Pub Date : 2021-10-02DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2021.2015126
Limei Chi
ABSTRACT Investigative research of the Buddhist manuscripts in Japan are garnering the attention of the international community, but these achievements are all oriented toward problems associated with the traditional methods of research into Chinese translations of Buddhist scriptures. In other words, they are demonstrating the dangers of relying too much on printed editions of texts. This suggests both the importance of a relatively strict revision of Chinese translations of Buddhist scriptures based on the discovery and application of medieval Japanese scripture manuscripts, as well as the possibility of grasping more correctly the historical process of change of textual content, via the work of revision. Moreover, this situation will help promote the potential for a relatively flexible understanding of the reception and transformation of Buddhist scriptures in East Asia. To concretely present the validity and potential of this type of research methodology, this paper takes as a topic the Chinese translations of Buddhist scriptures associated with Huiji Jin’gang, first introducing the various transmitted editions of this scripture. It points out problems contained in the genealogy and content of the printed texts, and further clarify the process of transformation of this scripture, based on the medieval manuscript editions from Dunhuang and Japan.
{"title":"Reception and transformation of the Huiji Jin’gang shuo shentong daman tuoluoni fashu Lingyao men: the discovery and significance of medieval Japanese scripture manuscripts","authors":"Limei Chi","doi":"10.1080/23729988.2021.2015126","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23729988.2021.2015126","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Investigative research of the Buddhist manuscripts in Japan are garnering the attention of the international community, but these achievements are all oriented toward problems associated with the traditional methods of research into Chinese translations of Buddhist scriptures. In other words, they are demonstrating the dangers of relying too much on printed editions of texts. This suggests both the importance of a relatively strict revision of Chinese translations of Buddhist scriptures based on the discovery and application of medieval Japanese scripture manuscripts, as well as the possibility of grasping more correctly the historical process of change of textual content, via the work of revision. Moreover, this situation will help promote the potential for a relatively flexible understanding of the reception and transformation of Buddhist scriptures in East Asia. To concretely present the validity and potential of this type of research methodology, this paper takes as a topic the Chinese translations of Buddhist scriptures associated with Huiji Jin’gang, first introducing the various transmitted editions of this scripture. It points out problems contained in the genealogy and content of the printed texts, and further clarify the process of transformation of this scripture, based on the medieval manuscript editions from Dunhuang and Japan.","PeriodicalId":36684,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Chinese Religions","volume":"7 1","pages":"357 - 377"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49412956","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2021.1996974
N. Williams
ABSTRACT The religious and philosophical import of Kūkai’s 空海 (774–835) writings has sometimes distracted attention away from their formal and rhetorical properties, even though these are in fact integral to their messages. This article examines Kūkai’s achievement in the genre of the ‘prayer text’ (Ch. yuanwen 願文; J. ganmon; K. wonmun), which already had a convoluted history throughout Asia in the preceding centuries. Originating at the courts of Southern Dynasties China, the form is widely represented among the anonymous texts of Dunhuang, and then regained vitality in Nara and Heian Japan. Yamanoue no Okura 山上憶良 (660–733?) seems to have adapted the rhetoric of Chinese prayer texts in his own writings, and Kūkai 空海 (774–835) and Sugawara no Michizane 菅原道真 (845–903) both wrote dozens of prayer texts. Though some of Kūkai’s pieces are conventional, others deploy his vast erudition in both Chinese literature and Esoteric sutras to powerful effect, enacting the triumph over death through the requisite mantras and assistance of the Mahāvairocana Buddha.
摘要：凯凯思想的宗教哲学意义空海 （774-835）作品有时会分散人们对其形式和修辞特性的注意力，尽管这些实际上是其信息不可或缺的一部分。本文考察了凯凯在“祈祷文”（Ch.yuanwen願文; 甘蒙；王蒙（K.wonmun），在过去的几个世纪里，它在整个亚洲已经有了错综复杂的历史。这种形式起源于中国南朝宫廷，在敦煌的匿名文本中有着广泛的代表性，后来在奈良和平安日本重新焕发了活力。Yamanoue no Okura山上憶良 （660–733空海 （774–835）和杉原县菅原道真 （845–903）两人都写了数十篇祈祷文。尽管Kúkai的一些作品是传统的，但其他作品则将他在中国文学和密经中的渊博知识发挥到了强大的效果，通过必要的咒语和Mahāvairocana佛的帮助来实现对死亡的胜利。
{"title":"Kūkai’s transcultural rhetoric of prayer: on his writings inspired by the Chinese “prayer text” (yuanwen 願文)","authors":"N. Williams","doi":"10.1080/23729988.2021.1996974","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23729988.2021.1996974","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The religious and philosophical import of Kūkai’s 空海 (774–835) writings has sometimes distracted attention away from their formal and rhetorical properties, even though these are in fact integral to their messages. This article examines Kūkai’s achievement in the genre of the ‘prayer text’ (Ch. yuanwen 願文; J. ganmon; K. wonmun), which already had a convoluted history throughout Asia in the preceding centuries. Originating at the courts of Southern Dynasties China, the form is widely represented among the anonymous texts of Dunhuang, and then regained vitality in Nara and Heian Japan. Yamanoue no Okura 山上憶良 (660–733?) seems to have adapted the rhetoric of Chinese prayer texts in his own writings, and Kūkai 空海 (774–835) and Sugawara no Michizane 菅原道真 (845–903) both wrote dozens of prayer texts. Though some of Kūkai’s pieces are conventional, others deploy his vast erudition in both Chinese literature and Esoteric sutras to powerful effect, enacting the triumph over death through the requisite mantras and assistance of the Mahāvairocana Buddha.","PeriodicalId":36684,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Chinese Religions","volume":"7 1","pages":"279 - 305"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42766936","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2021.1941623
K. Solonin, Haoyue Xie
ABSTRACT The paper introduces part of the Tangut textual corpus, associated with the Bodhicaryāvatāra and the ritual composition by Jitāri, Bodhicittotpādasamādānavidhi. We conclude that in Xixia (1038–1227) there was a textual cluster revolving around these two texts. Tanguts generated a local tradition of studying both of these texts, whereas the Bodhicittotpādasamādānavidhi appeared to have been an important text prescribed for study by the Tangut monks. We discuss the versions of the texts and their commentaries.
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Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2021.1941618
J. Kotyk
ABSTRACT This study examines the cosmology of the monk Amoghavajra (Bukong 不空; 705–774), as outlined in his astrological manual, the Xiuyao jing 宿曜經 (Sūtra of Lunar Stations and Planets), as well as its historical background and context, in relation to classical Buddhist models of Mt. Meru and the Four Continents in the Āgamas and Abhidharma. These models all use a flat-earth model, in contrast to the spherical-earth model utilized within classical Indian astronomy. This study shows that although the spherical model was known in Chinese from at least the early eighth century via the Jiuzhi li 九執曆 (*Navagraha-karaṇa), a translation of an Indian astronomical treatise, Amoghavajra consciously adopted the flat-earth model in his cosmology, yet at the same time he was willing to introduce new astronomical elements, such as the planets and the zodiac signs. It is argued that Amoghavajra’s cosmology constitutes an intriguing example in Buddhist history of a religious worldview taking precedence over a scientific one, yet at the same time it is demonstrated that Chinese Buddhist literature was not averse to incorporating some scientific astronomical elements before, during and after Amoghavajra’s time.
摘要本研究考察了僧人阿摩伽金刚（不空）的宇宙学不空; 705–774），如他的占星手册《修要经》所述宿曜經 （Sútra of Lunar Stations and Planets），以及它的历史背景和背景，与梅鲁山和四大洲的经典佛教模型有关。这些模型都使用平面地球模型，与印度古典天文学中使用的球面地球模型形成对比。这项研究表明，尽管球面模型在中国至少从八世纪初就通过九指历而为人所知九執曆 （*Navagraha karaṇa） 翻译自印度的一篇天文学论文，阿莫加瓦吉拉在他的宇宙学中有意识地采用了平地球模型，但同时他也愿意引入新的天文元素，如行星和黄道带。有人认为，金刚的宇宙论在佛教史上是一个宗教世界观优先于科学世界观的有趣例子，但同时也表明，在金刚时代之前、期间和之后，中国佛教文献并不反对加入一些科学天文学元素。
{"title":"Examining Amoghavajra’s flat-earth cosmology: religious vs. scientific worldviews in Buddhist astrology","authors":"J. Kotyk","doi":"10.1080/23729988.2021.1941618","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23729988.2021.1941618","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study examines the cosmology of the monk Amoghavajra (Bukong 不空; 705–774), as outlined in his astrological manual, the Xiuyao jing 宿曜經 (Sūtra of Lunar Stations and Planets), as well as its historical background and context, in relation to classical Buddhist models of Mt. Meru and the Four Continents in the Āgamas and Abhidharma. These models all use a flat-earth model, in contrast to the spherical-earth model utilized within classical Indian astronomy. This study shows that although the spherical model was known in Chinese from at least the early eighth century via the Jiuzhi li 九執曆 (*Navagraha-karaṇa), a translation of an Indian astronomical treatise, Amoghavajra consciously adopted the flat-earth model in his cosmology, yet at the same time he was willing to introduce new astronomical elements, such as the planets and the zodiac signs. It is argued that Amoghavajra’s cosmology constitutes an intriguing example in Buddhist history of a religious worldview taking precedence over a scientific one, yet at the same time it is demonstrated that Chinese Buddhist literature was not averse to incorporating some scientific astronomical elements before, during and after Amoghavajra’s time.","PeriodicalId":36684,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Chinese Religions","volume":"7 1","pages":"203 - 220"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48975815","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2021.1941617
Tamami Hamada
ABSTRACT Images of the Thousand-armed and Thousand-eyed Avalokiteśvara include the main deity with many kinds of attendant figures; known examples from the Tang-Song dynasties include the Dunhuang paintings and the Sichuan cliff carvings. Some paintings from the Dunhuang caves have inscriptions of the attendants’ names and their situations. This work focuses on the appearance of Cintāmaṇicakra and Amoghapāśa as the Thousand-armed Avalokiteśvara’s attendants. Chanting of the ‘dabeixin dhāraṇī’ 大悲心陀羅尼 is the most important practice in the belief of the Thousand-armed Avalokiteśvara. Some inscriptions tell us that the purpose of these attendants in the paintings was to join or help the Buddhist gathering, Dabeihui 大悲會 of the Thousand-armed Avalokiteśvara, with chanting the dabeixin dhāraṇī. Additionally, in the manuscripts of the dabeixin dhāraṇī, each dhāraṇī word was noted with the attendants’ name unrelated to the meaning of the dhāraṇī, and Cintāmaṇicakra and Amoghapāśa appeared in those names. This article explores the relationship between many attendants drawn in the paintings of Thousand-armed Avalokiteśvara and the dhāraṇī words used in the chant, and discusses the possibility that the Cintāmaṇicakra and Amoghapāśa were also part of the belief for the Thousand-armed Avalokiteśvara based on the chanting of the dabeixin dhāraṇī.
{"title":"Images of Thousand-armed and Thousand-eyed Avalokiteśvara with Cintāmaṇicakra and Amoghapāśa as attendants: References to the chanting of the ‘Dabeixin Dhāraṇī’ 大悲心陀羅尼","authors":"Tamami Hamada","doi":"10.1080/23729988.2021.1941617","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23729988.2021.1941617","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Images of the Thousand-armed and Thousand-eyed Avalokiteśvara include the main deity with many kinds of attendant figures; known examples from the Tang-Song dynasties include the Dunhuang paintings and the Sichuan cliff carvings. Some paintings from the Dunhuang caves have inscriptions of the attendants’ names and their situations. This work focuses on the appearance of Cintāmaṇicakra and Amoghapāśa as the Thousand-armed Avalokiteśvara’s attendants. Chanting of the ‘dabeixin dhāraṇī’ 大悲心陀羅尼 is the most important practice in the belief of the Thousand-armed Avalokiteśvara. Some inscriptions tell us that the purpose of these attendants in the paintings was to join or help the Buddhist gathering, Dabeihui 大悲會 of the Thousand-armed Avalokiteśvara, with chanting the dabeixin dhāraṇī. Additionally, in the manuscripts of the dabeixin dhāraṇī, each dhāraṇī word was noted with the attendants’ name unrelated to the meaning of the dhāraṇī, and Cintāmaṇicakra and Amoghapāśa appeared in those names. This article explores the relationship between many attendants drawn in the paintings of Thousand-armed Avalokiteśvara and the dhāraṇī words used in the chant, and discusses the possibility that the Cintāmaṇicakra and Amoghapāśa were also part of the belief for the Thousand-armed Avalokiteśvara based on the chanting of the dabeixin dhāraṇī.","PeriodicalId":36684,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Chinese Religions","volume":"7 1","pages":"159 - 172"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41897417","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2021.1996972
Pamela D. Winfield
ABSTRACT This article analyzes the various display strategies for the Diamond and Womb World mandalas of esoteric Shingon (C. zhenyan 真言) Buddhism in Japan, which Kūkai (774-835 CE) first imported from China in 806 CE. It will offer contextualized spatial hermeneutics to interpret the ritual-functional significance of their emplacements. Specifically, it will consider traditional emplacements such as the parallel confrontation model and the frontal display model, which are most often discussed in the context of lay or monastic initiation ceremonies (kechien kanjō 結縁灌頂), annual state protecting rites (goshichinichi mishūhō 後七日御修法), and Shingon’s ubiquitous goma 護摩 fire ceremonies. However, it will also consider new and original (or simply idiosyncratic) examples in modern Japan that nevertheless show the versatility and adaptability of the twin mandala motif for distinct functional purposes. Emplacements on ceilings, on doors, behind founders’ portraits or even arguably in government buildings, all suggest that the functions of Shingon’s double mandala motif range from individual propitiation and commemoration to advancing sectarian and national ideologies.
{"title":"Chinese visual texts, Japanese spatial contexts: Mandala installation and the reading of empowered space in Japan","authors":"Pamela D. Winfield","doi":"10.1080/23729988.2021.1996972","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23729988.2021.1996972","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article analyzes the various display strategies for the Diamond and Womb World mandalas of esoteric Shingon (C. zhenyan 真言) Buddhism in Japan, which Kūkai (774-835 CE) first imported from China in 806 CE. It will offer contextualized spatial hermeneutics to interpret the ritual-functional significance of their emplacements. Specifically, it will consider traditional emplacements such as the parallel confrontation model and the frontal display model, which are most often discussed in the context of lay or monastic initiation ceremonies (kechien kanjō 結縁灌頂), annual state protecting rites (goshichinichi mishūhō 後七日御修法), and Shingon’s ubiquitous goma 護摩 fire ceremonies. However, it will also consider new and original (or simply idiosyncratic) examples in modern Japan that nevertheless show the versatility and adaptability of the twin mandala motif for distinct functional purposes. Emplacements on ceilings, on doors, behind founders’ portraits or even arguably in government buildings, all suggest that the functions of Shingon’s double mandala motif range from individual propitiation and commemoration to advancing sectarian and national ideologies.","PeriodicalId":36684,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Chinese Religions","volume":"7 1","pages":"306 - 329"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45324400","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2021.1996963
Neil Schmid
ABSTRACT Standing atop the cliff face of the Mogao Caves is a series of stupas, the most complete of which is the so-called Hall of the Heavenly Kings 天王堂. The stupa is remarkable for its domed ceiling and esoteric iconography that contrast dramatically with cave architecture at Mogao. Although identified as the ‘Hall of Heavenly Kings,’ disagreement persists about the structure’s name, dating, and visual program. This article reviews the conflicting evidence previously presented by scholars to propose an alternative hypothesis based on new research exploring esoteric Buddhism and art at Dunhuang. As with the majority of esoteric art in Mogao Caves from the Tang and Five Dynasties, this research also supports the hypothesis that the content and pictorial program in the Hall of Heavenly Kings are in fact not Tibetan-influenced, but rather signify the tradition of the ‘three ācāryas’ of Tang China (Śubhākarasiṃha, Vajrabodhi, and Amoghavajra), ultimately derived from the Pallava Dynasty and, crucially, imported into the Hexi Corridor before the Tibetan conquest.
{"title":"Dome of Heaven: the role of esoteric Buddhism in the Hall of Heavenly Kings at Mogao","authors":"Neil Schmid","doi":"10.1080/23729988.2021.1996963","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23729988.2021.1996963","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Standing atop the cliff face of the Mogao Caves is a series of stupas, the most complete of which is the so-called Hall of the Heavenly Kings 天王堂. The stupa is remarkable for its domed ceiling and esoteric iconography that contrast dramatically with cave architecture at Mogao. Although identified as the ‘Hall of Heavenly Kings,’ disagreement persists about the structure’s name, dating, and visual program. This article reviews the conflicting evidence previously presented by scholars to propose an alternative hypothesis based on new research exploring esoteric Buddhism and art at Dunhuang. As with the majority of esoteric art in Mogao Caves from the Tang and Five Dynasties, this research also supports the hypothesis that the content and pictorial program in the Hall of Heavenly Kings are in fact not Tibetan-influenced, but rather signify the tradition of the ‘three ācāryas’ of Tang China (Śubhākarasiṃha, Vajrabodhi, and Amoghavajra), ultimately derived from the Pallava Dynasty and, crucially, imported into the Hexi Corridor before the Tibetan conquest.","PeriodicalId":36684,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Chinese Religions","volume":"7 1","pages":"245 - 266"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47960259","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2021.1942522
Saerji
ABSTRACT This article focuses on one folio of Tibetan tantric ritual text recently collected by the National Library of China, based on a tentative translation, discussing its peculiarities on Tibetan orthography and expression, its esoteric elements, especially its rituals of the dead and making clay tablet (tsha tsha), attempts to trace the Indian origin of the text and its influences on related Tibetan texts.
{"title":"A preliminary study on one folio of Tibetan tantric ritual text recently collected by the national library of China","authors":"Saerji","doi":"10.1080/23729988.2021.1942522","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23729988.2021.1942522","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article focuses on one folio of Tibetan tantric ritual text recently collected by the National Library of China, based on a tentative translation, discussing its peculiarities on Tibetan orthography and expression, its esoteric elements, especially its rituals of the dead and making clay tablet (tsha tsha), attempts to trace the Indian origin of the text and its influences on related Tibetan texts.","PeriodicalId":36684,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Chinese Religions","volume":"7 1","pages":"236 - 244"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48539316","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2021.1996973
G. Keyworth
ABSTRACT Myriad sources ranging from Kuroda Toshio’s (1926–1993) ground-breaking methodological research about the exoteric-esoteric Buddhist institutional system (kenmitsu taisei 顕密体制) that governed the practice of Buddhism at the seven ‘great’ temples during the Heian – Nanbokuchō period (794–1392) to the remarkable Tengu zōshi emaki 天狗草紙絵巻 (Illustrated Scrolls of Tengu on Rough Paper) demonstrate how widespread and well-known the idea of the dual cultivation of exoteric and esoteric Buddhist practice was in medieval Japan. We know from the sacred teachings documents (shōgyō聖教) from the libraries of three temples – Amanosan Kongōji (in Osaka), Shinpukuji (Nagoya), and Shōmyōji (Yokohama) – that catalogs were produced locally to classify meticulously copied ritual manuals, commentaries to exoteric and exoteric sūtras and commentaries, and other documents. In this article I introduce Kongōji as a prime example of how exoteric Buddhist texts were ritually employed there, followed by Zenne 禅恵 (alt. Zen’e 1284–1364) and his catalogs, and then present an overview of the sacred documents he marked as exoteric. I also explain why exoteric or ‘mainstream’ Buddhism must not be excluded from the study of the history of medieval Japanese Buddhism 顕密体制天狗草紙絵巻聖教御請来目録禅恵称名寺.
{"title":"Following medieval Chinese Buddhist precedents with ritual practices using exoteric Buddhist scriptures (kengyō 顕経) from Amanosan Kongōji 天野山金剛寺 and Shinpukuji 真福寺in medieval Japan","authors":"G. Keyworth","doi":"10.1080/23729988.2021.1996973","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23729988.2021.1996973","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Myriad sources ranging from Kuroda Toshio’s (1926–1993) ground-breaking methodological research about the exoteric-esoteric Buddhist institutional system (kenmitsu taisei 顕密体制) that governed the practice of Buddhism at the seven ‘great’ temples during the Heian – Nanbokuchō period (794–1392) to the remarkable Tengu zōshi emaki 天狗草紙絵巻 (Illustrated Scrolls of Tengu on Rough Paper) demonstrate how widespread and well-known the idea of the dual cultivation of exoteric and esoteric Buddhist practice was in medieval Japan. We know from the sacred teachings documents (shōgyō聖教) from the libraries of three temples – Amanosan Kongōji (in Osaka), Shinpukuji (Nagoya), and Shōmyōji (Yokohama) – that catalogs were produced locally to classify meticulously copied ritual manuals, commentaries to exoteric and exoteric sūtras and commentaries, and other documents. In this article I introduce Kongōji as a prime example of how exoteric Buddhist texts were ritually employed there, followed by Zenne 禅恵 (alt. Zen’e 1284–1364) and his catalogs, and then present an overview of the sacred documents he marked as exoteric. I also explain why exoteric or ‘mainstream’ Buddhism must not be excluded from the study of the history of medieval Japanese Buddhism 顕密体制天狗草紙絵巻聖教御請来目録禅恵称名寺.","PeriodicalId":36684,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Chinese Religions","volume":"7 1","pages":"173 - 202"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43568036","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2021.1941619
Zijie Li
ABSTRACT In this article, I argue that although the Pusa yingluo benye jing 瓔珞本業經 [Sutra of the Diadem of the Primary Activities of the Bodhisattvas] utilised the theory of zhongxing 種姓 (Skt. gotra; Jp. shushō; caste) in the Pusa dichi jing 菩薩地持經 [Sutra of Stages of Bodhisattvas], the Pusa yingluo benye jing changed the explanation of zhongxing with the stages of bodhisattvas. According to Kūkai and Saichō’s interpretations of shushō related issues, the Pusa dichi jing and the Pusa yingluo benye jing were still mainstream. The theory of zhongxing in these two texts strongly influenced their thoughts on shushō.
{"title":"Kūkai 空海 (774–835) and Saichō’s 最澄 (766–822) theories on gotra 種姓 (caste)","authors":"Zijie Li","doi":"10.1080/23729988.2021.1941619","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23729988.2021.1941619","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In this article, I argue that although the Pusa yingluo benye jing 瓔珞本業經 [Sutra of the Diadem of the Primary Activities of the Bodhisattvas] utilised the theory of zhongxing 種姓 (Skt. gotra; Jp. shushō; caste) in the Pusa dichi jing 菩薩地持經 [Sutra of Stages of Bodhisattvas], the Pusa yingluo benye jing changed the explanation of zhongxing with the stages of bodhisattvas. According to Kūkai and Saichō’s interpretations of shushō related issues, the Pusa dichi jing and the Pusa yingluo benye jing were still mainstream. The theory of zhongxing in these two texts strongly influenced their thoughts on shushō.","PeriodicalId":36684,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Chinese Religions","volume":"7 1","pages":"221 - 235"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60101114","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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