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The Life of the Buddha 佛陀的一生
Pub Date : 1956-08-01 DOI: 10.2307/2941952
Benjamin Rowland join, Anil de Silva-Vigier
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引用次数: 0
Commodore Perry and the Opening of Japan . By Ferdinand Kuhn. Illus. J. Graham Kaye. New York: Random House, 1955. v, 183. Index. $1.50. 佩里准将和日本的开放。费迪南德·库恩著。插图。J. Graham Kaye。纽约:兰登书屋,1955年。v, 183。索引。1.50美元。
Pub Date : 1956-08-01 DOI: 10.2307/2941958
G. Lensen
complex scale, comparable conflicts between the desire of officials in underdeveloped countries for help and their shame at fully revealing the scope of the needs of their countrymen; fear, misunderstanding, indifference, and opposition among the beneficiaries; problems of communication in cooperative ventures; conflicts of authority and jurisdiction; problems of decision-making and of the execution of decisions; and, above all, the delicate interactions between the particular part of the economy or culture directly and immediately affected by technical aid, and other components. While each of these case histories presents failures, each also offers successes. The programs of the land reform in Taiwan, of the hookworm campaign in Ceylon, and of the introduction of democratic employment practices in Japan represent large measures of success. The reasons for both failures and successes are illuminating. The editors and contributors are to be commended for their initiative and competence in carrying through this project.
不发达国家官员寻求帮助的愿望与他们对充分揭示其同胞需求范围的羞耻之间的复杂规模和可比冲突;受益者之间的恐惧、误解、冷漠和反对;合作企业中的沟通问题;权力和管辖权的冲突;决策和决策执行的问题;最重要的是,受技术援助直接和直接影响的经济或文化的特定部分与其他组成部分之间的微妙互动。虽然这些案例都有失败的一面,但也都有成功的一面。台湾的土地改革,锡兰的钩虫运动,以及日本引入民主就业实践的项目,都是成功的重要标志。失败和成功的原因都很有启发性。编辑和投稿人在完成这个项目中表现出的主动性和能力值得赞扬。
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引用次数: 5
Indiana University Conference on Oriental-Western Literary Relations . Ed. Horst Frenz and G. L. Anderson. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1955. xii, 241. $4.50.
Pub Date : 1956-08-01 DOI: 10.2307/2941926
D. Keene
Indiana University Conference on Oriental-Western Literary Relations. Ed. HORST FRENZ and G. L. ANDERSON. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1955. xii, 241. $4.50. The increase of interest in the study of literatures outside the European tradition, one of the happier developments in the academic world of recent years, led to the conference held in 1954 at Indiana University on "Oriental-Western Literary Relations." The present volume, based on papers delivered at this conference, is a praiseworthy publication and deserves the support of persons professionally interested in any oriental literatures. "Oriental" is admittedly a vague term. As used here, it includes literature written all the way from southern Spain to Japan, leaving as "Western" only the westernmost fringes of the Eurasian continent and the (until recently) uncivilized wilderness of America. It is obvious from the geographical extent of the "Orient" that its neglect in the teaching given at most universities is indefensible; it is also clear that the common "Oriental" heritage of a poet in Seville or Fez with one in Kyoto or Peking cannot have been very close. And yet there is a meaning in giving in one volume so broad a survey of non-European literatures. One of the common problems of "Oriental" writers in recent years, as we can gather from this book, has been the adoption of the colloquial language in place of a formal written language. This problem has varied from country to country, but that it has been faced alike by writers in Egypt, Bengal, China, and Japan deserves our attention, and in itself suggests a reason why the literature of the "Orient" at points seems skimpy when compared with European literature. It surely comes as a shock when (p. 225) a scholar of Chinese literature informs us that only one "Chinese novel of importance" remains to be translated, the other six already existing in English versions. Are there then only seven novels of importance in Chinese literature? And, we may ask, are there even that many (until recently at least) in Japanese literature? And none at all before the twentieth century in Arabic literature? One is tempted to form the conclusion that the writing of novels requires a mastery of colloquial prose, such as was widely achieved in seventeenth-century Europe, but which in China and Japan was achieved only sporadically by individual masters.
印第安纳大学东西方文学关系研讨会。埃德·霍斯特·弗兰兹和g·l·安德森。教堂山:北卡罗来纳大学出版社,1955年。十二,241年。4.50美元。对欧洲传统以外文学研究兴趣的增加,是近年来学术界可喜的发展之一,导致1954年在印第安纳大学举行了“东西方文学关系”会议。本卷以本次会议上发表的论文为基础,是一本值得赞扬的出版物,值得对任何东方文学感兴趣的专业人士的支持。无可否认,“东方”是一个模糊的术语。在这里,它包括从西班牙南部到日本的所有文学作品,只留下欧亚大陆最西端的边缘和(直到最近)未开化的美洲荒野作为“西方”。从“东方”的地理范围来看,很明显,大多数大学在教学中忽视东方是不可原谅的;同样明显的是,塞维利亚或非斯的诗人与京都或北京的诗人的共同“东方”遗产不可能非常接近。然而,在一卷书中对非欧洲文学进行如此广泛的调查是有意义的。从这本书中我们可以看出,近年来“东方”作家的一个共同问题是用口语代替正式的书面语言。这个问题因国而异,但埃及、孟加拉、中国和日本的作家都面临着同样的问题,这一点值得我们关注,这本身就说明了为什么与欧洲文学相比,“东方”文学在某些方面显得贫乏。当一位中国文学学者告诉我们,只有一部“重要的中国小说”还有待翻译时,我们肯定会感到震惊,其他六部已经有了英文版。那么,中国文学史上的重要小说就只有七部吗?而且,我们可能会问,日本文学中有这么多(至少直到最近)吗?在二十世纪之前的阿拉伯文学中根本就没有?人们很容易得出这样的结论:写小说需要掌握口语化的散文,这在17世纪的欧洲是普遍的,但在中国和日本,只有个别的大师才能做到。
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引用次数: 0
The impact of the West on government in Thailand 西方对泰国政府的影响
Pub Date : 1956-08-01 DOI: 10.2307/2941946
David A. Wilson, W. Vella
are of little value to English-speaking users. For example, many types of airplanes are identified (though not all), but "runway" is not included. "Take-off" is included with an equivalent, but "to taxi" and "landing-gear" are only explained. In the field of linguistics one is surprised to find an entry for "phoneme" which is found only rarely in the latest editions of English dictionaries. However, the term is here incorrectly equated with "phone." "Linguist" and "philologist" have been equated and both are correctly distinguished from "polyglot," though this may be somewhat confusing to Vietnamese users since "linguist" is used to mean "polyglot" in most non-technical writings. But then so are we somewhat confused on this usage. All things considered this dictionary is a very ambitious undertaking which should prove very useful. It will surely not satisfy all the needs of all its users.
对于说英语的用户来说没有什么价值。例如,许多类型的飞机被识别(虽然不是全部),但“跑道”不包括在内。“起飞”包含在一个等价词中,但只解释了“滑行”和“起落架”。在语言学领域,人们会惊讶地发现“音素”一词的词条,这在最新版本的英语词典中是很少出现的。然而,这个词在这里被错误地等同于“电话”。“语言学家”和“语言学家”已经被等同起来,两者都可以正确地与“多语言”区分开来,尽管这可能会让越南用户有些困惑,因为“语言学家”在大多数非技术著作中被用来表示“多语言”。但是我们对这个用法有些困惑。从各方面考虑,这本词典是一项雄心勃勃的事业,应该证明是非常有用的。它肯定不会满足所有用户的所有需求。
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引用次数: 34
Select Documents on Japanese Foreign Policy, 1853–1868 . Tr. and ed. W. G. Beasley. London: Oxford University Press, 1955. xii, 359. Appendices, Bibliography, Index. $8.00.
Pub Date : 1956-08-01 DOI: 10.2307/2941940
Robert S. Schwantes
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引用次数: 0
English-Vietnamese Dictionary. English-Vietnamese字典。
Pub Date : 1956-08-01 DOI: 10.2307/2941945
Robert Jones, Nguyên-vǎn-Khôn
economic and social sectors, it is not too clearly worked out nor is the precise meaning of "balance" readily apparent. In the important role the report assigns to enterprise and to institutional factors, there is clear evidence that growth theory needs to be concerned with more than the strictly economic factors involved in social change. But precisely which factors, and how to identify those that will be crucial in different cases, are questions not answered by the report. Such comments, of course, are more in the nature of reflections on the status of development economics, than criticism of the report. The Bank mission should not be criticized for failing to answer questions with which it was not concerned.
经济和社会部门,它没有很清楚地制定出来,“平衡”的确切含义也没有很明显。在报告赋予企业和制度因素的重要作用中,有明确的证据表明,增长理论需要关注的不仅仅是与社会变革有关的严格的经济因素。但具体是哪些因素,以及如何识别在不同情况下至关重要的因素,是报告没有回答的问题。当然,这些评论更多的是对发展经济学现状的反思,而不是对报告的批评。不应批评世界银行代表团没有回答与它无关的问题。
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引用次数: 3
The Asian-African Conference. 亚非会议。
Pub Date : 1956-08-01 DOI: 10.2307/2941955
M. Conant, George McTurnan Kahin
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引用次数: 77
Les cinq grandes religions du monde . By Helmut von Glasenapp. Translated from the German by Pierre Jundt. Paris: Payot, 1954. 558. 1,700 francs.
Pub Date : 1956-08-01 DOI: 10.2307/2941959
E. D. Saunders
honestly against our own standards of right and wrong. Comments Mr. Kuhn: "If there had been a United Nations in Perry's day—if there had been a Charter pledging nations not to use or threaten force—the Japan Expedition would have been regarded as a threat to world peace. Japan or some other nation could have brought the threat before the Security Council, and the United States would have been in the wrong. There cannot be the slightest doubt about it." (p. 158) Though the author concludes that "if any nation was to open Japan by the threat of force, probably it was fortunate that the United States did it" (p. 160), his book remains a model of objectivity for such popular presentation.
诚实地违背我们自己的是非标准。库恩先生评论道:“如果在佩里的时代有一个联合国,如果有一个保证各国不使用或威胁使用武力的宪章,那么日本远征就会被视为对世界和平的威胁。日本或其他国家本可以向安理会提出这一威胁,而美国就错了。这一点是不容置疑的。”(第158页)尽管作者得出结论,“如果有哪个国家要以武力威胁打开日本的大门,很可能幸好是美国这么做了”(第160页),但他的书仍然是这种流行表述的客观典范。
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引用次数: 0
China and the Cold War. A Study in International Politics . By Michael Lindsay (Lord Lindsay of Birker). New York: Cambridge University Press, 1955. xv, 286. Maps, Appendix, Index. $3.75. 中国和冷战。国际政治研究。作者:迈克尔·林赛(Birker的林赛勋爵)纽约:剑桥大学出版社,1955年。十五,286年。地图,附录,索引。3.75美元。
Pub Date : 1956-08-01 DOI: 10.2307/2941927
H. Mcaleavy
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引用次数: 1
Reactions in Communist China: An Analysis of Letters to Newspaper Editors. 共产主义中国的反应:对报纸编辑来信的分析。
Pub Date : 1956-08-01 DOI: 10.2307/2941928
O. Clubb, Charles K. A. Wang, S. Chiu, Wen-Hui C. Chen, Charles K. A. Wang
by the Communists." He produces an example. General Wedemeyer in a speech in 1946 revealed his belief that the Chinese empire in the nineteenth century "consisted essentially of feudal dynasties, whose leaders, or warlords, paid tribute to the Emperor," and went on to praise the achievements of that great leader Chiang Kai-shek, who, he suggested, was devoted to the principle of free enterprise. I t is clear that General Wedemeyer would never pass an examination in Chinese history, and Lord Lindsay quite justly points out the error of supposing that the Kuomintang favoured free enterprise in the American sense. But, seriously, is this of the slightest importance? Does Lord Lindsay really think that mistakes of this kind, resulting from a lack of acquaintance with Chinese affairs, are to be mentioned in the same breath with the Communist fabrications? Why does he not simply prove his point by giving us an American falsification of Chinese history "quite as bad" as the Communist stories of germ warfare? Indeed, Lord Lindsay seems far too apt to make mountains out of molehills. For instance, it is common knowledge that the authorities in Chungking retained contact with some of the civil and military officials of the Wang Chingwei regime. We learn from Lord Lindsay that General Ho Ying-ch'in told the American Air Force that it would be safe for American airmen to make forced landings in certain areas held by "puppet" units, as he had sufficient authority with these latter to secure the return of any such Americans. To most people, all this would seem a commendable example of old-fashioned Chinese commonsense, but Lord Lindsay will have no truck with it and denounces it as "evidence of Kuomintang-Japanese collaboration." As Lord Lindsay tells us himself that General Ho was at pains to explain to his American friends that he was able to make such an arrangement only because the "puppet" troops had comparatively few Japanese attached to them, it is not easy to see how he can have arrived at such a conclusion. HENRY MCALEAVY School of Oriental and African Studies University of London
是共产党干的。”他举了一个例子。魏德迈将军在1946年的一次演讲中表示,他认为19世纪的中华帝国“基本上由封建王朝组成,其领导人或军阀向皇帝进贡”,并接着赞扬了伟大领袖蒋介石的成就,他认为蒋介石致力于自由企业原则。很明显,魏德迈将军永远不会通过中国历史的考试,林德赛勋爵非常公正地指出,假设国民党喜欢美国意义上的自由企业是错误的。但是,说真的,这一点都不重要吗?林赛勋爵真的认为,由于对中国事务缺乏了解而造成的这种错误,应该与共产党的捏造相提并论吗?为什么他不简单地证明他的观点,给我们一个美国人对中国历史的歪曲,“相当糟糕”,就像共产党的细菌战故事一样?的确,林赛勋爵似乎太容易小题大做了。例如,众所周知,重庆当局与汪精卫政权的一些文武官员保持着联系。我们从林赛勋爵那里得知,何应钦将军告诉美国空军,美国空军在“傀儡”部队控制的某些地区强行降落是安全的,因为他对这些“傀儡”部队有足够的权力,可以确保任何这样的美国人返回。对大多数人来说,这一切似乎都是中国传统常识的一个值得称赞的例子,但林德赛勋爵对此不屑一顾,并谴责这是“国民军与日本勾结的证据”。正如林赛勋爵亲自告诉我们的那样,何将军煞费苦心地向他的美国朋友解释,他之所以能够做出这样的安排,只是因为“傀儡”部队的日本人相对较少,很难看出他是如何得出这样的结论的。伦敦大学东方与非洲研究学院
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The Far Eastern Quarterly
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