of the excellent craftsmanship of the stele and the complexity of the composition, it has been referred to by previous scholars as a monumental, antique work now preserved in the West. However, some scholars doubt its authenticity, and, in this case, the leading scholar is Wai-kam Ho who published his article in 1999, since when the stele has been the subject of considerable controversy. In this article, focusing on Ho’s arguments, I compared this stele to other dated steles and images, considering textual sources, thematic content, iconography and style, and I have come to the conclusion that this stele is genuine.
摘要:特鲁布纳石碑是大都会艺术博物馆展出的一块大型中国佛教石碑,由灰黑色石灰石雕刻而成,以纪念中国河南省杞县的一座佛教寺院。根据铭文,它的年代为公元前533年至543年。它是以1929年为博物馆获得这块石碑的艺术品经销商Jorg Trubner(1902?-1930)的名字命名的。碑上雕刻着高浮雕,包含了许多图像,包括有侍从的传教佛、《维摩诘经》的图像、供像、小坐佛龛、护神王、马夫和狮子。由于石碑的工艺精湛,构图复杂,以前的学者认为它是一件不朽的古董作品,现在保存在西方。然而,一些学者怀疑它的真实性,在这种情况下,领先的学者是1999年发表文章的Wai kam Ho,从那时起,这块石碑就一直备受争议。本文以何的论点为中心,从文本来源、题材内容、图像和风格等方面,将此碑与其他年代久远的石碑和图像进行比较,得出此碑为真迹的结论。
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引用次数: 0
Value of epitaphic literature on Tang dynasty Chan history: case studies of Chan practices by aristocratic women 墓志文献对唐代禅宗史的价值——以贵族女性禅宗实践为例
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2023.2210975
Hainu Jiang
ABSTRACT Over the past three decades, the use of newly published medieval Chinese epitaphs has informed our knowledge of society, culture and religion during the Tang Dynasty. There are only seven sporadic records of noble women’s Chan Practice in the Quan Tangwen 全唐文 [Compendium of Tang Prose Writings]. However, newly published epitaphs have greatly increased the number of these kinds of records available for scholars to study. In this article, the author compiles 90 records of noble women’s Chan practice from Quan Tangwen and newly (up to 2022) published epitaphic collections, studies noble women’s family backgrounds, life experiences, Chan practice and funeral arrangements, and discusses some important issues of Chan history in the Tang Dynasty, including the relationship between Chan Buddhism and women, historical facts of Shenxiu 神秀 (606[?]–706) and other chief Chan masters, and the influence of some Chan patriarchs. In addition, this article proposes the concept of Luoyang Chan 洛陽禪. The comprehensive research presented in this article will supplement, revise and enrich the scholarly understanding of Early Chan Buddhism and the history of Chan Buddhism in the eighth century.
摘要在过去的三十年里,新出版的中国中世纪墓志的使用为我们了解唐代的社会、文化和宗教提供了信息。《全唐文》中关于贵妇禅修的零星记载只有七篇全唐文 [唐散文简编]。然而,新近出版的墓志大大增加了可供学者研究的此类记录的数量。本文从全堂文和新近(截至2022年)出版的墓志文集中整理了90篇关于贵族女性禅修的记录,研究了贵族女性的家庭背景、身世、禅修和葬礼安排,并探讨了唐代禅修史的一些重要问题,包括禅佛与女性的关系,神秀史实神秀 (606[?]-706)和其他主要的禅宗大师,以及一些禅宗祖师的影响。此外,本文还提出了洛阳禅的概念洛陽禪. 本文的综合研究将对早期禅宗和八世纪禅宗史的学术理解进行补充、修正和丰富。
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引用次数: 0
The modern Buddhist studies of Zen priests at Tokyo Imperial University: considering perspectives on original Buddhism 东京帝国大学禅宗法师的现代佛学研究:对原始佛教的思考
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2023.2171648
Daigo Isshiki
ABSTRACT While the study of Buddhism at universities in Japan since the Meiji period (1868–1912)—transplanted as a modern institution—produced many results using a critical and rational approach to Buddhist texts, many scholars of Buddhism, who were also Buddhists, were challenged to reconcile their own belief systems with those of Japanese Buddhism, which existed outside of the texts. In this context, Taiken Kimura 木村泰賢 and Hakuju Ui 宇井伯寿, both professors at Tokyo Imperial University, attempted to bridge the gap between primitive Buddhist studies and beliefs, or between objectivity and subjectivity, using the concepts of bodhisattva way 菩薩道 and a Zen tradition beyond the written words of scripture 教外別伝 as a framework for Buddhist studies, respectively. Therefore, although their research was always in consideration of its academic significance and did not directly link their belief and scholarship, they can be placed in the history of Buddhist thought.
自明治时期(1868-1912)以来,日本大学对佛教的研究作为一种现代制度进行了移植,通过对佛教文献进行批判性和理性的研究,产生了许多结果,但许多佛教学者(他们也是佛教徒)面临着将自己的信仰体系与存在于文献之外的日本佛教信仰体系相调和的挑战。在这种背景下,东京帝国大学的两位教授木村泰肯(Taiken Kimura)和井白菊(Hakuju Ui)试图弥合原始佛教研究与信仰之间的差距,或者客观性与主观性之间的差距,他们分别使用菩萨的概念和超越经书文字的禅宗传统作为佛教研究的框架。因此,虽然对他们的研究总是考虑其学术意义,并没有将他们的信仰与学术直接联系起来,但可以将他们置于佛教思想史之中。
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引用次数: 0
On Jan Yün-hua’s (Ran Yunhua 冉雲華 [1923-2018]) scholarship in Chinese Buddhism 简云华(冉云华)对中国佛教的研究[1923-2018]
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2023.2171650
Jian-Xia Li
ABSTRACT Jan Yün-hua is an internationally renowned scholar who has conducted exquisite research in the fields of Buddhist studies, Chan Studies, Dunhuang Studies, and Daoist Studies, among which Chinese Buddhism in particular is renowned. This paper discusses the life of Jan Yün-hua, his academic achievements, and his exploration of ‘transformation of Buddhism from India to China’ in three aspects. This paper argues that during his decades of academic career, Jan has focused on the ambitious academic goal of ‘the transformation of Buddhism from India to China and its process,’ which is the original purpose of his Buddhist studies and the theme of his lifelong exploration. According to Jan, the core idea of Chinese Buddhism, the idea of ‘one mind’, was formed in the eighth century. This idea was first established by Chengguan and finally completed by Zongmi and Yanshou. The concept of ‘one mind’ was first propagated by Tiantai, then supplemented and enriched by Huayan Buddhism, and after the incubation of the unification of meditation and doctrines, and the addition of Chan Buddhism, it became the mainstream development of Chinese Buddhism, and finally became the core thought of Chinese Buddhism.
Jan Yun-hua文摘是一个国际知名学者开展了精美的佛教研究领域的研究中,陈研究敦煌研究,中国佛教和道教研究,其中尤其著名。本文从三个方面论述了Jan yn -hua的生平、学术成就以及他对“佛教从印度传入中国”的探索。本文认为,在他几十年的学术生涯中,他一直专注于“佛教从印度到中国的转变及其过程”这一雄心勃勃的学术目标,这是他研究佛教的初衷,也是他一生探索的主题。根据Jan的说法,中国佛教的核心思想,“一心”的思想,形成于8世纪。这一思想最早由城管提出,最后由宗密和延寿完成。“一心”思想先由天台传播,再由华严佛教加以补充和丰富,经过禅法合一的孵化,加上禅宗的加入,成为中国佛教发展的主流,最终成为中国佛教的核心思想。
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引用次数: 0
The intellectual history of Chan Buddhism in the Tang and Song Dynasties and Japanese Zen: borrowing the perspective of D.T. Suzuki 唐宋禅宗思想史与日本禅宗——借用铃木的视角
IF 0.2 3区 哲学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2023.2171651
T. Ogawa
ABSTRACT Under the common premise that everyone has buddha-nature (foxing 佛性) and original mind (benxin 本心), there are different ways of thinking about how to relate one’s ‘original self’ as a buddha to one’s living, physical ‘actual self’. There are four types of thought in the history of Tang-Song Chan Buddhism. The first is the so-called ‘Northern’ Chan 北宗禪, which seeks to overcome the ‘actual self’ and restore the ‘original self’ through seated meditation. The second is the Mazu 馬祖 (709–788) lineage of Chan, which treats the two as one. The third type of Chan is the Shitou 石頭 (710–790) lineage which, while criticizing the Mazu lineage, grasps the relationship between the two as one and one as two. The fourth is Dahui’s 大慧 (1089–1163) kanhua chan 看話禪 (Chan of Phrase-observing), which returns to the first type of thought and adds the new technique of koan 公案 to it. They each had a strong influence on Medieval Japanese Zen Buddhism, with Bankei 盤珪 (1622–1693) inheriting the second type, the Sōtō 曹洞 school inheriting the third type, Hakuin 白隱 (1686–1769) inheriting the fourth type, and Dōgen 道元 (1200–1253)—in order to transcend both the second and the fourth types—producing a unique reflection on the honshō myōshu 本證妙修 (‘Wondrous cultivation in fundamental realization’).
摘要在人人皆有佛性的共同前提下(福星佛性) 和初心本心), 关于如何将一个人作为佛的“原始自我”与一个人活着的、身体上的“真实自我”联系起来,有不同的思考方式。唐宋禅思想史上有四种类型。第一种是所谓的“北方”禅北宗禪, 它试图通过坐着冥想来克服“真实的自我”并恢复“原始的自我”。第二个是妈祖馬祖 (709-788)陈的世系,将二者视为一体。第三种禅是石头石頭 (710–790)世系,在批判妈祖世系的同时,把握二者为一、一者为二的关系。第四个是大辉的大慧 (1089-1163)陈干华看話禪 (观禅),回归第一种思维方式,增加了koan的新技巧公案 他们每个人都对中世纪的日本禅宗产生了强烈的影响,班基盤珪 (1622-1693)继承了第二种类型曹洞 继承第三种类型的学园白隱 (1686–1769)继承了第四种类型和Dōgen道元 (1200–1253)——为了超越第二种和第四种——对本书产生了独特的反思本證妙修 (“在根本实现中的巨大培育”)。
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引用次数: 0
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Studies in Chinese Religions
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