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Writing Landscapes into Civilization: Ming Loyalist Ambitions on the Mekong Delta 把风景写进文明:湄公河三角洲的明朝保皇派野心
Pub Date : 2018-12-12 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10456P06
C. Ang
After the collapse of the Ming dynasty, a group of Ming loyalists settled in Hà Tiên (located on the Vietnamese side of the modern border between Cambodia and Vietnam) on the Mekong delta. On those frontier lands, they built a settlement around a port that maintained close connections with Guangdong and Fujian. This article examines an eighteenth-century literary project that took as its focus ten scenic sites in Hà Tiên. The poems were distributed via the coastal trading network to poets in Vietnam and the Chinese mainland, who composed matching poems and returned them with the next sailing season. These poetic compositions functioned as a medium through which the originator of the project rendered his domain civilized by giving pattern (wen 文) to Hà Tiên’s natural environment. Moreover, he encoded in them messages that urged dispersed Ming loyalists to make Hà Tiên their new capital. Close study of the ten original poems uncovers the motivations of a second-generation Ming loyalist, who composed landscape poetry to create a new home outside the Chinese mainland.
明朝灭亡后,一群忠于明朝的人定居在湄公河三角洲的hhomo Tiên(位于柬埔寨和越南之间现代边界的越南一侧)。在这些边境土地上,他们在一个与广东和福建保持密切联系的港口周围建立了一个定居点。本文考察了一个18世纪的文学项目,该项目以荷马Tiên的十个景点为重点。这些诗歌通过沿海贸易网络分发给越南和中国大陆的诗人,他们创作出与之相匹配的诗歌,并在下一个航行季节返回。这些诗歌作品作为一种媒介,通过这些媒介,该项目的发起人通过给hosTiên的自然环境以图案(文文),使他的领域变得文明。此外,他还在信中编码了一些信息,敦促分散的明朝效忠者以霍姆斯Tiên为新都。通过对这十首诗的深入研究,我们可以发现这位第二代忠于明朝的人创作山水诗的动机是为了在中国大陆之外创造一个新的家园。
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引用次数: 1
The Tang Poet in Song Poetics, Song Poetics in the Tang Poet: The Construction of Du Fu’s Image as Verbal Master 宋诗学中的唐诗,唐诗中的宋诗学:杜甫语言大师形象的建构
Pub Date : 2018-12-10 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10456P04
Jue Chen
The image of Du Fu as a poet who excels at using the most appropriate words in his poetry was, to a large extent, constructed by the poets and critics of the Song dynasty. When reading, transcribing, editing, and commenting on Du Fu’s poetic texts, the Song literati prioritized textual variants in Du Fu’s poetry that could in their opinion better demonstrate Du Fu’s poetic craftsmanship; by doing so, they defined Du Fu as a verbal master who was able to use the finest words in poetic composition. The Song literati’s interest in word usage in Du Fu’s poetry was essentially a projection of their own desire to pursue expressional effect in poetic composition, which drove them to learn from Du Fu.
杜甫善于用词得体的形象,在很大程度上是由宋代诗人和评论家塑造的。宋朝文人在阅读、抄写、编辑、评介杜甫诗歌文本时,优先考虑杜甫诗歌中那些在他们看来更能体现杜甫诗歌技艺的文本变体;通过这样做,他们将杜甫定义为能够在诗歌创作中使用最好的词语的语言大师。宋朝文人对杜甫诗歌用词的兴趣,本质上是他们追求诗歌表达效果的愿望的投射,这种愿望驱使他们向杜甫学习。
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引用次数: 1
Yuan Hong’s 袁宏 Evaluation of the Han-Wei Transition 袁弘对汉魏转型的评价
Pub Date : 2018-12-10 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10456P03
Sebastian Eicher
The early depictions of the transition from the Han 漢 (25-220) to the Wei dynasty 魏 (220-265) are surprisingly diverse. Within a span of less than two hundred years, several historians arrived at different views on the event’s legitimacy and as a result described it in widely varying tones. This is still visible in the dynastic histories: while Chen Shou’s 陳壽 (233-297) Sanguo zhi 三國志 paints the picture of the establishment of a legitimate dynasty, Fan Ye 范曄 (398-446) in his Hou Han shu 後漢書 describes a ruthless overthrow of the Han court by Cao Cao 曹操 (155-220) and his son Cao Pi 曹丕 (187-226).
关于从汉朝(25-220)到魏朝(220-265)过渡的早期描述令人惊讶地多样化。在不到200年的时间里,几位历史学家对这一事件的合法性得出了不同的看法,因此用不同的语气描述了它。这在朝代史中仍然可见:陈寿的《三国志》描绘了一个合法王朝的建立,范晔的《后汉书》(398-446)描述了曹操(155-220)和他的儿子曹丕(187-226)无情地推翻了汉朝。
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引用次数: 1
Ming Loyalists in Southeast Asia: As Perceived Through Various Asian and European Records, written by Claudine Salmon, 2014 东南亚的明朝保皇派:通过各种亚洲和欧洲记录的感知,克劳丁·萨蒙著,2014年
Pub Date : 2018-12-10 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10456P09
A. Schottenhammer
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引用次数: 0
Ideology of Power and Power of Ideology in Early China, edited by Yuri Pines, Paul Goldin, and Martin Kern, 2015 《权力的意识形态》与《意识形态的权力:早期中国》,派恩斯、高丁、克恩主编,2015年
Pub Date : 2018-12-10 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10456P07
M. Lewis
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引用次数: 0
Brush, Seal and Abacus: Troubled Vitality in Late Ming China’s Economic Heartland, 1500-1644, witten by Jie Zhao, 2018 《笔、印、算盘:明末中国经济中心的动荡活力(1500-1644)》,赵洁著,2018
Pub Date : 2018-12-10 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10456P10
Michael Marmé
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引用次数: 0
Explaining Perfection: Quanzhen and Thirteenth-century Chinese Literati 阐释完美:全真与十三世纪中国文人
Pub Date : 2018-12-10 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10456P05
Mark Halperin
The Quanzhen Daoist order stands as the most dynamic religious element in north China of the tumultuous thirteenth century. Drawing on funeral epitaphs and abbey commemorations, this article illustrates how famous and obscure Confucian scholar-officials interpreted the order’s remarkable success in various ways. Some credited Quanzhen with pruning Daoism of its post-Han dynasty excrescences and reviving the heritage’s basic teachings. For others, Quanzhen marked simply the latest chapter in Daoism’s undimmed heroic history. A third group pointed to the order’s ascetic discipline, which as a matter of course attracted elite and mass devotion. Significantly, epitaphs and commemorations composed by Quanzhen writers sounded similar themes, suggesting that the learned laity and clergy shared a common discourse casting the order as a force for Han culture during foreign occupation.
全真道教是动荡的十三世纪中国北方最具活力的宗教元素。本文以葬礼墓志铭和修道院纪念活动为例,阐述了著名和不知名的儒家士大夫如何以各种方式解释骑士团的非凡成功。一些人认为全真清除了后汉代道教的残余,恢复了传统的基本教义。对另一些人来说,全真只是道家光明英雄历史的最新篇章。第三个群体则指出了骑士团的苦行纪律,这理所当然地吸引了精英和大众的忠诚。值得注意的是,全真作家撰写的墓志铭和纪念活动听起来主题相似,这表明有学识的俗人和神职人员有着共同的话语,将全真会视为外国占领期间汉族文化的一股力量。
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引用次数: 1
Two Notes on Xie He’s 謝赫 “Six Criteria” (liufa 六法), Aided by Digital Databases 解贺《六法》六项标准的两注——以数字数据库为辅助
Pub Date : 2018-12-10 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10456P02
P. Goldin
This article uses evidence from digital databases to re-examine two controversial issues regarding the “Six Criteria” (liufa 六法) of painting listed by Xie He 謝赫 (d. after 532) in the preface to his Gu huapin lu 古畫品錄: (1) their syntax and phrasing, and (2) the origin and connotations of qiyun 氣韻, the most famous of the six. Despite recent claims to the contrary, the series of six numbered clauses taking the form “X, Y shi ye 是也” is unremarkable for the language of the time; moreover, the application of the Six Criteria in the subsequent biographies discloses that they are listed in decreasing order of importance. While the meaning and connotations of qiyun are impossible to state succinctly because they vary from one source to another, it is used (like similar phrases, such as yayun 雅韻 and shenyun 神韻) both to praise people’s character and as an aesthetic quality pertaining to music, literature, and art.
本文使用来自数字数据库的证据,重新审视谢赫在其《谷华品录》的前言中列出的绘画“六项标准”(刘发)的两个有争议的问题:(1)它们的语法和措辞,以及(2)六项中最著名的齐云的起源和内涵。尽管最近有相反的说法,以“X, Y是ye,是”的形式出现的六个数字从句在当时的语言中并不引人注目;此外,六项标准在随后的传记中的应用表明,它们是按重要性递减的顺序列出的。虽然“气韵”的含义和内涵不可能简洁地表述出来,因为它们在不同的来源中有所不同,但它(就像类似的短语,如“yayun”和“shenyun”)既被用来赞美人们的品格,也被用来作为音乐、文学和艺术的审美品质。
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引用次数: 3
Anatoly Polnarov, Looking Beyond Dichotomies: Hidden Diversity of Voices in the Yantielun 鹽鐵論 465 阿纳托利·波尔纳罗夫,超越二分法:《盐铁伦》中隐藏的声音多样性[j]
Pub Date : 2018-12-10 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10456p12
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引用次数: 0
Livres Reçus/Books Received Livres reus /已收图书
Pub Date : 2018-12-10 DOI: 10.1163/15685322-10456p11
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引用次数: 0
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T’oung Pao
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