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Introduction: The Russian Welfare State in a Time of Economic Stagnation 引言:经济停滞时期的俄罗斯福利国家
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-09-27 DOI: 10.1163/2451-8921-00403001
L. Cook, Jørn Holm-Hansen, Markku Kivinen, S. Kuhnle
This Special Issue is devoted to Russia’s welfare state during the years of economic stagnation that began in 2013. Twelve experts assess social conditions and reforms in poverty, labor market, pension, housing and education policies. They show that social mobility has stagnated in conditions of deep inequality and just-above-poverty incomes for many. Innovative labor market and anti-poverty policies are hampered by low productivity and wages, both features of an oligarchic economic model that blocks competition and development. Welfare commitments heavily burden the state budget, producing reforms that transfer costs to users. The authors find that popular protests have forced government to partially mitigate these reforms. Putin’s government appears trapped between oligarchic economic interests and popular expectations for welfare. The final article compares China’s comparatively successful welfare trajectories with those of Russia, and proposes an agenda for further research.
本期特刊专门报道俄罗斯自2013年开始的经济停滞时期的福利状况。12名专家评估了社会状况以及贫困、劳动力市场、养老金、住房和教育政策方面的改革。它们表明,在严重不平等的条件下,社会流动性停滞不前,许多人的收入略高于贫困。创新的劳动力市场和反贫困政策受到低生产率和低工资的阻碍,这两个特点都是阻碍竞争和发展的寡头经济模式。福利承诺给国家预算带来了沉重负担,产生了将成本转移给用户的改革。作者发现,民众抗议迫使政府部分缓解这些改革。普京政府似乎陷入了寡头经济利益和民众对福利的期望之间。最后一篇文章将中国相对成功的福利轨迹与俄罗斯进行了比较,并提出了进一步研究的议程。
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引用次数: 4
Reforms in the Field of Pensions, Education and Housing, as Portrayed in the Russian Mass Media 俄罗斯大众媒体报道的养老金、教育和住房领域的改革
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-09-27 DOI: 10.1163/2451-8921-00403006
Daria Prisiazhniuk, Jørn Holm-Hansen
Welfare reforms in contemporary Russia are based on partial redistribution of responsibilities and resources from the state to other actors, including private business and civil society. Reforms in old age pensions, housing and utilities, primary and secondary education have affected wide social groups and have triggered public debates and protests, reflected in the mass media. This article analyses how these reforms are portrayed in three Russian media outlets representing different political positions—Rossiiskaia gazeta (official government media outlet), Novaia gazeta (independent media outlet belonging to the liberal opposition), and Zavtra (patriotic media outlet belonging to the nationalist opposition). The two independent papers have divergent critical perspectives on reforms. These three Federation-wide newspapers represent the range of political positions that are articulated publicly on non-securitized issues in contemporary Russia.
当代俄罗斯的福利改革是基于将责任和资源从国家部分重新分配给其他行为者,包括私营企业和民间社会。养老保险、住房和公用事业、小学和中学教育的改革影响了广泛的社会群体,并引发了公众辩论和抗议,反映在大众媒体上。本文分析了代表不同政治立场的三家俄罗斯媒体——政府官方媒体Rossiiskaia gazeta、自由派反对派独立媒体Novaia gazeta和民族主义反对派爱国媒体Zavtra——对这些改革的描述。这两篇独立论文对改革有不同的批评观点。这三份联邦范围内的报纸代表了当代俄罗斯在非安全化问题上公开表达的一系列政治立场。
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引用次数: 1
The Politics of Retirement Age Increase in Russia: Proposals, Protests and Concessions 俄罗斯提高退休年龄的政治:提议、抗议和让步
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-09-27 DOI: 10.1163/2451-8921-00403005
E. Maltseva
The article discusses the changes to the Russian pension system since 2013, focusing specifically on the most recent policy moves. It argues that, despite the apparent instability of the Russian pension system caused by numerous policy shifts that have occurred since 2015, one element has remained constant: since the early 1990s the transformation of the Russian pension system has been driven primarily by neoliberal economic advisers to the Russian government. Passage of the long-delayed decision to raise the retirement age, which provoked large-scale protests, can be understood in light of the current geopolitical and economic risks that complicate the future of Russian economy.
这篇文章讨论了自2013年以来俄罗斯养老金制度的变化,特别关注了最近的政策举措。它认为,尽管自2015年以来发生的许多政策转变导致俄罗斯养老金制度明显不稳定,但有一个因素仍然存在:自20世纪90年代初以来,俄罗斯养老金制度的转型主要是由俄罗斯政府的新自由主义经济顾问推动的。推迟已久的提高退休年龄决定的通过引发了大规模抗议,这可以理解为当前地缘政治和经济风险使俄罗斯经济的未来复杂化。
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引用次数: 4
Income Inequality and Food Insecurity in Russia 俄罗斯的收入不平等与粮食不安全
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-09-27 DOI: 10.1163/2451-8921-00403002
T. Remington
The transition in Russia to a partially market-driven economy has failed to produce sustained and broad-based economic growth. The gains of economic growth are concentrated at the top of the income distribution, leaving a sizable part of the population trapped in conditions of low incomes. While abject poverty has largely been eliminated, around 40% of the population struggle to purchase more than basic consumer necessities. Spending on food occupies nearly half of household budgets for the lowest income decile. State social spending, which constitutes an increasing share of total income, is relatively non-progressive. Most is not means-based, but preserves the categorical benefits structure of the Soviet era. A combination of the bureaucratic-authoritarian institutional framework for decision-making and the strongly rent-based relationship between economic and political elites, severely limits policy options.
俄罗斯向部分市场驱动型经济的过渡未能产生持续和广泛的经济增长。经济增长的收益集中在收入分配的顶端,使相当一部分人口陷入低收入状态。虽然赤贫基本上已经消除,但大约40%的人口难以购买超过基本消费必需品的商品。对于收入最低的十分之一家庭来说,食品支出几乎占据了家庭预算的一半。国家社会支出在总收入中所占份额越来越大,相对而言是不累进的。大多数都不是基于收入,而是保留了苏联时代的绝对利益结构。官僚专制的决策体制框架与经济精英和政治精英之间强烈的基于租金的关系相结合,严重限制了政策选择。
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引用次数: 2
Reform and Stability – The Russian and the Chinese Welfare Systems Compared 改革与稳定——俄罗斯与中国福利制度比较
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-09-27 DOI: 10.1163/2451-8921-00403007
Markus Kainu, Markku Kivinen, S. Kuhnle, Chunling Li
Systematic theoretical work on Russian and Chinese social policy seems to be lacking. While previous research establishes how democratic systems produce welfare, it is unclear what kind of welfare such transitional systems provide. Our analysis adheres to structuration based theoretical explanations, taking into account both agency and structure as factors needed to explain these regimes’ welfare policy. Hybrid regimes are eager to adopt global liberally oriented welfare policies, which tend to ignore popular demands. Western analysis of Russian and Chinese social policy emphasizes the dualistic influence of liberal versus statist social policy. This dualistic conceptualization fails to take into account the contradictions between ideological frames and hybrid regimes’ vulnerability to popular pressures. Widespread corruption undermines formal procedures and underlies growth of informal practices. Both Russia and China have considerable welfare achievements and vast problems. In conditions of economic growth, both have experienced huge increases in inequality and individualization of risk.
对俄罗斯和中国社会政策的系统理论研究似乎缺乏。虽然先前的研究确定了民主制度如何产生福利,但尚不清楚这种过渡制度提供什么样的福利。我们的分析坚持基于结构的理论解释,考虑到代理和结构作为解释这些政权福利政策所需的因素。混合型政权急于采取以全球自由主义为导向的福利政策,而这些政策往往无视民众的要求。西方对俄罗斯和中国社会政策的分析强调了自由主义与中央集权社会政策的二元影响。这种二元论的概念化没有考虑到意识形态框架和混合型政权对民众压力的脆弱性之间的矛盾。普遍的腐败破坏了正式程序,助长了非正式行为的增长。俄罗斯和中国都有相当大的福利成就和巨大的问题。在经济增长的条件下,两者都经历了不平等和风险个性化的大幅增加。
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引用次数: 0
Azerbaijan’s Russia Conundrum: Towards the Rise of an Unlikely Alliance 阿塞拜疆的俄罗斯难题:走向一个不太可能的联盟的崛起
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-06-14 DOI: 10.1163/2451-8921-00402005
M. Ismayilov
Since Heydar Aliyev, the father of the incumbent president Ilham Aliyev, became the country’s president in 1993, Azerbaijan has been known for its staunch pursuit of a so-called “balanced” policy in its relations with the outside world, particularly Russia and the West. Whereas in the past this policy tended to be “balanced” more in favor of the West as far as Azerbaijan’s strategic interests were concerned, Baku’s political disposition has shifted decidedly towards Russia in recent years. Over the past decade, several developments on the national, regional, and global levels have worked to gradually alter the long-established regional dynamic and alignment patterns, bringing Azerbaijan back into the Russian fold. This article’s objective is to critically examine those developments to shed more light on the nature of Azerbaijani-Russian relations today and their prospects for the future.
自现任总统伊利哈姆·阿利耶夫的父亲海达尔·阿利耶夫于1993年成为该国总统以来,阿塞拜疆一直以在与外部世界,特别是俄罗斯和西方的关系中坚定奉行所谓的“平衡”政策而闻名。在过去,就阿塞拜疆的战略利益而言,这一政策往往是“平衡的”,更有利于西方,而巴库的政治倾向近年来明显转向了俄罗斯。在过去十年中,国家、区域和全球层面的一些事态发展逐渐改变了长期确立的区域动态和结盟模式,使阿塞拜疆重新融入俄罗斯阵营。本文的目的是批判性地审视这些事态发展,以便更多地了解阿塞拜疆与俄罗斯关系的性质及其未来前景。
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引用次数: 0
Russia’s Regime-on-the-Move 俄罗斯政权的动向
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-06-14 DOI: 10.1163/2451-8921-00402002
H. Hale, M. Lipman, N. Petrov
Russia’s political system must be understood as inherently dynamic, with constant regime change being essential to how the regime operates and survives. This regime change does not proceed monotonically toward ever tighter authoritarianism, but can move in both liberal and repressive directions at different times. While on aggregate the trend has been to greater authoritarianism under Putin, certain liberalizing moves have also been important that are meaningful for how ordinary Russians and elites experience their own regime, and greater repressiveness is not foreordained. We document two forms of endemic regime dynamism in Russia, each involving contingent, improvisational efforts at short-term recalibration in response to crises that are both endogenous and exogenous to the regime: structural improvisation and ideational improvisation.
俄罗斯的政治体系必须被理解为内在的动态,不断的政权更迭对政权的运作和生存至关重要。这种政权更迭并不是单调地走向更加严格的威权主义,而是可以在不同的时间朝着自由和镇压的方向发展。虽然总的来说,普京领导下的威权主义倾向更大,但某些自由化举措也很重要,对普通俄罗斯人和精英如何体验自己的政权很有意义,更大的镇压并不是注定的。我们记录了俄罗斯地方性政权动态的两种形式,每种形式都涉及临时的、即兴的短期调整努力,以应对政权的内生和外生危机:结构即兴和概念即兴。
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引用次数: 7
What Happened to Soviet Security Studies?: An Essay on the State of the Field 苏联安全研究发生了什么?:田野状况随笔
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-06-14 DOI: 10.1163/2451-8921-00402003
B. Taylor
Security issues were a central part of Soviet studies. This article considers how the study of security issues has changed with respect to Russia and Eurasia since the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union. It highlights a series of positive changes: a broadening of vision beyond Moscow, more engagement with mainstream social science, greater attention to security issues internal to post-Soviet states, and the creation of an expert community that spans North America, Europe, and Eurasia. At the same time, I argue that scholarship on Russian and Eurasian security issues has become less strategic, in the sense this word is used by Richard Betts – about the interaction of political ends and military means, rooted in an appreciation of military science. The academy, especially in North America, has become a less welcoming place for scholars working on Russia and Eurasia who care about previously central issues in the field such as nuclear strategy, weapons procurement, military doctrine, and defense planning.
安全问题是苏联研究的核心部分。本文考虑了自冷战结束和苏联解体以来,俄罗斯和欧亚大陆对安全问题的研究发生了怎样的变化。它强调了一系列积极的变化:将视野扩大到莫斯科以外,更多地参与主流社会科学,更多地关注后苏联国家内部的安全问题,以及建立了一个横跨北美、欧洲和欧亚大陆的专家群体。与此同时,我认为,关于俄罗斯和欧亚安全问题的学术已经变得不那么具有战略意义,正如理查德·贝茨使用的这个词一样——关于政治目的和军事手段的互动,植根于对军事科学的欣赏。该学院,尤其是在北美,已经成为研究俄罗斯和欧亚大陆的学者们不太欢迎的地方,他们关心核战略、武器采购、军事学说和国防规划等领域以前的核心问题。
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引用次数: 0
What Russia Can Teach Us about Power and Influence in World Politics 关于世界政治中的权力和影响力,俄罗斯能教给我们什么
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-06-14 DOI: 10.1163/2451-8921-00402001
A. Melville, A. Akhremenko, M. Mironyuk
There is a striking opposition within the current discourse on Russia’s position in the world. On the one hand, there are well-known arguments about Russia’s “weak hand” (relatively small and stagnating economy, vulnerability to sanctions, technological backwardness, deteriorating demography, corruption, bad institutions, etc.). On the other hand, Russia is accused of “global revisionism”, attempts to reshape and undermine the liberal world order, and Western democracy itself. There seems to be a paradox: Russia with a perceived decline of major resources of national power, exercises dramatically increased international influence. This paradox of power and/or influence is further explored. This paper introduces a new complex Index of national power. On the basis of ratings of countries authors compare the dynamics of distribution of power in the world with a focus on Russia’s national power in world politics since 1995. The analysis brings evidence that the cumulative resources of Russia’s power in international affairs did not increase during the last two decades. However, Russia’s influence in world politics has significantly increased as demonstrated by assertive foreign policy in different parts of the world and its perception by the international political community and the public. Russia remains a major power in today’s world, although some of its power resources are stagnating or decreasing in comparison to the US and rising China. To compensate for weaknesses Russia is using both traditional and nontraditional capabilities of international influence.
在当前关于俄罗斯在世界上的地位的讨论中,存在着明显的反对意见。一方面,关于俄罗斯的“弱手”(经济规模相对较小且停滞不前,容易受到制裁,技术落后,人口结构恶化,腐败,糟糕的制度等)的争论众所周知。另一方面,俄罗斯被指责为“全球修正主义”,试图重塑和破坏自由世界秩序和西方民主本身。这似乎是一个悖论:俄罗斯的主要国力资源明显下降,但其国际影响力却急剧上升。这种权力和/或影响力的悖论被进一步探讨。本文介绍了一种新的综合国力指数。在国家评级的基础上,作者将世界权力分配的动态与1995年以来俄罗斯在世界政治中的国家力量进行了比较。分析表明,在过去20年里,俄罗斯在国际事务中积累的权力资源并没有增加。然而,俄罗斯在世界政治中的影响力显著增强,这体现在其在世界不同地区奉行的强硬外交政策以及国际政治团体和公众对其的看法上。俄罗斯仍然是当今世界的一个大国,尽管与美国和崛起的中国相比,它的一些权力资源正在停滞或减少。为了弥补这些弱点,俄罗斯正在利用传统和非传统的国际影响力。
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引用次数: 3
On the Issue of Regional Political Parties in Russia 论俄罗斯地区政党问题
IF 0.8 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-06-14 DOI: 10.1163/2451-8921-00402006
R. I. Zalyaev
The article deals with issues relating to the establishment of regional political parties in Russia. We assess the requirements imposed by the Political Parties Act (Federal Law 95-FZ of 11 July 2001) on the number of regional branches of a political party and analyze whether those requirements, which set an indirect ban on the creation and the activities of regional political parties, comply with the right of individuals to freedom of association. One of the conclusions made in the article is that the legislative restriction on the right to freedom of association introduced by the Political Parties Act as an indirect ban on the creation and the activities of regional political parties in Russia is excessive, it is disproportionate to the objective sought to be achieved by the measure in question and hinders the exercise of the right to freedom of association at the regional territorial level.
本文论述了俄罗斯建立地区政党的有关问题。我们评估了《政党法》(2001年7月11日第95-FZ号联邦法律)对政党地区分支机构数量的要求,并分析了这些要求是否符合个人结社自由的权利,这些要求间接禁止地区政党的创建和活动。文章得出的结论之一是,《政党法》对结社自由权的立法限制是对俄罗斯地区政党的创建和活动的间接禁令,这是过度的,这与有关措施寻求实现的目标不相称,阻碍了在区域领土一级行使结社自由权。
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引用次数: 0
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Russian Politics
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